UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

ARCHITECTURAL   DEPARTMENT   LIBRARY 


HISTORY 


OF 


ANCIENT  ART 


BY 

Dr.  FRANZ  von  REBER 

MBKTO«   or   TMB   BAVAKMN   SOYAL  AND   CTATB  GAI.LSlim   OF   PAINTIMQt 
MOPSSSOa   IN   TIW  UNIVXBUTV   AMD   rOLVTBCNNIC  OF   MUNICM 


ttcDiscli  bn  tl)c  ^utljor 


TRANSLATED     AND     AUGMENTED 

BY 

JOSEPH   THACHER  CLARKE 


WITH  310  ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  A  GLOSSARY  OF   TECHNICAL   TERMS 


HARPER      &     BROTHERS      PUBLISHERS 
NEW      YORK      AND      LONDON 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  jear  1882,  by 

HARPER    &    BROTHERS, 

In  the  Office  of  the  ijibrarian  of  Oongress,  at  Washington. 


Copyright,  1910,  by  Joseph  Thachbr  Clarkb. 


PRINTED   ;N   the   UNITED  STATES   OF   AMERICA 


(y 


^' 


AJ53e>o 

gA)VJ 


The  application  of  the  historic  method  to  the  study  of  the  Fine  Arts,  be- 
gun with  imperfect  means  by  Winckelmann  one  hundred  and  twenty  years 
ago,  has  been  productive  of  the  best  results  in  our  own  days.  It  has  intro- 
duced order  into  a  subject  previously  confused,  disclosing  the  natural  prog- 
ress of  the  arts,  and  the  relations  of  the  arts  of  the  different  races  by  whom 
they  have  been  successively  practised.  It  has  also  had  the  more  important 
result  of  securing  to  the  fine  arts  their  due  place  in  the  history  of  mankind 
as  the  chief  record  of  various  stages  of  civilization,  and  as  the  most  trust- 
worthy expression  of  the  faith,  the  sentiments,  and  the  emotions  of  past 
ages,  and  often  even  of  their  institutions  and  modes  of  life.  The  recogni- 
tion of  the  significance  of  the  fine  arts  in  these  respects  is,  indeed,  as  yet 
but  partial,  and  the  historical  study  of  art  does  not  hold  the  place  in  the 
scheme  of  liberal  education  which  it  is  certain  before  long  to  attain.  One 
reason  of  this  fact  lies  in  the  circumstance  that  few  of  the  general  historical 
treatises  on  the  fine  arts  that  have  been  produced  during  the  last  fifty  years 
have  been  works  of  sufficient  learning  or  judgment  to  give  them  authority 
as  satisfactory  sources  of  instruction.  Errors  of  statement  and  vague  spec- 
ulations have  abounded  in  them.  The  subject,  moreover,  has  been  con- 
fused, especially  in  Germany,  by  the  intrusion  of  metaphysics  into  its  do- 
main, in  the  guise  of  a  professed  but  spurious  science  of  aesthetics. 

Under  these  conditions,  a  history  of  the  fine  arts  that  should  state  cor- 
rectly what  is  known  concerning  their  works,  and  should  treat  their  various 
manifestations  with  intelligence  and  in  just  proportion,  would  be  of  great 
value  to  the  student.  Such,  within  its  limits  as  a  manual  and  for  the  pe- 
riod which  it  covers,  is  Dr.  Reber's  History  of  Ancient  Art.  So  far  as  I  am 
aware,  there  is  no  compend  of  information  on  the  subject  in  any  language  so 
trustworthy  and  so  judicious  as  this.  It  serves  equally  well  as  an  introduc- 
tion to  the  study  and  as  a  treatise  to  which  the  advanced  student  may  refer 


31 4^4n 


VI 

with  advantage  to  refresh  his  knowledge  of  the  outlines  of  any  part  of  the 
field. 

The  work  was  originally  published  in  187 1;  but  so  rapid  has  been  the 
progress  of  discovery  during  the  last  ten  years  that,  in  order  to  bring  the 
book  up  to  the  requirements  of  the  present  time,  a  thorough  revision  of  it 
was  needed,  together  with  the  addition  of  much  new  matter  and  many  new 
illustrations.  This  labor  of  revision  and  addition  has  been  jointly  per- 
formed by  the  author  and  the  translator,  the  latter  having  had  the  advantage 
of  doing  the  greater  part  of  his  work  with  the  immediate  assistance  of  Dr. 
Reber  himself,  and  of  bringing  to  it  fresh  resources  of  his  own,  the  result  of 
original  study  and  investigation.  The  translator  having  been  absent  from 
the  country,  engaged  in  archaeological  research,  during  the  printing  of  the 
volume,  the  last  revision  and  the  correction  of  the  text  have  been  in  the 
hands  of  Professor  William  R.  Ware,  of  the  School  of  Mines  of  Columbia 
College. 

Charles  Eliot  Norton. 

Cambridge,  Massachusetts,  ^fa)',  1882. 


In  view  of  the  great  confusion  which  results  from  an  irregular  orthography 
of  Greek  proper  names,  a  return  to  the  original  spelling  of  words  not  fully 
Anglicized  may  need  an  explanation,  but  no  apology :  it  is  only  adopting 
a  system  already  followed  by  scholars  of  the  highest  standing.  The  Ro- 
mans, until  the  advent  of  thai  second  classical  revival  in  which  the  pres- 
ent century  is  still  engaged,  served  as  mediums  for  all  acquaintance  with 
Hellenic  civilization.  They  employed  Greek  names,  with  certain  alter- 
ations agreeable  to  the  Latin  tongue,  blunting  and  coarsening  the  delicate 
sounds  of  Greek  speech,  much  in  the  same  manner  as  they  debased  the 
artistic  forms  of  Greek  architecture  by  a  mechanical  system  of  design.  The 
clear  ov  became  urn,  oc  was  changed  to  us,  tt  to  e  or  /',  etc.  This  Latinized 
nomenclature,  like  the  Roman  triglyph  and  Tuscan  capital,  was  exclusively 
adopted  by  the  early  Renaissance,  until,  with  the  increasing  knowledge  of 
Greek  lands  and  works  of  art,  names  were  introduced  which  do  not  happen 
to  occur  in  the  writings  of  Roman  authors.  These  were  either  changed  in 
accordance  with  the  more  or  less  variable  standard  in  use  during  the  six- 
teenth and  seventeenth  centuries,  or  were  adopted  in  their  Greek  form  with- 
out change,  the  latter  method  being  more  and  more  generally  employed. 
This  has  gradually  led  to  a  partial  revision  of  Greek  names  and  their  spell- 
ing. Zeus  and  Hermes,  Artemis  and  Athene,  have  resumed,  as  Greek  dei- 
ties, their  original  titles ; — Sunium  and  Assus  have  been  changed  to  Sunion 
and  Assos ;  while  other  names  have  only  been  reformed  in  part,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  unfortunate  Polycleitos,  who  at  times  appears  as  Polyclrtos,  and 
at  times  as  Polycleitws.  Confusion  and  misunderstanding  cannot  but  result 
from  this  unreasonable  triple  system  of  Latinized,  Anglicized,  and  Greek  or- 
thography. Peirithoos  may  be  sought  in  alphabetically  classified  works  of 
reference  under  Per  and  Pir  as  well  as  under  Peir.  Uipyanov,  Pergamon,  is 
written  Pergamum,  Pergamus,  and  Pergamos,  in  the  two  latter  forms  being 


VUl 

naturally  conftised  with  the  Cretan  nipyafiog,  Pergamos,  which,  in  its  turn,  is 
Latinized  to  Pergamus.  In  the  present  book  the  Greek  spelling  of  Greek 
names  has  been  adopted  in  all  those  cases  where  the  word  has  not  been 
fully  Anglicized;  that  is  to  say,  changed  in  pronunciation,  when  it  would 
sound  pedantic  to  employ  its  original  form,  as,  for  instance,  to  speak  of  the 
well-known  Paestum  and  Lucian  as  Poseidonia  and  Loukianos.  The  Eng- 
lish alphabet  provides,  however,  two  letters  for  the  Greek  Kairira,  and  the 
more  familiar  ^  has  been  employed,  as  in  Corinth,  acropolis,  etc.,  except 
in  cases  where  the  true  sound  is  not  thereby  conveyed, — namely,  before  e,  i, 
and  y, — when  the  k  is  substituted.  Moreover,  the  final  ai  is  transformed  to 
a,  according  to  the  universal  usage  of  our  tongue. 

Joseph  Thacher  Clarke. 


CONTENTS. 


EGYPT. 


The  Delta.    The  Oldest  Monuments,  if 
not  the  most  Ancient  Civiliiatioa  of 

the  World I,  a 

Changeless    Continuity    of    Life    auid 

Art 2 

ARCHITECTURE. 
The  Age,  Purpose,  and   Architectural 

Significance  of  the  Pyramids  .  .  3-5 
The  Pyramids  of  Gizeh  .  .  .  .5-7 
Variety  of  Pyramidal  Forms  .  .  .  8, 9 
The    Pyramids    of  Saccara,  Meydoun, 

Dashour,  Abousere,  and  lUahoun         9-12 
Table  of  Dimensions       .                         .12 
The  Younger  Pyramids  of  Nubia.    Trun- 
cated Pyramids 12 

Rock-cut  Tombs 13 

Development  of  Column  from  Pier        .     14 
The  Tombs  at  Beni-hassan  .        14,  15 

Development  of  the  Lotos-column       l6, 17 
The  Invasion  of  the  Hycsos.     Restric- 
tion of  the  Prismatic  Shaft.     Extend- 
ed Application  of  the  Floral  Column 
in  the  New  Theban  Empire        .       18,  19 
The  Calyx  Capital .        .        .        .       20,21 
Piers  with  Figures  of  Osiris  and  Ty- 
phon.     Entablature     .        .        .        .21 


Cavern  Sepulchres . 

.    22 

Temple  Plan,  Obelisks    . 

.    23 

Peristyle  Court 

.        .        .    25 

Hypostyle  HaU       . 

.       26, 27 

The  Dwellings  of  Kings  and  Priests  28 
Peripteral  Temples                          .        .29 

Rock-cut  Temples 30 

The  Monuments  at  Abou-Simbel  .       31, 32 

Palatial  and  Domestic  Architecture        .  33 

Interiors 34 

The  Labyrinth 35 

Unimportant  Character  of  Secular  Ar- 
chitecture      36 

SCULPTURE. 
Fundamental  and  Changeless  Peculiari- 
ties        36 

Conventional  Types  .        .        -37 

The  Formation  of  the  Head  .        .        .38 
Head-dresses.     Conjunction  of  Human 

Trunks  and  Animal  Heads.        .        .  39 
The    Body.      Lack   of  Progressiveness 

and  of  History 40 

Animal  Forms  i-^ 41 

Materials- 42 

Reliefs 43 

Coilanaglyphics 44 

The  Variety  and  Interest  of  the  Sub- 
jects Illustrated 45 

PAINTING. 

Intimate  Relation  to  Sculpture.  Hiero- 
glyphics         46 

Painting  as  an  Architectural  Decoration. 

Retrospect 47 


CHALD J!A,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 


The  Traditional  Age.    The  Land  and 

People.   -     .     ■ 48 

Building  Materials.    Clay  and  Bitumen        49 


Perishable  Character  of  the  Monuments. 
Hills  of  Rubbish  Recognized  as 
Cities .50 


CONTENTS. 


ARCHITECTURE. 

Chaldaa. 
The  Ruins  of  Mugheir,  or  Ur. 
Warka  and  Abou-Sharein 
The  Principle  of  the  Arch 
Political  History     .... 

Babylon. 
The  Fabulous  Account  of  Herodotos 
The  Temple  Pyramid  at  Borsippa  . 
Palace  Structures.    The  Hanging  Gar 

dens  of  Semiramis       ... 
Private  Dwellings.    Works  of  Engineer 

ing 


PAOI 
50 
51 
52 

53 


Assyria. 

Nineveh 59 

The  Discoveries  of  Layard  and  Botta    .    60 
The  Hills  of  Coyundjic  and  Nebbi-Jo- 

nas 61 

Royal  Dwellings 62 

The  Palace  at  Kisr-Sargon     .        .       63-65 

Terrace  Pyramids 66 

Lighting  and  Roofing     ...       66,  67 
The  Restriction  of  Columnar  Architect- 
ure        68 

The  Forms  of  Small  Columns        .       69-71 
Vaulted  Construction     .        .        .        .71 


The  Pointed  Arch 

The  General  Appearance  of  the  Palaces 

Sacred  Architecture 

Terrace  Pyramids  . 

The  Cella        .... 

The  Dwellings  of  the  Priests  . 

Altars  and  Obelisks 

Domestic  Architecture    . 


SCULPTURE. 
Little  Represented  in  Chaldxa 
Babylonian  Seals  and  Gems  , 
Enamelled  Tiles 
Statues    .        '.     ~T 
Conventional  Types 
Cherubims      . 
Mural  Reliefs 
Variance  from  Egyptian  Sculpture 
Historical  Reliefs   . 
Religious  Representations 
Formal  Landscapes.     Bronzes 


PAOI 

72 
73 
74 
75 
76 

77 

78 

79,80 


81 
82 

83 

•  8s 
85,86 

•  87 
87-89 

•  90 
91-93 
.  94 
95,96 


PAINTING. 
Upon  Tiles  and  Stucco  ....    96 

Colors 97 

The  General  Appearance  of  Assyrian 
Architecture,  as  Decorated  by  Reliefs 
and  Paintings 98 


PERSIA. 


Historical  Considerations       .        .        -99 
The    Artistic    Poverty    of   the    Medes. 
The     Achaemenidae.       Their     Chief 
Cities 100 


ARCHITECTURE. 
>^ersepolis 

The  Characteristic  Differences  of 
sian  and  Mesopotamian  Building 

The  Introduction  of  Columns 

Columnar  Forms    . 

Capitals  .... 

The  Entablature 
V  Plan  of  the  Palace  of  Darius 

Its  State  of  Preservation 

Illuntination    . 

Upper  Stories 

The  Palace  and  Hall  of  Xerxes 
^  The  Propylaea 

The  Harem    .... 


loi,  102 
Per- 
.  ip»- 

•  103 
103,  104 
105-107 

.  108 
109-113 

.  110 

no,  III 

ni-113 

114 

•  "5 
116, 117 


The  Disposition  of  the  Terrace      .        .117 

Fire  Altars 118 

Funeral  Monuments       .        .        .    119-121 

Tomb  of  Cyrus 119 

Tombs  of  the  Later  Achaemenidae  .        .  120 

Tombs  of  Subjects 121 

Domestic  Architecture    .        .         .        .121 

SCULPTURE. 

Its  Dependence  upon  the  Art  of  Assyria  121 
Egyptian  and  Hellenic  Influences  .        ,  122 
Mythological  and  Ceremonial  Represen- 
tations     123-125 

The  Sculptured  Decoration  of  Palaces 

and  Terraces       .        .         .        .    126,  127 
Rarity  of  Historical  Scenes    .        .        .  128 

PAINTING. 

Chiefly  Ornamental        ....  128 
General  Harmony  of  the  Three  Arts      .  129 


CONTENTS. 


PHtENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND  ASIA  MINOR. 


Extensive  Artistic  Influence  of  Meso- 
potamia  in  Point  of  Distance  u  well 
as  of  Time 130 

The  Seleucidjc.     The  Sassanidae   .    131,  133 

Pkmnici^ 
Explorations  in  Recent  Times        .    133,  133 
The  Chief  Cities 133 


ARCHITECTURE. 
Ruins  at  Amrith      ....    134,  135 
The  Monuments  known  as  El-Megha- 

«'• «3S-«37 

The  Grotto  Tombs  of  Central  Phcenida. 

Sarcophagi  at  Jebeil    .  .    137,  138 

Domestic  Architecture    ....  138 

SCULPTURE. 
Work  of  Driven  MeUl  (Sphyrelaton)      .  139 

Bronxes 139,  140 

Inlaid  Work.     Ivory  Carvings.     Glass.  140 
Influence     of    the     Sphyrelaton     upon 

Sculptural  Style 141 

Stone-cutting 143 

The  Decisive  Influence  of  both  Egypt 

and  Mesopotamia        .        .        .         .143 

PaUttim. 
The  Dependence  of  the  Jews  in  Artistic 

Respects  upon  Egypt  ....  143 
The  Tabernacle  ....  143-147 
Its  Disposition  ....  144,  145 
Its  Columns.     The  Horns  of  the  Altar. 

The  Seven-armed  Candlestick    .    145,  146 


The  Holy  of  Holies.  Chei-ubim  .  146, 147 
.Solomon's  Temple  ....  147-156 
Untrustworthiness  of  Biblical  Accounts  147 
Construction  of  the  Building.     Its  Site  148 

The  Brjuen  Laver 149 

"Jachin  and  Boaz"        .        .        .    149-151 

The  Tower 151,  15a 

Interior.     Upper  Story  .        .        .   153, 154 

Materials 154 

Decoration.      The    Molten   Sea.      The 

Mercy-scat  and  Cherubim  .  •  '55 

The  Destruction  and  Rebuilding  of  this 

Temple 156 

Its  Architectural  Character    .  -157 

Rock-cut  Tombs     .  .    157,  158 

Cyfrut  and  Carikagt. 
The  Rock-cut  Tombs  at  Paphos    .        .   160 
The  Temple  of  Aphrodite  at  Golgoi. 

Cesnola's  Discoveries .  .    161,  162 

The  Ruins  of  Carthage  .  .163 

Malta,  the  Balearic  Isles,  Sardinia  .        .163 

Alia  Min»r. 
An  Independent  Art  Found  only  in  Ly- 

cia,  Phrygia,  and  Lydia  .        .  164 

The  Rock-cut  Tombs  of  Lycia.  The  Tim- 
bered Dwelling  Carved  in  Stone  165,  166 
The  Monument  of  the  Harpies  at  Xan- 

thos 167 

Lycian  Sarcophagi 168 

Temple  Fa9ades  Imitated  upon  Clifis  .  169 
The  Rock-cut  Tombs  of  Phrygia  .  171,  172 
The  Tumuli  of  Lydia  .        .173,174 


HELLAS. 


The  itgean  Sea  the  Centre  of  Greek 

Civilization 175 

The  Dorians  and  the  lonians .                  .  1 76 
The  Development  of  Poetry  Elarlier  than 

that  of  Art 177 

ARCHITECTURE. 
The  Tholos  of  Atreus     .         .        .    179-183 
The  Phoenician  Character  of  its  Decora- 
tion        183 

The  Grave  at  Menidi      ....  183 

The  Treasure-houses  of  the  Pelopidae    .  184 

Tumuli 185 

The  Common  Modes  of  Burial      .        .  186 


Pyramids 186,  187 

Primitive  Fortifications.     Tiryns   .        .  187 

Mykense '88 

Gateways  and  Portals     .         .        .    189-193 
The  Agora  of  Mykenae    .         .        .         .192 
Primitive   Temple  Cellas  without   Col- 
umns    »92,  193 

The  Structure  upon  Mt.  Ocha.     Timber- 
ed Roofs  and  Ceilings.     The  Origin 
of  the  Doric  Entablature     .         .    195-197 
The  Decorative  Painting  of  Woodwork   197 
The  Doric  Column.         .         .         .     I97-I99 
Its  Egyptian  Prototype  ....  198 


Xll 


CONTENTS. 


The  Development  of  the  Temple-plan  199-202 
•^rhe  Temple  in  Antis      ....  199 

Prostylos 200 

Amphiprostylos.     Peripteros.        .        .  201 

Stone  Construction 202 

The  Entasis 203 

The  Capital 204 

The  Inclination  of  the  Columns  .  .  205 
The  Details  of  the  Entablature       .    206-209 

Polychromy 210 

Curvatures 211,212 

The  Pteroma  and  Ceiling       .        .        .  213 

Illumination 214 

Archaic  Doric  Temples  .  .  .  .  215 
The  Progress  of  this  Style.     Selinous    .216 

Corinth 217 

Acragas 219 

Olympia.     .(Egina 222 

The  Supremacy  of  Athens      .        .        .  223 

The  Theseion 224 

The  Parthenon 225 

The  Propylaea         .        .        .        .        .  226 

Phigalia 227 

Eleusis 228 

The   Ionic   Style.      Its  Intimate   Rela- 
tion to  Oriental  Architecture       .    229,  230 

The  Capital 231-233 

The  Entablature  .....  234 
Its  Want  of  Historical  Development      .  235 

Phigalia 236 

The  Ionic  Monuments  of  Asia  Minor  237-240 
The  Ionic  Monuments  of  Attica  .  240-245 
The  Temple  upon  the  Ilissos .        .        .  241 

The  Propylaea 242 

The  Erechtheion     ....    243-245 

Caryatides 245 

The  Corinthian  Capital  .  .  .  246-249 
The  Temple  of  Olympian  Zeus  in  Athens  249 
Monumental  Tombs  ....  250 
The  Mausoleum  of  Halicarnassos  .  251,  252 
The  Monument  of  the  Nereides  at  Xan- 

thos 252 

The  Choragic  Monument  of  Lysicrates.  253 
The  so-called  Tower  of  the  Winds  at 

Athens 253 

The  Stoa         .        .        . 
The  Palaestra  .... 
The  Gymnasion 
The  Stadion  and  Hippodrome 
The  Theatre  and  Odeion 


253-255 

•  255 
.  256 

•  257 
258-260 


rASB 

Domestic  Architecture.  Palaces  .  260,  261 
The  Boundless  Luxury  of  the  Diadochi .  261 

SCULPTURE. 

The  Unrivalled  Perfection  of  the  Art. 
Its  Fundamental  Deviation  from  the 
Principles  of  Egyptian  Sculpture.   264,  265 
Its  Dependence  upon  Western  Asia      .  266 
Empaistic  Work.     Xoana      .        .         .  267 

Daedalos 268 

The  Homeric  Shield  of  Achilles.     Its 
Workmanship   and    Artistic    Impor- 
tance   ......    269-271 

Pseudo-Hesiodic  Shield  of  Heracles  .  272 
The  Gate  of  the  Lions  at  Mykenae  273,  274 
Schliemann's     Excavations     upon     the 

Acropolis  of  Mykenae  .        .    274, 275 

The  Chest  of  Kypselos.     The  Throne  of 

Apollo  at  Amyclae       .        .         .    276-278 
The    Introduction   of  Bronze    Casting. 
Marble-cutting  and  Chryselephantine 

Work 278-281 

The  Potter  Boutades  ....  278 
Glaucos.  Rhoicos  and  Theodoros  .  279 
Boupalos  and  Athenis  ....  280 
Dipoinos  and  Skyllis  .  .  .  281, 282 
The  First  Metopes  at  Selinous  .  283,  284 
Archaic  Statues  at  Miletos  .  .  .  285 
Reliefs  at  Assos.  The  Apollo  of  Thera  286 
The  Stele  of  Aristion  .  .  .  287,  288 
The  Second  Metopes  at  Selinous  .  .  290 
Archaistic  Works  ....  291,  292 
The  Gable  Sculptures  of  the  Temple  of 

^gina 293-296 

The  School  of  ^gina :  Gallon  and  Ona- 

tas 296,  297 

The  School  of  Attica  :  Hegias,  Critios, 

and  Nesiotes 297 

Canachos 298 

Agelades 299 

Calamis 300 

Pythagoras 301 

Myron 302, 303 

The  Progress  of  Athens  after  the  Persian 

Wars 303 

Pheidias 304-3 '5 

The  Athene  Parthenos  .  .  .  310-313 
The  Panathenaic  Frieze         .        .    313-315 

The  Metopes 316 

The  Scholars  of  Pheidias.  Agoracritos  3 16, 3 1 7 


CONTENTS. 


Xlll 


The  Gable  Sculptures  of  the  Temple  of 

Olympia 3"7. 3»8 

The  Victory  of  Paionios  •  3'9 

The  Scholars  of  Myron  ....  320 
The  Phigalian  Frieze  .321 

Callimachos  and  Demetrios    .  .  333 

Polycleitos 322-336 

The  Third  Metopes  at  Seiinous      .    327,  338 
The  Extent  of  the  School  of  Attica  and 
Argos.     Kcphisodotos  .  329 

Scopaa    330-333 

The  Niobids 33>.  33^ 

Praxiteles 333 

The  Scholars  of  Scopas  and  Praxiteles. 
The  Sculptures  of  the  Mausoleum  of 

Halicarnassos 334 

The  Hermes  of  Olympia  .   335, 336 

The  Venus  of  Melos  .   338, 339 

Silanion  and  Euphranor         .  .  340 

Lysippos 340-344 

The  School  of  Lysippos .                .   344,  345 
The   Sculpture  of  the  Hellenistic   Pe- 
riod      346.347 

The  Altar  at  Pergamon  .  .   347. 348 

The  so-called  Dying  Gladiator  .  348, 349 
The  School  of  Pergamon  .   349,  350 

The  School  of  Rhodes.  TheLaocoon  351-353 
The  Farncse  Bull  ....  353-355 
The  Apollo  Belvedere    .        .        .   356-358 


rial 

The   Introduction  of  Greek  Sculpture 

into  Rome ji^36o 

The  Borghese  Gladiator         .  .  361 

The  Belvedere  Torso      ....  362 
The  Hellenic  Renaissance  in  Rome  363-366 

PAINTINa 
Lack  of  all  Remains       ....  366 
Its  Early  Development  Fictitiously  Re- 
lated by  Pliny.     Eumaros.     Kimon    .  367 

Polygnotos 368, 369 

The  Scenography  of  Agatharchos.     Of 

Apollodoros 370 

Zeuxis 37«.37a 

Parrhasios 373.374 

Timanthes 374 

The    School    of    Sikyon :     Eupompos, 

Pamphilos 375 

Melanthios.     Pausias      ....  376 
The  School  of  Thebes  and  Athens  :  Ni- 
comachos,  Aristides,  Euphranor  .    377, 378 

Nikias 378 

Apelles 379-382 

Protogenes 383 

Antiphilos.       iCtion.       Asclepiodorus. 

Theon 384 

Hellenistic  Painting.     Timomachos       .  385 
Trivial  and  Obscene  Subjects.     Mosaic. 
Sosos 386 


ETEURIA. 


Relationship  to  the  Arts  of  Greece         .  387 

ARCHITECTURE. 
The  so-called  Cyclopean  Walls.    Arched 

Gates 388 

Vaulted  Canals 389 

Cemeteries.      Tumuli.     The  Tomb  of 

Porsena 390 

Imitations  of  Dwellings  upon  Tombs  391,392 

Grotto  Sepulchres 392 

Imitations    of   Temple    Fa9ades   upon 

Cliflfe 393.394 

Norchia  ......   394.395 

The  Etruscan  Temple    .        .         .    396,  397 
The  Dwelling-house        .        ."        .'        .  397 

Its  Court 398,  399 

Lack  of  Progressive  Architectural  His- 
tory       399.400 


SCULPTURE. 
Museums.     The   Oldest  or   Decorative 

Period.  Phoenician  Importations  .  400 
The  Influence  of  Western  Asia  Super- 
seded by  that  of  Greece  .  .  401,  402 
The  Sarcophagus  of  Caere  .  .  .  402 
Realism.  Sculpture  in  Marble  .  .  403 
The  Bronze  Chariot  from  Perugia.  .  404 
The  Capitoline  Wolf.  Engraved  Mirrors  405 
Height  of  Etruscan  Art.  Hellenistic  In- 
fluences        406 

Sculptured  Sarcophagi   .        .        .   406,  407 
Terra-cottas  and  BronzeJi        .         .         .  408 
The,  Similarity  of  late  Etruscan  to  Ro- 
man Sculpture    ....    408, 409 

PAINTING. 
Its    Development    Similar    to    that  of 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


Sculpture.    The  Ornamental  and  De-         j  The  Influence  of  Greece         .        .        .4" 
pendent  Period 409    Artistic  Manufactures     .         .         •   4">  4>2 

Realistic  Characteristics         .        •   409,  4io  '  Sgraffiti.    The  Importance  of  Etruscan 

The  Wall  -  paintings  of  Caere  and  Cor- 
neto 409.410 


Art 


412 


ROME. 


The  Conditions  of  Civilization  Similar 
to  those  of  Etruria      ....  4>3 
ARCHITECTURE. 
Primitive  Walls      .        .         •         •    414-415 
Gates.     Vaulted  Canals  .        ■        •  4^6 

Temples:  their  Tuscan  Character.    The 

Temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus  .  .417 
Hellenic  Influences  .  •  •  -418 
Prostyles  and  Pseudo-peripteros  .  419.  420 
The  Tuscan  Order  .         .  -420 

The  Doric  Order  .  .  .  •  420,  421 
The  Ionic  Order  .  .  •  .421,422 
The  Corinthian  Order  .  .  •  423. 424 
The  Composite  Capital ....  424 
Constructive  Advances.     Arching  and 

Vaulting 425 

Aqueducts  and  Sewers  .  .  •  425.  426 
Baths 426-429 


The  Influence  of  Etruria  .  .  .  448 
The  Influence  of  Greece.  .  .  .  449 
Rise    of  Sculpture    after   the    Samnite 

War 449.450 

Importations  of  Statues  from  Greece     .  45 1 

Coponius 452 

Portrait  Sculpture  ....   453-455 

Iconic  Statues 453 

The  Horses  of  St.  Mark's       .         .         -454 

Shortcomings  of  Roman  Reliefs      .    456,  457 

j  Historical  Representations     .         .    457-459 

Trajan's  Column 45^ 

I  The  Arch  of  Titus 459 

I  The  Monument  of  Antoninus  Pius  .  460 

The  Degeneration  of  Sculpture      .         •  461 

Portraiture 461, 462 

The  Arch  of  Constantine  .        .  463 

PAINTING. 


The  Baths  of  Agrippa.     The  Pantheon  427  j  yj^^  Earliest  Paintings  by  Greek  Artists. 


The  Temple  of  Ceres 
Fabius  Pictor . 
Pacuvius  and  Metrodoros 
Battle-scenes 
Panel-painting.     Collections 


464 

464,  465 
•  465 

465,  466 
.  466 


The  Baths  of  Caracalla  and  of  Diocle- 
tian       428,429! 

The    Circus,  Theatre,  and   Amphithe-         ! 

atre 430-436 

The  Theatre  of  Marcellus       .        •        •  433    ^  „._.  ^„ ^. 

The  Flavian  Amphitheatre  (Colosseum)  436  ^  ^^jj  Decorations  after  the  Alexandrian 

Funeral  Monuments       .         .         •    436. 437        Fashion 466-470 

Commemorative  Columns      .        •        •  437  |  The  Golden  House  of  Nero   .        .        .  467 
Triumphal  Arches          .        .        •    438-440  |  Landscapes.     Architectural  Ornamenta- 
tion      468,469 

Mosaics 470,471 


Public  Buildings.     Basilicas  .        .    441-443 

Dwellings 444 

Private  Courts  of  Justice  the  Prototypes 

of  the  Christian  Basilica  .    445-447 

SCULPTURE. 
Lack    of  Statues   during    the    Earliest 

Period.     Decorative  Work         .    447>  448 


From  Herculaneum  and  Pompeii  .         .  47' 

Conclusion 47'.  472 

The  Christian   Paintings  of  the  Cata- 
combs        ......  472 


GLOSSARY 
INDEX  . 


473 
479 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


EGYPT. 


noi-u 

1.  The  Pyramids  of  Gizeh 

2.  The  Great  Pyramid  of  Gizeh.     Sec- 

tion N.  and  S.,  looking  West 

3.  Section  of  the   Great    Pyramid   of 

Saccara 

4.  The  Pyramid  of  Meydouu 

5.  Southern  Stone  Pyramid  of  Dashour 
6l  Section  of  the  Middle   Pyramid  of 

Abousere 

7.  Egyptian  Wall-painting.    Transport 

of  a  Colossus 
&  Section  and  Plan  of  the  Northern 

most    Rock -cut  Tomb  at   Beni 

hassan 

9.  Second    Rock  -  cut   Tomb  at  Beni 

hassan 

la  Pier  Decoration  from  the  Tombs  of 

Sauiet-el-Meytin   . 

11.  Lotos-column  of  Beni-hassan   . 

12.  Column  from  Sedinga 

13.  Lotos- columns  from  Thebes     . 

14.  Calyx  Capital  from  Carnac 

15.  Capitals  from  Edfou. 

16.  Osiris  Pier        .... 

17.  Royal  Grave  near  Thebes 

18.  Southern  Temple  of  Canute     . 


9 
10 
II 

>3 
«4 

•5 
16 

17 
18 

19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
24 
25 


rracBB 

19.  Temple  of  Edfou 

2a  Great  Temple  of  Camac  . 

21.  Section     of    the    Hypostyle    Hall 

Great  Temple  of  Carnac 

22.  Chapel   upon    the  Platform  of  the 

Temple  of  Dendera 

23.  Temple  of  Philx 

24.  Fa9ade  of  the  Rock-cut  Temple  of 

Abou-Simbel. 

25.  Hall  of  the   Rock  •  cat  Temple  of 

Abou-Simbel 

26.  Egyptian    Wall  -  painting.     Interior 

of  a  House     .... 

27.  Labyrinth  of  the  Fayoum. 

28.  Egyptian  Profile.     Greek  Profile 

29.  Husband  and  Wife.     (Munich  Glyp 

tothek.)  .... 

30.  The  Schoolmaster  of  Boulac 

31.  Lion  of  Reddish  Granite.     (British 

Museum.)      .... 

32.  Egyptian  Wall-painting.    Sculptural 

Work 

33.  Eg}'ptian    Wall  -  painting.      Lance 

maker 

34.  Egyptian  Wall-painting.     Prisoners 

of  Different  Nationalities 


rAOB 

26 

27 


28 

29 
30 

3« 

32 

33 

35 
38 

39 
40 

41 

43 

44 

45 


CHALD^fiA,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 

35.  Relief    from     Corsabad.     Assyrian 

Shrines .... 

36.  Temple  at  Mugheir  (Ur)  . 


41 


37.  Ruins  of  Warka 

38.  Patterned  Wall.     Warka 

39.  Tomb  at  Mugheir     . 

40.  Bors  -  Nimrud.     Temple  -  terrace  at 

Borsippa 


Plan  and  Elevation  of  the  Temple  at 

48 1  Borsippa 56 

49  42.  Plan  of  Babylon  .  .  *.  .59 
51  43.  Plan  of  Nineveh  .  .  .  .61 
51    44.  Plan  of  the  Palace  of  Kisr-Sargon, 

52 '  Corsabad 63 

45.  Ornamented     Pavement    from     the 
54  Northern  Palace  of  Coyundjic       .    64 


XVI 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


wiaomm  paoe 

46.  Cornice  of  the  Temple  Substruct- 

ure at  Corsabad  ....      66 

47.  Plan  of  the  Northwestern  Palace  of 

Nimrud 67 

48.  Relief  from  Coyundjic    ...      68 

49.  Plan  of  the  Palace  of  Esarhaddon 

at  Nimrud 69 

50.  Various  Capitals  and  Bases,  from 

Assyrian  Reliefs  ....       70 

51.  Table,  from  an  Assyrian  Relief     .       71 

52.  Mouth  of  a  Tunnel  under  the  N.  E. 

Palace,  Nimrud  ....      72 

53.  Tunnel    under    the   S.  E.  Palace, 

Nimrud 72 

54.  View  of  an  Assyrian  Palace,  Res- 

toration        73 

55.  Terraced   Pyramid,  from  a  Relief, 

Coyundjic 74 

56.  Plan  and  Section  of  the  Terraced 

Pyramid,  Nimrud        •        •         •       75 

57.  Relief  from  the  Northern  Palace, 

Coyundjic 76 

58.  Entrance  to  One  of  the  So-called 

Temples,  Nimrud        ...       77 

59.  Obelisk  from  Nimrud    ...      78 


60.  Assyrian  Dwellings.     Relief  from 

Coyundjic 79 

61.  Tent-like  Dwelling.     Relief  from 

Coyundjic 80 

62.  Susa.     Relief  from  Coyundjic      .  81 

63.  Babylonian  Seal,  and  its  Impres- 

sion      82 

64-  Wall    Decoration    of  Enamelled  . 

Tiles 83 

65.  Statue  of  a  King,  from  Nimrud     .  84 

66.  Winged  Lion,         "         "           .  85 

67.  Winged  Bull,          "         "           .  85 

68.  Lion,  «         .«  .86 

69.  King  and  Warrior.     Relief  from 

Corsabad 88 

70.  Heads.     Reliefs  from  Nimrud      .  89 

71.  Temple,     Relief  from  Corsabad  .  90 

72.  A    Besieged   City.     Relief   from 

Nimrud 91 

73.  Wounded   Lioness.     Relief  from 

Coyundjic 92 

74.  Transportation  of  Stone.     Relief 

from  Coyundjic ....  93 

75.  Transport  of  a  Cherubim      .        .  94 

76.  Glazed  Terra-cotta,  from  Nimrud.  97 


PERSIA. 


77.  Restoration  of  the  Palace  of  Darius, 

Persepolis 99 

78.  Plan  of  Persepolis  .        .        .        .101 

79.  Fragment  of  a  Base  from  Pasarga- 

dx 103 

80.  Persian  Columns  with  Bull  Capitals  104 

81.  Spiral  Ornaments  upon  Chairs      .  105 

82.  Columns  from  the  Eastern  Portico 

of  the  Hall  of  Xerxes  .        .        .  106 

83.  Rock-cut  Tomb  of  Darius      .         .  107 

84.  Entablature  of  the  Palace  of  Darius  109 


85.  Plan  of  the  Palace  of  Darius  at 

Persepolis no 

86.  Persian  Door-casing     .        .        .112 

87.  Relief  from  the  Portal  of  the  Hall 

of  a  Hundred  Columns      .        •     1 13 

88.  Propylaea  of  Xerxes  at  Persepolis.     115 

89.  Altar  Pedestals  at  Pasargadae      .     118 

90.  The  Tomb  of  Cyrus      .        .        .119 

91.  Relief  from  a  Portal,  Persepolis    .     124 

92.  Relief  from  the  Stairs  of  the  Palace 

of  Darius 127 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND  ASIA  MINOR. 


93.  Rock-cut  Tombs  at  Myra       .         .130 

94.  Temple  Cella  (El-Maabed)  at  Am- 

rith 134 

95.  The   Monuments   El-Meghazil   at 

Amrith 136 

96.  Fa9ade  of  a  Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Je- 

beil 138 

97.  From  a  Relief  at  Saida  .        .        .141 


98.  From  the  Monument  El-Meghazil 

at  Amrith 141 

99.  From  Rock-cut  Relief  at  Mashnaka  142 
100.  The  Mosaic  Tabernacle  .  .  143 
loi.  Relief  at  Thabarieh       .        .        .  146 

102.  Vase  Discovered  in  Cyprus  .        .150 

103.  Hypothetical  Plan  and  Section  of 

Solomon's  Temple     .        .        •  '5' 


LIST  OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


xvn 


104.  Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Siloam 

105.  Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Ilinnom 

106.  Tomb  at  Paphos  in  Cyprus 

107.  Cyprian  Pilaster  Capitals 

108.  Votive  Figure  from  Cyprus 

109.  Cyprian  Head 
iia  Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Antiphellos 
III.  Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Antiphellos 
113.  Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Myra 


158 
158 
160 
161 
i6a 
163 
164 
165 
166 


1 13.  The  so-called   Monument  of  the 

Harpies  at  Xanthos  .        .        .  167 

114.  Sarcophagus  at  Antiphellos.        .  168 

115.  Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Telmissos        .  169 

116.  Details  of  Columns  from  Telmis- 

sos, Myra,  and  Antiphellos.  170 

117.  The  so-called  Tomb  of  Midas  171 

118.  Phrygian  Rock -cut  Tomb  near  Do- 

ganlu 172 

1 19.  The  so-called  Grave  of  Tantalos  .  174 


laa  View  of  the  Athenian  Propylca. 

Restoration 
121.  Plan  and  Section  of  the  Tholos  of 

Atreus 
123.  Restoration    of    the     Tholos    of 

Atreus.     Portal . 

123.  Fragments  of  an  Engaged  Column 

from  the  same   . 

124.  The  Pyramid  of  Kencrex 

125.  Plan  of  the  Acropolis  of  Tiryns 

126.  The  Gate  of  the  Lions  at  Mykenae 

127.  The  Smaller  Gate  at  Mykenx 

138.  Portal  from  Samos 

139.  Gateway  of  Phigalia 
13a  Portal  upon  Delos 
131.  Gate  of  Missolonghi 
133.  Gate  of  Messene  . 

133.  Gate  of  Thoricos  . 

134.  Gate  of  Ephesos  . 

135.  Interior  of  a  Structure  upon  Mount 

Ocha,  Euboea 

136.  Elevation  of  the  Comer  of  the 

Middle  Temple,  Selinous  . 

137.  Entablature  of  the  Parthenon 

138.  Scheme  of  the  Doric  Entablature. 

139.  Plan  and  Elevation  of  the  so-called 

Temple  of  Theseus 

140.  Painting  over  the  Pteroma  of  the 

same 

141.  Coffered    Pteroma    Ceiling,  Seli 

nous 

142.  Coffered  Ceilings  from  the  Parthe 

non 

143.  Plan  of  the  Middle  Temple,  Seli 

nous  . 

144.  Capital  from  the  Northern  Tem 

pie,  Selinous 

£ 


OBEECE. 

«45- 

175 

146. 

179 

147- 

180 

148. 

181 

149- 

186 

188 

15a 

189 

189 

151. 

190 

190 

153. 

191 

193 

«53- 

93 

193 

154. 

«93 

155- 

194 

156. 

203 

206 

157- 

307 

158. 

308 
209 

211 

212 
213 
216 


159- 

160. 
161. 

162. 
163. 
164. 

165. 
166. 


Capital  from  the  Middle  Temple, 
Selinous 216 

Capita]  from  the  Temple  at  Assos.     216 

Capital  from  the  Eastern  Plateau, 
Selinous 217 

Capital  from  the  Temple  of  Zeus, 
Selinous 217 

Capital  from  the  Temple  of  Hera- 
cles, A  cragas  .        .217 

Capital  from  the  Temple  of  The- 
seus, Athens      ....    218 

Capital  from  the  Portico  of  Philip, 
Delos 218 

Capital  from  the  Temple  of  De- 
meter,  Paestum  .  .        .218 

Plan  of  the  Great  Temple  at 
Paestum  .        .        .        .     219 

Plan,  Section,  and  Elevation  of  the 
Temple  of  Zeus,  Acragas  .        .     220 

Entablatures  of  the  Older  and  of 
the  Present  Parthenon       .        .    221 

Plan  of  the  Temple  of  Zeus  at 
Olympia 222 

Plan  of  the  Parthenon  .        .        .    225 

Plan  and  View  of  the  Propylaea, 
Athens 226 

Plan  of  the  Temple  of  Apollo, 
Bassae 227 

Plan  of  the  Temenos  at  Eleusis    .    228 

Ionic  Order  of  the  Mausoleum  at 
Halicamassos    ....     232 

Plan  of  the  Normal  Ionic  Capital    233 

Plan  of  the  Comer  Ionic  Capital .    233 

Ceiling  of  the  Peripteros  of  the 
Mausoleum.     Restored     .        .     235 

Base  and  Capital  from  Bassae       .     236 

Base  from  the  Heraion  at  Samos  .     237 


XVI  n 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


167.  Base  from  the  Temple  of  Apollo 

Didymseos,  Miletos   . 

168.  Base  from  the  Temple  of  Athene, 

Priene        .... 

169.  Base  from  the  Propylaea,  Cnidos 

170.  "  "       Temple  of  Wing 
less  Victory,  Athens  . 

171.  Ruins  of  the  Temple  at  Aphrodisias 

172.  The  Temple  upon  the  Ilissos 

173.  Plan  of  the  Erechtheion 

1 74.  Northwestern  View  of  the  Erech 

theion         .... 

175.  Order  of  the  Eastern  Portico  of 

the  Erechtheion . 

176.  Corinthian  Capital  from  Bassae 

177.  "  "        from  the  Tem 
pie  of  Apollo,  Miletos 

178.  Corinthian  Capital  from  the  Tower 

of  the  Winds,  Athens 

179.  Tomb  at  Mylassa . 

180.  The  Mausoleum  at  Halicarnassos 

Restoration 

181.  The  Monument  of  the  Nereides  at 

Xanthos     .... 

182.  Plan  of  the  Stoa  Diple  at  Thoricos 

183.  Plan  of  the  Stadion  at  Messene 

184.  Plan  of  the  Hippodrome  at  Olym 

pia 

185.  Plan  of  the  Greek  Theatre,  accord 

ing  to  Vitruvius. 

186.  The  Theatre  at  Segesta.    Restored 

187.  The   Cover   of  Dodwell's   Vase 

(Munich.)  .... 

188.  The  Relief  over  the  Gate  of  the 

Lions,  Mykenae  . 

189.  Steles  from  the  Acropolis  of  My 

kense 

190.  Golden  Mask  from  Mykenae 

191.  Figures  from  the  Vase  of  Clitias 

and  Ergotimos  . 

192.  Metope  Relief  from  Selinous 

193.  Statues  from  Miletos    . 

194.  The  Apollo  of  Thera    . 

195.  Archaic  Relief  from  Sparta. 

196.  The  Stele  of  Aristion    . 

197.  A  Stele  found  at  Orchomenos 

198.  Head  of  a  Warrior,  Selinous 

199.  Archaistic  Artemis,  from  Pompeii 

200.  Central  Figures  from  the  Western 

Gable,  ^gina     .... 


PAOS 

PIGDKI 

201. 

237 

202. 

203. 

237 

204. 

237 

205. 

237 

206. 

239 

207. 

241 

242 

208. 

243 

209. 

244 

210. 

248 

248 


248 

251 

213. 

252 

214. 

215. 

253 

254 

216. 

256 

217. 

218. 

257 

219. 

220. 

258 

259 

221. 

271 

222. 

223. 

273 

224. 

225. 

275 

276 

226. 

227. 

277 

228. 

284 

229. 

28s 

230. 

286 

287 

231. 

288 

232. 

290 

233- 

291 

292 

234- 

294  235. 


Harmodios  and  Aristogeiton 

Apollo,  after  Canachos. 

The  Discos-thrower 

Statuette  of  the  Athene  Parthenos 

Fragment  Imitated  from  the  Shield 

of  Athene  Parthenos. 
Coins  of  Elis. 
Demeter  and  Persephone,  from  the 

Parthenon  .... 
Aphrodite   and   Peitho,  from   the 

Parthenon  .... 
Fragment  from  the  Frieze  of  the 

Cell  a  of  the  Parthenon 
Figure  from  the  Temple  of  Zeus, 

Olympia    .... 
Figure  from  the  Temple  of  Zeus, 

Olympia     .... 
Head  of  Apollo,  from  the  Temple 

of  Zeus,  Olympia 
Metope  from  the  Temple  of  Zeus, 

Olympia    .... 
The  Victory  of  Paionios,  Olympia 
From  the  Frieze  of  the  Temple  at 

Phigalia     .... 
Copy  of  the  Doryphoros,  Naples 
Amazon,  after  Polycleitos 
Head  of  Hera,  Naples  . 
The  Ludovisi  Juno,  Rome    . 
Metope  from  the  Eastern  Plateau, 

Selinous    .... 
Eirene  and  Ploutos,  after  Kephi 

sodotos      .... 
The  Apollo  Kitharoidos 
Niobids.     (Florence.)  . 
Head  of  Niobe 
Fragment  of  the  Frieze  at  Hali 

carnassos  .... 
Head  of  Eros.     (Vatican.)    . 
The  Hermes  of  Praxiteles 
The  Head  of  the  Hermes     . 
The  Venus  of  Melos     . 
Copy  of  the  Apoxyomenos  of  Ly 

sippos        .... 
The  Farnese  Hercules  . 
The  Zeus  of  Otricoli     . 
Boreas,  from   the   Tower  of  the 

.Winds       .... 
Notos,  from    the    Tower    of  the 

Winds       .... 
Coins  of  the  Diadochi  . 


297 
298 

302 
305 


LIST  OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


XIX 


riM  '  wtmvmn 


236.  The  Dying  Gladiator 

237.  The  Laocoon 
2j8.  The  Farnese  Bull . 
239.  The  Wrestlers 

24a  The  Apollo  Belvedere 


348  [  241.  The  Artemis  of  Versailles 
35a    242.  The  Horghesc  Gladiator 


354 
356 
357 


243.  The  Helvcdcre  Torso    . 

344.  Group  from  the  Villa  Ludovisi 

245.  The  Capitoline  Centaur 


359 
361 
362 

364 
36s 


ETRU&IA. 


246.  The  Campana  Tomb  at  Veii 

247.  The  Gate  of  Falerii 

248.  Canal  of  the  Marta 

249.  Restored  Plan  and  Elevation  of 

the  Tomb  of  Porsena 
25a  Ceiling  of  a  Tomb  at  Cervetri 
2SI'  Plan  and  Section  of  a  Tomb  at 

Cervetri     .... 

252.  Interior  of  a  Tomb  at  Cervetri 

253.  Temple  Tomb  at  Norchia    . 

254.  Elevation  of  the  Etruscan  Temple. 

according  to  Vitruvius 


387 
388 
389 

391 
393 

393 
394 
395 

397 


255.  Tomb  at  Cometo .  .        .398 

356.  Etruscan  Sarcophagus  .  .     399 

257.  Bust  from  the  Grotto  dell'  Iside  in 

Vulci 402 

25&  Sarcophagus  of  Terra-cotta  from 

Caere 403 

359.  Etruscan  Relief  ....  404 
26a  The  Capitoline  Wolf    .  405 

361.  Etruscan  Stone  Sarcophagus  .  407 
363.  Painting  from  Cxre  .410 


263.  The   Janus  Quadrifrons    in    the 

Forum  Boarium. 
364.  Gateway  in  the  Walls  of  Norba 

265.  Remains  of  the  Servian  Wall 

266.  The  Cloaca  Maxima 

267.  Plan  of  the  Temple  of  Fortuna 

Virilis        .... 
26&  Plan  of  the  Temple  of  Antoninus 
and  Faustina 

269.  Tuscan  Column  fi'om  the  Coliseum 

270.  The  Temple  at  Con     . 

271.  View  of  the  Temple   of  Fortuna 

Virilis        .... 

272.  Corinthian  Capital  from  the  Pan 

theon 

273.  Composite  Capital 

274.  Section  of  the  Aqua  MarciaTepula 

and  Julia    .... 

275.  Section   of  the   Pantheon,  in    its 

Present  Condition 

276.  Section  of  the  Pantheon.     Resto 

ration  by  Adler. 

277.  Plan  of  the  Baths  of  Caracalla 

278.  Chief  Hall  of  the  Baths  of  Cara 

calla 

279.  Plan  of  the  Circus  of  Romulus 


ROME. 

280. 


413 
414 
415 
417 

419 

419 
420 
421 

422 

424 
424 

426 

427 

292. 
428  j  293. 

429 

294. 
430  295. 
431' 


281. 
282. 
283. 

284. 

285. 
286. 

287. 

288. 

289. 
290. 

291. 


Scheme  of  the   Roman  Theatre, 

according  to  Vitruvius  .     432 

Theatre  of  Marcel  1  us,  Rome.  .  433 
Plan  of  the  Flavian  Amphitheatre  434 
Section  of  the  Auditorium  of  the 

Flavian  Amphitheatre  .  .  435 
Fa9ade  and  Section  of  a  Rock-cut 

Tomb  at  Petra  ....  438 
Triumphal  Arch  of  Titus  .  .  439 
"  "         Septimius  Se- 

verus 440 

Section  of  the  Primitive  Roman 

Basilica 442 

Plan  of  the  Primitive  Roman  Ba- 
silica   442 

Plan  of  the  Basilica  of  Maxentius.  443 
Section  of  the  House  of  Pansa  in 

Pompeii 444 

Plan  of  the  House  of  Pansa  in 

Pompeii 444 

The  "Flavian  Palace  .  .  .  445 
Court  of  the  Palace  of  Diocletian 

at  Spalatro 446 

Fragment  of  the  Cista  Praenestina.  447 
Janus   Bifrons   upon  an    Ancient 

Roman  Coin      ....    448 


XX 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


rIGUBB  PAGE 

296.  Statue  of  Isis.    (Museum  of  Na- 

ples.)  450 

297.  Relief  of  Mithras.  (In  the  Louvre.)    451 

298.  Vertumnus  (Silvanus).     (In  Ber- 

lin.)     452 

299.  Relief  of  Bonus  Eventus.    (British 

Museum.) 453 

300.  Statue  of  Augustus.    (In  the  Vat- 

ican.)  454 

301.  Equestrian  Statue  of  Nonius  Bal- 

busjun 455 

302.  Relief  from  the  Arch  of  Titus  in 

Rome 458 


303.  Relief  of  Trajan,  from  the  Arch  of 

Constantine  in  Rome.        .        .     459 

304.  Relief  upon  the  Pedestal   of  the 

Column  of  Antoninus  Pius         .     460 

305.  Victory,  from  the  Arch  of  Con- 

stantine       463 

306.  Wall-painting    from    the    Aurea 

DomusofNero.        .        .        .    466 

307.  Ceres.     Pompeian  Wall-painting.    467 

308.  Wall-painting  from  Herculaneum.    468 

309.  Landscape-painting  from  Pompeii    469 

310.  Wall-painting  of  Decorative  Ar- 

chitecture, Pompeii   .        .        .    470 


Fig.  I.— The  Pyrunids  of  Gizeh. 


EGYPT. 


Ir  is  a  curious  chance  that  the  most  ancient  monuments  of  hu- 
man civilization  should  stand  upon  a  land  which  is  one  of  the 
youngest  geological  formations  of  our  earth.  The  scene  of  that  ar- 
tistic activity  made  known  to  us  by  the  oldest  architectural  remains 
of  Africa  and  of  the  world  was  not  Upper  Egypt,  where  steep  pri- 
meval cliffs  narrow  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  but  the  alluvion  of  the 
river's  delta.  It  would  be  difficult  to  decide  whether  the  impulse 
of  monumental  creativeness  were  here  first  felt,  or  whether  the 
mere  fact  of  the  preservation  of  these  Egyptian  works,  secured  by 
the  indestructibility  of  their  construction  as  well  as  by  the  un- 
changeableness  of  Egyptian  art,  be  sufficient  to  explain  this  prior- 
ity to  other  nations  of  antiquity — notably  to  Mesopotamia.  Al- 
though no  ruins  have  been  found  in  Chaldaea  of  earlier  date  than 
the  twenty-third  century  B.C.,  it  is  not  at  all  impossible  that  re- 
mains of  greater  antiquity  may  yet  come  to  light  in  a  country  which 
is  by  no  means  thoroughly  explored.    Nor  should  we  deem  the  old- 


2  -EGYfT.— ARCIirrECTURE. 

est  structures  now  preserved  to  be  necessarily  those  first  erected.  The 
perishable  materials  of  the  buildings  which  stood  in  the  plains  of 
the  Euphrates  and  Tigris,  generally  sun-dried  bricks  with  asphalt 
cement,  were  not  calculated  to  insure  long  duration,  or  to  prevent 
their  overthrow  and  obliteration  by  the  continual  changes  in  the 
course  of  these  rivers,  through  the  silting  and  swamping  of  their 
valleys.  Yet,  though  tradition  would  incline  us  to  assume  that 
Chaldaean  civilization  and  art  were  the  more  ancient,  the  oldest 
monuments  knoivn  exist  upon  the  banks  of  the  Nile. 

The  changeless  blue  of  the  Egyptian  sky,  the  strictly  regular 
return  of  all  the  natural  phenomena  connected  with  the  Nile, 
that  wonderful  stream  of  the  land's  life,  are  entirely  in  accord  with 
the  fixedness  of  Egyptian  civilization  in  all  its  branches.  Though 
the  high  state  of  advance  which  we  first  find  in  Egyptian  art,  three 
thousand  years  before  the  Christian  era,  must  necessarily  have  been 
preceded  by  less  perfected  degrees,  it  is  wholly  impossible  to  per- 
ceive such  stages  of  development  in  any  of  the  monuments  known. 
After  Egypt  had  attained  a  certain  height  of  civilization,  its  histo- 
ry, during  the  thousands  of  years  known  to  us,  shows  none  of  those 
phases  of  advance  or  decline,  of  development  in  short,  to  be  ob- 
served in  Europe  during  every  century,  if  not  during  every  decade. 

The  Egyptian  completed  buildings  and  statues  begun  by  his  re- 
mote ancestors  without  the  slightest  striving  for  individual  pecu- 
liarity. He  commenced  new  works  in  the  same  spirit,  leaving  them 
for  similar  execution  by  his  great-grandchildren.  Numberless  gen- 
erations thus  dragged  on  without  bequeathing  a  trace  of  any 
peculiar  character  and  ability.  It  is  only  by  the  cartouches  of 
the  kings  in  the  hieroglyphic  inscriptions  that  it  is  possible  to 
separate  the  dynasties,  and  to  group  into  periods  of  a  thousand 
years  or  more,  works  of  art  which  seem  from  their  style  to  belong  to 
one  and  the  same  age.  What  gigantic  revolutions  have  affected  the 
civilization  of  Europe  during  the  fourteen  centuries  elapsed  since 
the  overthrow  of  the  Roman  Empire,  and  how  slight  are  the  appre- 
ciable changes  during  the  nearly  equal  number  of  years  of  the  an- 
cient dynasties  of  Memphis — the  period  of  the  pyramids,  or  again 
of  the  Theban  kingdom — from  the  seventeenth  dynasty  to  the  rule 
of  the  Ptolemies ! 


PYRAMIDS.  3 

The  true  age  of  the  monuments  of  Lower  Egypt  has  not 
long  been  known.  When  Napoleon  I.  fired  the  spirits  of  his 
troops  before  the  Battle  of  the  Pyramids  by  the  well  -  known 
words  '*  Forty  centuries  look  down  upon  you  from  the  heights  of 
these  pyramids,"  he  must  have  been  aware  that,  according  to  the 
conceptions  of  the  archaeological  science  of  the  time,  he  was  exag- 
gerating. In  fact,  however,  he  was  far  behind  the  truth.  The  pyra- 
mids of  Abousere,  possibly  also  those  of  Dashour,  are  of  the  third 
dynasty  (3338  to  3124  B.C.,  according  to  Lepsius),  those  of  Gizeh 
of  the  fourth  dynasty  of  Manetho  (3124  to  2840  B.C.).  These  are 
structures  which  have  stood  for  five  thousand  years.  The  pyra- 
mids of  Cochome,  referred  to  the  first  dynasty  of  Manetho,  are  still 
older,  dating  from  a  time  nearly  coincident,  according  to  Biblical 
authority,  with  the  creation  of  the  world  itself  (3761  B.C.). 

It  is  true  we  are  still  so  far  from  chronological  certainty  that 
dates  often  differ  astonishingly.  Osbum,  for  instance,  places  the 
fourth  and  fifth  dynasties  as  late  as  the  period  between  2228  and 
2108  B.C.,  and  notably  the  two  kings  of  the  fourth  dynasty,  Shofo 
and  Nu-Shofo,  about  2170  B.C.  The  first  twelve  dynasties  of  Mem- 
phis, dated  by  Lepsius  about  3892  to  2167,  and  by  Osburn  as  late  as 
1959  B.C.,  are  now  known  principally  by  their  monumental  tombs. 
Among  these,  the  sepulchres  of  the  kings  are  prominent  in  like 
manner  as  the  ruler  in  an  absolute  and  theocratic  monarchy  is  ele- 
vated above  his  subjects. 

The  enslaved  people  labored  upon  the  monuments  of  their  mas- 
ters, often  during  the  entire  lifetime  of  these  latter.  It  may  be 
seen  from  contemporary  wall-paintings  that  the  discipline  main- 
tained during  the  work  of  construction  was  not  lacking  in  strict- 
ness, but  it  was  certainly  not  that  excessive  oppression  generally 
imagined.  A  body  of  over  one  hundred  thousand  workmen  sorely 
oppressed  might,  even  in  Egypt,  have  been  difficult  to  manage  by  a 
hated  despot.  It  was  principally  during  the  annual  inundations  of 
the  Nile  that  the  kings  employed  and  fed  the  poorer  classes,  at  that 
time,  perhaps,  unable  otherwise  to  subsist.  During  other  seasons  the 
rulers  could  not  have  taken  the  tillers  of  the  soil  from  fields  and 
flocks  without  great  injury  to  their  own  interests.  It  is  no  mark  of 
a  selfish  despotism,  which  builds  without  reference  to  the  welfare  of 


4  EGYPT.— ARCHITECTURE. 

land  and  subjects,  that  the  kings  removed  their  enormous  sepulchral 
piles  from  the  vicinity  of  their  residences — from  the  valuable  allu- 
vion of  the  Nile  to  the  barren  edge  of  the  desert.  They  thus,  as 
Plato  recommends,  occupied  no  place  with  dwellings  of  the  dead 
where  it  would  be  possible  for  the  living  to  find  nourishment.  The 
fertile  ground  of  the  valley  was  not  encumbered  by  the  colossal 
pyramids,  which  were  so  numerous  in  ancient  Egypt  that  Lepsius 
found  the  remains  of  sixty-seven  in  the  forty-eight  kilometers  alone 
between  Cairo  and  the  Fayoum,  on  the  western  bank  of  the  river. 
Supposing  only  five  score  such  pyramids,  with  an  average  area  of 
one  hundred  ares  each,  two  elevenths  of  that  of  the  great  pyramid 
of  Gizeh,  to  have  stood  in  the  narrow  valley  of  the  Nile,  what  an 
enormous  loss  in  the  grain  production  of  that  most  fertile  but 
limited  land  would  so  great  a  reduction  of  arable  surface  have 
caused  during  the  past  five  thousand  years ! 

The  fundamental  motive  of  the  pyramid  is  the  funeral  mound. 
A  small  upheaval  above  the  natural  level  of  the  ground  results  of 
itself  from  the  earth  displaced  by  the  bulk  of  the  buried  body. 
Our  present  practice  of  interment  clearly  illustrates  this.  Increased 
dimensions  elevate  the  mound  to  an  independent  monument.  Many 
nations,  some  of  a  high  degree  of  civilization,  have  contented  them- 
selves with  such  imposing  hills  of  earth  over  the  grave, — tumuli, 
which,  from  the  manner  of  their  construction,  assumed  a  conical 
form.  Others  placed  the  mound  upon  a  low  cylinder,  thus  bet- 
ter marking  its  distinction  from  accidental  natural  elevations.  The 
Egyptians  and  the  Mesopotamians  rejected  the  cone  entirely,  and 
formed,  with  plane  surfaces  upon  a  square  plan,  the  highly  mon- 
umental pyramid.  Peculiar  to  the  former  people  are  the  inclined 
sides  which  give  to  the  pyramid  its  absolute  geometrical  form, 
as  opposed  to  the  terraced  structures  of  Chaldaea.  The  sand  of 
the  desert  ebbed  and  flowed  fifty  centuries  ago  as  constantly  as  in 
our  time,  when  the  sphinx,  after  being  uncovered  to  its  base,  has 
been  quickly  hidden  again  to  the  neck.  Rulers,  unwilling  that 
their  gigantic  tombs  should  be  thus  submerged,  were  obliged  to 
secure  to  them  great  height,  with  inclined  and  unbroken  sides,  upon 
which  the  sand  could  not  lodge. 

The  typical  pyramid  of  Gizeh.  near  Cairo — the  monument  of 


PYRAMIDS.  5 

Cheops  (Shofo,  Suphis),  the  first  or  second  king  of  the  fourth  dy- 
nasty—  rises  above  the  broad  necropoUs  of  Memphis,  by  far  the 
largest  and  one  of  the  most  marvellous  works  of  mankind.  {Fig.  i.) 
With  a  ground-line  mean  of  232.56  m.,  the  great  pyramid  attained 
an  altitude  of  148.21  m.,  of  which  the  entire  apex  is  now  overthrown, 
leaving  a  height  of  about  138  m.*  The  original  intention  of  the 
builders  was  doubtless  an  absolutely  square  plan.  The  greatest  dif- 
crence  in  the  length  of  the  ground-lines  of  the  base  is  0.45  m.  The 
angle  of  the  upward  inclination  of  the  sides  has  been  found,  by  meas- 
urements at  various  points,  to  average  5 1  °  5 1 '  43".  The  entire  pyra- 
mid is  solidly  built  of  massive  blocks,  pierced  by  a  few  narrow  passages 
which  lead  to  small  chambers.  {Fig.  2.)  Like  most  of  these  monu- 
ments, the  entrance  is  situated  somewhat  above  the  ground  ;  it  opens 
to  a  passage  which  descends  with  a  gentle  inclination.  The  shaft  is 
covered  with  stones  leaning  against  each  other,  so  as  to  present  the 
great  resistance  of  a  gable  to  the  superimposed  mass.  In  passing  out 
of  the  masonry  it  is  continued  into  the  natural  rock  under  the  same 
angle,  26°  27'.  Near  the  point  of  separation  it  meets  with  another 
passage,  which  ascends  with  an  inclination  of  26°  6'  to  the  centre  of 
the  structure,  sending  off  a  nearly  horizontal  branch  at  half-way.  All 
three  shafts  lead  to  grave-chambers,  the  highest  being  the  most  im- 
portant. As  the  ascent  continues  above  the  horizontal  branch,  its 
importance  is  emphasized  by  the  passage  being  increased  from  1.2  or 
1.5  m.  high  to  a  corridor  8.5  m.  in  height,  roofed  by  gradually  project- 
ing blocks,  and  having  upon  its  floor  a  slide  to  facilitate  the  trans- 
port of  the  sarcophagus.  Thereupon  follows  a  horizontal  vestibule, 
closed  most  securely  by  four  blocks  of  granite  which  fell  like  portcul- 
lises. Only  three  of  these  had  been  let  down ;  the  fourth  remained 
in  its  original  position,  the  lower  grooves  never  having  been  cut  to 
allow  its  descent.  The  upper  chamber,  of  polished  granite,  but  other- 
wise not  ornamented,  is  10.48  m.  long,  5.24  m.  broad,  and  5.84  m, 
high.f     It  is  ceiled  horizontally  with  nine  colossal  lintels  of  granite, 


•The  measurements  in  the  text  are  the  mean  of  the  results  attained  by  the  French  acad- 
emicians in  1799,  and  by  Colonel  Howard  Vyse  in  1837.  The  recent  measurements  of  Mr. 
Thomas  Inglis  make  the  north  side  231.64  m.,  the  south  231.49  m.,  the  east  and  west  sides 
alike  231.19  m.,  or  an  average  of  231.38  m. 

t  According  to  Piazzi  Smyth. 


6  EGYPT.— ARCHITECTURE. 

a  detail  which  seemed  at  first  surprising,  as  other  voids  of  far  less 
width  were  more  firmly  covered,  either  by  projecting  and  gradual- 
ly approaching  stones,  as  in  the  ascending  corridor;  or  with  blocks 
leaned  together  so  as  to  form  a  gable,  as  in  the  other  passages,  and 
in  the  middle  chamber,  called  that  of  the  Queen.  Yet  it  was  for  the 
security  of  this  upper  chamber  that  the  greatest  care  proved  to 
have  been  taken.  The  weight  of  the  half-height  of  the  pyramid 
remaining  above  it  was  by  no  means  allowed  to  rest  upon  its  hori- 


\ 


Vx 

■s^. 


-5=^ 


Fig.  2. — The  Great  Pyramid  of  Gizeh.     Section  North  and  South,  looking  West, 


zontal  lintels.  There  are  above  them  five  low  relieving  spaces  sep- 
arated by  four  stone  ceilings  similar  to  the  first ;  mighty  blocks  are 
inclined  over  all  these  to  a  gable  triangle.  In  case  of  rupture  the 
horizontal  beams  would  of  themselves  have  formed  new  triangles 
and  prevented  direct  downward  pressure,  Cheops  certainly  did  not 
need  to  fear  the  ceiling  of  his  chamber  falling  in  upon  him.  Venti- 
lation was  provided  for  the  room  by  two  narrow  air-channels,  which, 
inclining  upwards,  took  the  shortest  course  to  the  outside. 


PYRAMIDS.  7 

The  perfectly  geometrical  form  of  the  pyramids  of  Gizeh  has 
from  early  times  led  to  speculations  upon  their  having  been  erected 
in  conformity  with  mathematical  or  astronomical  calculations;  and 
endless  attempts  have  been  made  to  discover  the  fixed  proportions 
which  they  are  supposed  to  embody,  and  to  determine  their  sym- 
bolical or  metrical  significance.  Too  much  is  often  assumed  upon 
the  strength  of  accidental  coincidences,  generally  only  approximate; 
but  if  such  proportions  indeed  existed,  whatever  may  have  been 
their  intention,  they  are  evidently  beyond  the  true  province  of  art. 

The  second  great  pyramid,  built  by  the  succes.sor  of  Cheops, 
Chephren  (Sophris),  seems  not  to  have  been  so  regular  in  its  inte- 
rior arrangement.  The  third,  that  of  Chephren's  successor,  My- 
kerinos  (Menkera),  is  of  the  most  beautiful  execution.  The  une- 
venness  of  the  ground  was  so  considerable  that  a  substructure  of 
masonry  was  here  necessar}-.  The  entire  kernel  is  of  rectangular 
courses  of  stone,  and,  with  the  e.xception  of  the  exterior  casing,  is 
built  in  the  form  of  steps.  This  manner  of  construction  was  em- 
ployed in  most  of  the  pyramids,  but  is  here  particularly  noticeable. 
The  casing  of  granite,  highly  polished,  is  still  partly  intact ;  the  joints 
of  its  stones  are  scarcely  perceptible,  and  are  not  wider  than  the 
thickness  of  a  sheet  of  paper. 

The  mechanical  excellence  of  all  these  pyramids  is  indeed  won- 
derful ;  they  remain  as  a  marvellous  proof  of  the  constructive  abil- 
ity of  man  in  ages  far  anterior  to  known  periods  of  the  world's  his- 
tory. Nor  are  they  mere  piles  of  masonry  which  could  have  been 
erected  by  an  enslaved  people  without  the  guidance  of  skilled  and 
thoughtful  designers.  The  arrangement  of  the  passages,  of  the 
chambers  and  their  portcullises,  of  the  quarried  stone  and  polished 
revetment,  was  admirably  adapted  to  the  required  ends. 

In  the  third  pyramid  two  corridors  have  been  found,  one  above 
the  other.  The  upper,  opening  within  from  the  first  chamber,  at 
some  height  above  the  floor,  does  not  reach  the  exterior  surface, 
but  ends  suddenly  against  the  unpierced  outside  casings.  This 
peculiarity  is  explained  by,  and  in  turn  gives  weight  to,  the  state- 
ment that  this  pyramid,  as  originally  built  by  Mykerinos,  was  con- 
siderably smaller  than  it  is  at  present,  measuring,  according  to  the 
end  of  the  unfinished  upper  corridor,  54.86  m.  on  the  side  of  the 


8  EGYPT.— ARCHITECTURE. 

plan,  and  42.20  m.  in  vertical  height.  Nitocris,  the  last  queen  of  the 
sixth  dynasty,  prepared  the  pyramid  to  serve  also  as  her  own  monu- 
ment by  adding  courses  of  stone  which  increased  these  dimensions 
to  117.29  and  66.75  "1-  respectively.  But  as  the  original  entrance, 
by  the  prolongation  of  its  inclined  line  outward,  would  thereby 
have  opened  much  too  high  above  the  ground,  a  new  corridor  be- 
neath the  first  was  rendered  necessary.  The  second  chamber,  which 
probably  once  contained  the  sarcophagus  of  the  queen,  was  found 
entirely  plundered.  The  third  and  lowest,  better  protected,  had 
been  opened ;  but  in  it  there  still  remained  in  position  a  magnifi- 
cent coffer  of  basalt.  The  exterior  of  this  sarcophagus  was  sculpt- 
ured with  lattice-work  in  imitation  of  a  palace-like  structure  with 
portals.  Fragments  of  the  wooden  coffin,  with  carved  hieroglyph- 
ics, once  within  it,  and  of  the  mummy  itself,  were  flung  about  the 
room.  The  sarcophagus,  of  the  greatest  value  as  illustrating  the 
architectural  forms  of  its  time,  sank  in  the  Mediterranean  with  the 
ship  which  was  carrying  it  away  to  England.  The  mummy  and  the 
lid  of  the  coffin  are  in  the  British  Museum.  Hieroglyphics  upon 
the  latter  designate  the  venerable  remains  as  those  of  King  Men- 
kera,  the  same  Mykerinos  whom  Herodotos,  following  traditions  of 
the  Egyptian  priests,  mentions  as  one  of  the  best  rulers  of  the  land. 
The  stone  ceiling  of  the  Mykerinos  chamber  was  at  first  thought 
to  be  vaulted,  it  having  the  form  of  a  low  pointed  arch.  This 
peculiarity  proved,  however,  to  be  due  to  a  hollowing -out  of  the 
inclined  gable  blocks. 

Princes  and  princesses  of  these  early  dynasties  appear  to  have' 
been  buried  in  smaller  pyramids,  like  those  which  stand  in  groups 
of  three  near  the  first  and  third  great  pyramids  of  Gizeh.  Promi- 
nent subjects  were  allowed  to  take  a  place  in  the  royal  necropolis ; 
but  their  pyramids  were  always  truncated,  in  form  resembling  the 
Egyptian  footstool  —  the  pyramidal  point  remained  the  peculiar 
privilege  of  the  kings.  It  appears  to  have  been  customary  to 
commence  all  these  structures  with  a  few  large  terraces  of  ma- 
sonry, which  were  not  fully  developed  into  the  perfectly  pyramidal 
structure  until  the  last  stones,  the  revetments,  were  put  in  place. 
These  terraces  generally  had  vertical  sides.  Occasionally  this  con- 
struction was   varied  by  being  formed  with  sloping  sides,  which 


PYRAMIDS.  g 

repeated  the  obtuse  ascending  angle  of  the  footstool,  so  that  the 
separate  steps,  elsewhere  with  a  vertical  rise,  were  here  somewhat 
inclined.  It  is  not  certain  whether  the  absolute  pyramidal  form 
was  always  intended  to  be  carried  out  upon  the  completion  of  these 
latter  monuments.  The  examples  of  the  inclined  terraces  which 
have  been  preserved  rather  seem  to  show  that  various  attempts 
were  made  to  develop  architecturally  upon  the  exterior  the  pecu- 
liarity of  its  inner  construction.  The  arrangement  and  line  of  the 
kernel  were  more  or  less  strictly  adhered  to,  so  that  the  last  course 
of  facing-stones  showed  the  original  angle  of  the  interior  masonry. 


Fig.  3.— Section  of  the  Great  Pyramid  of  Saccara. 

The  increasing  of  the  terraces  by  successive  courses  —  coats,  as 
it  were  —  seems  to  have  been  generally  continued  as  long  as  the 
reign  of  a  Pharaoh  would  permit.  The  layers,  when  inclined,  were 
most  numerous  at  the  foot  of  the  pyramid,  decreasing  in  number  as 
they  ascend,  that  the  mass  might  not  take  the  proportions  of  a  tow- 
er. This  manner  of  building  is  displayed  by  the  section  of  the  first 
pyramid  of  Saccara  {Fi^:  3),  which,  if  the  courses  had  been  continued 
in  equal  number,  would  have  reached  a  height  of  at  least  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  meters,  instead  of  the  57.91  m.  effected  by  its  terrace- 


lO 


EGYPT.— ARCHITECTURE. 


like  contractions.  The  pyramid  of  Meydoun  shows  that  this  con- 
traction did  not  necessarily  take  place  in  regular  and  equal  steps. 
{Fig.  4.)  There  the  layers  were  added,  without  decreasing  in  number, 
to  a  considerable  height,  when  the  structure  was  quickly  completed 
by  broad  and  low  terraces.  Similar  to  this  must  have  been  those 
pyramids  which  ended  in  a  platform  and  served  as  the  mighty  ped- 
estals of  colossal  figures,  described  by  Herodotos  as  existing  in 
Lake  Moeris.  A  remarkable  variation  from  these  forms  is  finally  to 
be  noticed  in  the  stone  pyramid  of  Dashour.  {Fig.  5.)    Rising  at  first 


Fig.  4. — The  Pyramid  of  Meydoun. 

with  steep  inclination,  54°  14',  it  changes  its  slant  at  half-height  to 
reach,  with  a  smaller  angle,  42°  59',  a  more  rapid  conclusion.  This 
artistically  unfortunate  form  seems  to  have  been  owing  to  a  change 
of  plan  during  the  execution  of  the  work  ;  it  was  doubtless  originally 
designed  to  have  been  finished  like  the  pyramid  of  Meydoun.  It  is 
hardly  necessary  to  seek  the  origin  of  the  double  angle  in  the  analo- 
gous obtuse  termination  of  Egyptian  obelisks.  This  pyramid  of  Da- 
shour is  further  remarkable  on  account  of  its  magnificent  revetment 
of  polished  Mocattam  limestone,  which  is  almost  entirely  preserved. 


F\"kAxMIUS. 


II 


There  is  as  great  a  difference  in  the  material  as  in  the  form  of 
the  pyramids.  As  early  as  the  third  dynasty  King  Asychis  (Asu- 
chra)  built  a  pyramid  of  what  Herodotos  terms  Nile  mud;  that  is  to 
say,  of  sun-dried  bricks.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  great  pyra- 
mid of  Dashour  may  be  identified  with  this.  Besides  this  peculiarity 
of  material,  it  is  of  unusual  construction,  not  having  been  immedi- 
ately built  upon  the  natural  ground,  but  standing  on  a  thick  layer 
of  sand,  which,  enclosed  by  retaining-walls,  forms  an  excellent  foun- 
dation. 


Fig.  5. — Southern  Stone  Pyramid  of  Dashour. 

One  of  the  group  of  pyramids  at  Abousere  is  built  of  rubble- 
stones,  quarried  from  the  high  plateau  of  the  desert  itself,  and  rough- 
ly cemented  with  Nile  mud.  The  builder  of  this  irregular  masonry 
held  it  the  more  necessary  to  insure  the  ceiling  of  his  grave-chamber 
with  the  greatest  care,  and  three  gables  of  stones,  10.90  m.  long  and 
3.66  m.  thick,  provide  a  resistance  as  sufficient  against  the  imposed 
mass  as  does  the  sixfold  roofing  of  the  King's  Chamber  at  Gizeh. 
{Fig.  6.)  The  exterior  layers  were  carefully  constructed  of  blocks 
from  the  quarries  of  Tourah.  Immense  dikes,  forerunners  of  our 
modem  causeways,  led  from  these  quarries  to  the  buildings  at  Abou- 


12 


EGYPT.— ARCHITECTURE. 


sere.  Although  intended  only  for  the  conveyance  of  materials,  they 
were  yet  so  firmly  built  that  they  exist  at  the  present  time.  Egyp- 
tian wall-paintings  show  in  the  clearest  manner  the  transportation 
of  colossal  monolithic  statues  along  these  ways  upon  sledges,  either 
moved  upon  rollers  or  dragged  over  an  oiled  slide,  as  in  Fig.  7.  The 
pyramid  of  Illahoun,  like  the  northern  pyramid  of  Dashour  and  oth- 
ers, is  built  of  brick ;  its  masonry  was  additionally  strengthened  by 
walls  of  stone,  the  thickest  being  upon  the  diagonals  of  the  plan. 
The  pyramid  of  Meydoun  is  built  of  alternate  horizontal  courses  of 
variously  quarried  stone.  The  following  are  the  most  important 
pyramids  still  standing,  with  their  dimensions  in  meters : 


Name  of  Pyramid. 

1.  Great  pyramid  of  Gizeh. 

2.  Second  pyramid  of  Gizeh 

3.  Northern  stone  pyramid  of  Dashour.. . . 

4.  Southern  stone  pyramid  of  Dashour. . . . 

5.  Pyramid  of  Illahoun 

6.  Pyramid  of  Meydoun 

7.  Northern  pyramid  of  Lisht 

8.  Pyramid  of  Hovara 

9.  Northern  pyramid  of  Lisht 

10.  Southern  brick  pyramid  of  Dashour. . . 

11.  Great  pyramid  of  Abousere 

12.  Third  pyramid  of  Gizeh 

13.  Northern  brick  pyramid  of  Dashour. . . . 

14.  Great  pyramid  of  Saccara 

15.  Pyramid  of  Abou-Roash 


Original 
Height. 


Present 

Height.' 


Side  of  Plan. 


Angle  of  Ascent 


148.21 
13939 
104-39 
'03.29 


81.46 
69.39 
66.83 
65.2"; 

61.06 


137-34 
136.37 
99-49 
97.28 

39.62 
68.40 
20.85 
32-31 
27-31 
47-55 
49-99 
61.87 

27-43 
57-91 


232.56 
215.09 
219.28 

187-93 
now,  170.69 
now,  161.54 
now,  137.16 

116.92 
now,  109.73 

104.39 

109.60 

77-04 

104.34 

E.  X  W.  120.02 

N.  X  S 


107.01 
104.39 


51°  52' 
52°  21 

43°  36' 
above  54°  14' 
below  42°  59' 

74°  10' 


57  20 
51°  42' 
51°  10' 
51°  20' 

73°  30' 


The  Nubian  pyramids  on  Mount  Barkal  and  in  Meroe,  far  more 
numerous  than  those  of  Lower  Egypt,  have  lost  much  of  their  in- 
terest since  investigations  have  shown  that  the  civilization  of  Egypt 
and  the  prototypes  of  monumental  art  did  not  descend  from  Nubia, 
as  was  at  first  supposed,  but  arose  in  the  delta  and  advanced  up  the 
stream.  Inscriptions  prove  these  pyramids  to  be  some  three  thou- 
sand years  younger  than  those  of  Memphis,  dating  them  at  as 
recent  an  epoch  as  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era.  They  are 
generally  grouped  in  an  extended  necropolis,  and  differ  from  those 
of  the  ancient  kingdom  by  a  steeper  angle  of  elevation,  by  a 
roundel-moulding  upon  the  angles,  and,  above  all,  by  much  smaller 
dimensions. 

Though  the  truncated  pyramidal  form,  as  has  been  seen  in  a 


ROCK-CUT   TOMBS. 


13 


number  of  tombs  at  Gizeh,  was  not  excluded  from  the  funeral  archi. 
lecture  of  Egyptian  subjects,  it  was  never  general.  Rock-cut  tombs 
were  much  more  customary.  The  upright  clififs  which  border  the 
banks  of  the  Nile  led  naturally  to  such  a  formation,  and  in  their 
sides  are  excavated  caverns  of  very  different  dimensions,  from  the 
prevalent  small,  square  chambers,  with  a  narrow  entrance  high 
above  the  level  of  the  valley,  to  the  most  extended  series  of  rooms. 


Fig.  6. — Section  of  the  Middle  Pyramid  of  Abousere. 

These  tombs  were  commonly  decorated  by  mural  paintings  alone, 
but  occasionally  by  carved  architectural  details,  which  always  repre- 
sent a  wooden  sheathing  of  slats  or  lattice-work.  The  larger  cham- 
bers, even  of  the  most  primitive  period,  have  the  roof  supported  by 
square  piers. 

It  is  from  these  piers  that  the  Egyptian  columns  seem  to  have 
originated,  dividing  from  the  outset  into  two  classes  and  develop- 
ing in  different  directions. 


H 


EGYPT.— ARCHITECTURE. 


One  class  of  columns  arose  from  chamfering  the  corners  of  the 
square  pier,  this  support  being  thus  transformed  into  an  eight-sided, 
and,  when  the  proceeding  was  repeated,  to  a  sixteen -sided,  shaft. 
The  first  phase  of  change,  with  its  octagonal  plan,  was  simple  and 
advantageous — a  predominance  of  vertical  line  was  secured  to  the 
support,  as  well  as  greater  room  and  ease  of  passage  to  the  cham- 
ber. The  second,  the  sixteen-sided  figure,  offered  but  few  new  ad- 
vantages ;  on  the  contrary,  the  play  of  light  and  shade  between 
the  sixteen  sides  and  angles  was  lost  in  proportion  as  the  edges  be- 
came more  obtuse  and  less  visible.  As  the  sleek  rotundity  of  an 
absolutely  cylindrical  shaft  was  not  desirable,  the  blunt  angles  of 
the  sixteen-sided  prism,  of  rather  coarse  ston6,  were  emphasized  to 


Fig.  7. — Transport  of  a  Colossus.     Egyptian  Wall-painting. 


avoid  the  disagreeable  uncertainty  which  is  felt  when  the  plan  is  un- 
decided between  a  polygo^i  and  a  circle.  This  was  effected  by  chan- 
nelling the  sides,  making  the  a^ris  more  prominent  and  giving  a 
more  lively  variation  of  vertical  light  and  shade.  The  pier  thus 
maintained,  in  some  degree,  its  prismatic  character  while  approach- 
ing the  cylinder,  and  the  channelled  column  arose. 

Rock-cut  tombs  of  the  twelfth  dynasty  (2380-2167  B.C.,  accord- 
ing to  Lepsius)  situated  at  Beni-hassan,  and  part  of  the  necropolis  of 
the  ancient  Nus,  a  city  early  destroyed,  show  the  polygonal  pier 
in  the  two  phases  of  eight  and  sixteen  sided  plan.  The  most 
northern  of  these  has  the  octagonal  unchannelled  pier  in  the  vesti- 
bule, and  the  sixteen-sided  channelled  column  within.  Only  fifteen 
channels  are  executed  on  the  latter,  the  sixteenth  side  being  left 


COLUMNS. 


15 


plane  for  the  reception  of  a  painted  row  of  hieroglyphics.  Both  ex- 
terior and  interior  shafts  have  a  base  like  a  large  flat  millstone, 
which  projects  far  beyond  the  lower  diameter  of  the  column,  its 
edge  being  bevelled  inward.  A  square  abacus  plinth  is  the  only 
medium  between  shaft  and  ceiling,  the  two  columns  of  the  vestibule 
lacking  even  this.  A  full  entablature  did  not  exist  in  the  interior, 
as  a  representative  of  the  outer  edge  of  roof  and  ceiling  there  would 
natiir-\lly  have  been  out  of  place.  The  northernmost  tomb  has 
no  distinct  entablature  carved  upon  the  exterior ;  but  its  neighbor 


Fig.  & — Section  and  Plan  of  the  Northernmost  Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Beni-hassan. 

{Fig.  9)  shows,  cut  from  the  solid  rock,  a  massive  horizontal  epistyle 
above  the  columns,  and  upon  this  the  projecting  edge  of  the  ceiling, 
which  appears  to  consist  of  squarely  hewn  joists.  Lattice-work  was 
found  represented  upon  the  stone  sarcophagus  of  Mykerinos.  Here 
the  model  of  a  wooden  ceiling  is  truthfully  imitated  upon  the  rock. 
As,  in  the  flat  coverings  of  rainless  Egypt,  roof  and  ceiling  appear 
one  and  the  same,  this  entablature  has  but  two  members — epistyle 
and  cornice  ;  while  the  frieze,  in  Greek  architecture  the  representative 
of  a  horizontal  ceiling  beneath  the  inclined  roof,  does  not  here  exist. 


i6 


EGYPT.— ARCHITECTURE. 


,r(i\\>    1\ 


This  order  of  architecture,  called,  because  of  the  similarity  of  the 
shaft,  the  Proto-Doric,  was  predominant  in  the  ancient  kingdom. 
But  at  least  as  early  as  the  twelfth  dynasty  another  class  of  col- 
umns was  in  use  which  had  been  developed  in  an  entirely  different 
manner.  The  Proto-Doric  columns  originated  from  the  mathemati- 
cal duplication  of  tjie  prismatic  sides  and  angles_of  the  square  pier ; 
these  second  made  the  same  pier  their  model,  but  followed  its 
painted  ornament,  not  its  architectural  form.  The  primitive  de- 
signer enriched  his  work  with  flowers,  striving  to  preserve  the  quick- 
ly fading  natural  decoration  by  an  imperishable  imitation.  Many 
of  the  bands  of  ornament  customary  in  antiquity  may  be  considered 

as  rows  or  wreaths  of  leaves  and 
flowers,  although  often  they  do 
not  betray  their  derivation  at 
\  first  sight,  because  of  the  origi- 
nal imperfect  representation  of 
nature,  the  subsequent  strict 
conventionalization,  and  final 
degeneracy  into  formalism. 

In  Egypt,  ornamental  adap- 
tations of  the  lotos-flowers  of 
the  Nile  appear  at  first  in  long, 
frieze -like  rows,  the  blossoms 
being  bound  together  by  the 
stems  in  much  the  same  ar- 
rangement as  similar  decorations  in  Assyria,  or  the  better  conven- 
tionalized anthemion  friezes  in  Greece.  When  this  horizontal  orna- 
ment was  transferred  to  the  narrow  vertical  sides  of  a  pier,  it  was 
necessary  to  place  the  flowers  closely  together,  to  lengthen  the 
curled  stems  and  bind  them  ;  in  short,  to  form  of  the  wreaths,  which 
had  answered  for  the  narrow  band,  a  bouquet  better  corresponding 
to  the  tall,  upright  space  to  be  filled. 

Such  a  bunch  of  long-stemmed  [otos-buds  is  shown  upon  the 
pillars  of  the  tombs  near  Sauiet-el-Meytin  {Fig.  lo),  which,  certain- 
ly of  the  ancient  kingdom,  were  probably  of  the  sixth  dynasty. 
This  bouquet  may  have  been  as  customary  an  ornament  for  the 
pier  as  the  garlands  of  lotos-flowers  were  for  the  frieze. 


Fig.  9. — Second  Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Beni-hassan. 


FLORAL  COLUMNS. 


17 


The  history  of  architectural  decoration  shows  that  the  stone- 
cutter's chisel  everywhere  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  color.  The 
four  sides  of  the  pier  bore  the  same  painted  flowers ;  if  these  were 
to  be  sculptured,  nothing  could  be  more  natural  than  to  carry  them 
from  four-sided  relief  into  the  full  round,  where  they  offered  the 
same  face  to  all  points  of  view,  and  transformed  the  painted  pier  into 
a  column  formed  like  a  bunch  of  lotos-blossoms.  This  development 
must  have  taken  place  early  in  the  ancient 
kingdom,  for  we  find  the  floral  column  in 
the  same  tombs  of  the  twelfth  dynasty  at 
Beni-hassan  which  show  the  so-called  Proto- 
Doric  shaft  in  its  various  phases.  Form  and 
color  so  work  together  in  the  floral  column 
as  to  leave  no  doubt  of  the  fundamental  idea 
having  been  the  bunch  of  lotos-buds  painted 
upon  the  sides  of  the  pier.  Four  stems  of 
rounded  profile  are  engaged,  rising  from  a 
flat  base  similar  to  that  of  the  polygonal 
column.  They  are  tied  together  under 
the  buds  by  fivefold  ribbons  of  different 
colors.  Above  these  the  lotos  -  flowers 
spread  from  the  stems,  showing  between 
their  green  leaves  the  opening  buds  in 
narrow  slits  of  white.  The  flowers  of  the 
painted  bouquet  {Fig.  10)  are  spread  apart ; 
but  in  the  sculptured  column  they  are  nec- 
essarily united,  forming  the  capital.  Even 
the  little  blossoms  with  short  stems,  repre- 
sented upon  the  painting  of  Sauiet-el-Mey- 
tin,  are  not  neglected,  although  the  calyx  itself  has  become  much 
smaller,  owing  to  technical  reasons  of  the  execution. 

Beni-hassan  proves  that  the  two  orders,  the  channelled  polygonal 
shaft  and  the^  lotos-column  {Fig.  11),  had  been  developed  as  early  as 
the  twelfth  dynasty ;  but  as  columnar  architecture  was  not  general 
in  the  ancient  kingdom,  the  examples  preserved  are  isolated.  The 
little  temple  of  that  age  discovered  by  Mariette  Bey  near  the  great 
sphinx  of  Gizeh  shows  no  trace  of  columns,  their  place  being  supplied 

2 


Fig.  10. — Pier  Decoration  from 
the  Tombs  of  Sauiet-el-Meytin. 


i8 


EGYPT.— ARCHITECTURE. 


by  monolithic  piers.  The  period  between  the  twenty-second  and 
the  sixteenth  century  B.C.,  during  which  the  Nile-land  was  occupied 
by  the  nomadic  Hycsos,  the  shepherd  kings,  enemies  to  all  civil- 
ization, was  not  favorable  to  the  further  application  and  devel- 
opment of  architectural  genius.  The  columns  do  not  again  ap- 
pear until  the  advent  of  the  new  Theban  kingdom  with  the  eigh- 
teenth dynasty  (1591  B.C.,  according  to  Lepsius),  when  they  were 
extensively  employed,  especially  in  temples.  It  was  then  that  the 
typical  forms  of  the  orders  were  determined.  The  Proto-Doric,  the 
channelled  polygonal  column  of  the  tombs  at  Beni-hassan,  fell  into 
disuse.  Its  simplicity  suited  neither  the  desire  for  richness  of  form, 
peculiar  to  the  later  Egyptians,  nor  the  de- 
light in  polychromatic  ornament,  which  found 
only  one  unchannelled  strip  at  its  disposal. 

The  polygonal  shaft  received,  in  certain 
measure,  a  new  lease  of  life  by  the  invention 
of  a  necessary  part,  a  capital  in  place  of  the 
meagre  abacus  plinth  which  had  formerly  been 
the  insufficient  medium  of  transition  between 
the  upright  support  and  the  horizontal  entab- 
lature. The  vegetable  prototype  was  deserted, 
and  a  female  head,  or  rather  a  fourfold  mask 
about  a  cubical  kernel,  crowned  the  shaft,  be- 
[  \  ing  surmounted  by  an  ornament  somewhat  re- 

Fig,  n.— Lotos -column  of  sembling  a  chapel.     The  column  thereby  be- 
Beni-hassan.  ^^^^  similar  to  a  Hermes,  or  to  a  caryatid  fig- 

ure of  Janus  Quadrifrons,  as  it  were.  {Fig.  12.)  But  the  representa- 
tion of  the  deity  Athor  had  only  a  limited  application,  and  seems  to 
have  prevented  the  column  from  being  generally  employed. 

A  far  wider  field  was  opened  to  the  floral  column,  which  in  its 
architectural  and  ornamental  development  was  removed  further  and 
further  from  its  original  model.  The  changes  were  brought  about  in 
two  ways,  the  most  direct  alterations  being  effected  by  the  sculptor. 
The  four  buds  and  stems  of  the  lotos-columns  of  Beni-hassan  were 
increased  to  eight ;  the  latter  changed  their  round  cylinders  to  an- 
gular prisms,  thus  giving  up  much  of  the  vegetable  character.  The 
former  straight  and  stiff  shaft,  rising  directly  from  the  base,  was 


FLORAL  COLUMNS. 


19 


curved  near  the  bottom  by  a  short  swelling,  which  suddenly  increased 
the  diameter.  This  entasis  was  surrounded  by  a  row  of  leaves,  again 
characterizing  the  ascending  bundle  as  stems.  Leaves  were  also 
added  at  the  foot  of  the  buds,  these  being  out  of  place  and  impair- 
ing the  consequential  development  expressed  in  the  column  of  Beni- 
hassan,  though  corresponding  well  enough  with  the  treatment  adopted 
for  the  similar  enlargement  at  the  foot  of  the  shaft. 
The  four  little  flowers,  which  were  tied  in  by  the 
bands  of  the  Beni-hassan  column,  naturally  became 
eight  in  number  with  the  duplication  of  the  stems 
and  blossoms.  They  were  before  much  diminished 
in  size,  but  here  became  an  entirely  unorganic, 
rectangular  ornament.  The  binding  ribbons  of  the 
neck  retained  their  original  variegated  colors ;  but 
the  painting  of  the  capital  itself  put  aside  every 
likeness  to  the  natural  colors  of  the  flower.     {Fig, 

An  entirely  picturesque  transformation  also  af- 
fected the  lotos -column,  and  led  to  the  second 
phase  of  its  development.  The  stone  shaft  was  cut 
cylindrically,  the  memberings  being  omitted  and  all 
reminiscences  of  stem  and  bud  being  abandoned. 
The  wreaths  of  leaves  remained  at  the  lower  end 
of  the  shaft  and  of  the  capital,  as  did  also  the  bind- 
ing ribbons  with  the  little  flowers,  which  were  still 
more  broadened  and  distorted.  The  rest  of  the 
column  gave  space  for  painted,  or  rather  coilana- 
glyphic,  representations  of  devotional  acts,  for  the 
cartouches  of  the  kings  and  for  hieroglyphic  in-  C 
scriptions.  {Fig.  13  <^-)  The  capital,  which  had  Fig.  12,— Column  from 
before  consisted  of  four  and  of  eight  buds,  became  Sedmga. 

consolidated  to  a  single  one ;  the  binding  ribbon  of  the  neck  was 
retained  without  a  function.  It  was  the  more  natural  to  open  the 
single  bud  to  the  calyx  of  a  flower,  a  graceful  and  satisfactory  solu- 
tion of  the  problem  which  retained  its  sway  henceforth  in  Egypt 
much  as  the  Corinthian  capital,  so  nearly  related  in  form  to  this 
Egyptian  calyx,  predominated  over  other  Roman  varieties.      The 


20 


EGYPT.— ARCHITECTURE. 


shaft  and  the  ribbons  remained,  as  in  the  painted  column  of  the 
Memnonium.  {Fig.  13  b.)  So  also  did  the  row  of  leaves  at  the  base 
of  the  capital ;  the  little  flowers  were  entirely  omitted,  and  the  upper 
part  of  the  calyx  was  thickly  covered  with  royal  seals  painted  between 
upright  ornaments,  so  small  that  their  line  does  not  affect  the  com- 
position of  the  whole.  {Pig.  14.)  A  discord  resulted  from  the  re- 
tention of  the  abacus  plinth  of  the  former  bud  capital  in  its  original 

proportions,  a  defect  which  in 
some  degree  defeated  the  aesthet- 
ic advantages  of  the  boldly  pro- 
jecting calyx  as  a  medium  be- 
tween the  vertical  support  and 
the  horizontal  mass  above  it. 

The  calyx  capital  attained  no 
typical  and  established  form  in 
Egyptian  architecture,  even  as 
the  Corinthian  capital  received 
no  formal  development  in  the 
Hellenic  art  which  originated 
it.  The  decoration  of  the  calyx 
continued  to  offer  a  wide  field 
for  the  inventive  talent  of  the 
Egyptian  architect,  which  was 
here  employed  with  most  fortu- 
nate results.  The  ruined  build- 
ings, especially  of  later  periods, 
show  hundreds  of  different  cap- 

^.      ,     T  ^        ,         ,       T,,  .  itals,  from  the  simplest  upright 

Fig.  13. — Lotos -columns  from  Thebes.  '  r  r    & 

a.  Sculptured  Column  from  I*.  Painted  Column  from  the  forms  of  the  papyrUS  tO  clabo- 
the  Great  Temple  at  Camac.  I  Memnonium  of  Ramses  II.  ,  ,  ,  ,i      ,    , 

rately  turned  and  rolled  leaves ; 
these  floral  ornaments  being  almost  always  composed  and  conven- 
tionalized with  admirable  taste. 

A  decided  advance  was  made  by  separating  the  upper  edge  of 
the  calyx,  with  notches,  into  four  large  petals,  although  the  decora- 
tion did  not  have  sufficient  influence  to  affect  the  column  as  a  whole. 
The  most  satisfactory  among  the  varieties  of  the  floral  column,  and 
that  most  thoroughly  carried  out,  was  certainly  the  palm  ;  the  cap- 


FLORAL  CAPITALS. 


21 


ital  of  which  was  characterized  as  a  crown  of  leaves,  and  the  shaft, 
by  an  imitation  of  the  bark,  as  a  palm-stem.  The  tall  leaves  ren- 
dered a  greater  height  of  the  palm  capital  necessary;  thus  increased, 
it  most  closely  approached  the  Corinthian  in  beauty  of  outline.  The 
division  of  the  great  calyx  into  eight  lobes  was  another  result  of  this 
decoration.  As  the  palm  capital  was  frequently  placed  among 
others,  especially  by  the  Egyptians  of  later  periods,  it  naturally  had 
the  effect  upon  the  varieties  to  be  brought  into  harmony  with  it  of 
lowering  the  necking  of  their  shafts  in  the  same  measure  as  had  been 
necessary  for  itself.     {Fig.  15.) 

The  slender  proportions  prevalent  during  the  time  of  the  Ptole- 
mies caused  the  abacus 
plinth  upon  the  calyx  to 
be  heightened  to  a  cube, 
and  even  increased  to  twice 
the  height  of  the  capital 
itself,  in  which  case  it  was 
ornamented  by  the  heads 
of  Athor  and  Typhon,  or 
by  the  entire  dwarfed  fig- 
ure of  the  latter.  In  rare 
cases,  piers  take  the  place 
of  columns  in  the  temple 
courts,  and  are  masked  by 
statues  of  Osiris  or  of  Ty- 
phon. {Fig.  16.)  These  figures  have  of  themselves  no  constructive 
function  as  supports,  and  are  not  to  be  classed  with  the  caryatides 
and  telamones  of  Greece. 

The  great  variety  of  form  in  the  column  and  capital  is  not  shared 
by  the  entablature.  This  consists,  as  seen  at  the  tombs  of  Beni- 
hassan,  of  two  members.  The  lower  stretches  from  pier  to  pier,  or 
from  column  to  column,  as  a  connecting  epistyle.  The  upper,  rep- 
resenting the  horizontal  ceiling,  reposes  thereupon,  and  is  crowned 
by  the  universal  cornice-moulding — a  boldly  projecting  Egyptian 
scotia.  Between  these  two  members  there  is  a  continuous  roundlet, 
often  characterized,  by  its  ornament  of  an  encircling  ribbon,  as  a  bun- 
dle of  reeds.     The  cornice  is  sometimes  marked  by  rows  of  reed- 


Fig.  14. — Calyx  Capital  from  Carnac 


22 


EG  Y  PT.— A  RC  H ITECTU  RE. 


leaves  bent  forward  at  the  top,  the  epistyle  covered  with  hiero- 
glyphics. In  later  times,  the  decoration  of  the  entablature  be- 
came more  florid,  repetitions  of  the  uraeos  serpent  appearing  as  a 
cornice  ornament. 

The  columns  of  the  new  kingdom  had,  meanwhile,  been  given 
up  in  the  rock-cut  tombs,  where  they  first  occurred.  Yet  the  cavern 
sepulchres  themselves  remained  so  much  in  vogue  that  they  even 
served  the  kings  of  the  Theban  dynasties  in  place  of  pyramids. 
Their  tendency  was  rather  to  burrow  deeply  into  the  cliff  than 
to  create  large  sepulchral  chambers,  where  the  support  of  columns 
would  have  been  necessary.     The  principal  intention  of  the  excava- 


Fig.  15. — Capitals  from  Edfou. 


tors — to  make  the  royal  burial-place  as  inaccessible  as  possible — was 
adverse  to  any  monumental  development  of  the  interior.  The  deco- 
ration was  restricted  to  paintings  upon  the  long  and  repeatedly 
closed  corridors,  and  sufficed  only  to  rank  these  above  the  bare  chan- 
nels of  the  pyramids.  The  formation  of  the  earth  on  the  border  of 
the  desert  offered  no  ground  for  the  exterior  architectural  treatment 
of  these  graves,  and  a  simple  portal  is  generally  all  that  designates 
the  entrance  to  the  shafts  which  were  the  sepulchres  of  the  Theban 
dynasties.  The  plan  of  that  at  Biban-el-Moluc  is  given  in  Fig.  ly. 
The  temples  of  the  new  kingdom  with  their  numerous  halls 
and  courts  offered,  on  the  other  hand,  most  ample  scope  for  the 
application   of  columnar  architecture.     These   extended  series  of 


TEMPLE   PLAN. 


23 


strangely  enclosed  rooms  and  courts,  though  richly  decorated  with 
paintings,  would  have  seemed  bare  within  and  without  if  the  col- 
umn had  not  entered  into  their  composition,  and  if  the  building  had 
not  been  expanded  and  ornamented  by  its  help.  With  the  floral 
orders,  the  temple  interior  became  an  architectural  organism  truly 
deserving  of  study  and  admiration. 

With  exception  of  that  portion  of  the  structure  which  stood  be- 
fore the  chief  portal,  and  cannot  be  considered  as  an  integral  part  of 
the  building,  every  Egyptian  temple  was  divided  into  three  principal 
parts,  contained  within  an  oblong  enclosure :  namely,  the  court,  the 
hall  of  columns,  and  the  holy  of  holies 
— a  series  of  cellas.  {Fig.  i8.)  Long 
rows  of  sphinxes  generally  stand  fac- 
ing the  avenue  which  leads  to  the  en- 
trance of  the  temple,  and  prepare  for 
the  sacred  silence  within.  The  door- 
way is  flanked  by  two  enormous  tow- 
ers, so-called  pylons,  formed  like  steep 
truncated  pyramids.  The  walls  of  these 
masses  of  masonry,  ornamented  with 
coilanaglyphic  paintings,  show  slots 
upon  the  front  for  the  reception  of  the 
high  flag-poles  which  are  represented 
upon  contemporary  wall -decorations. 
The  towers  are  crowned  with  the  sco- 
tia  cornice,  the  roundlet  of  which  is 
continued  down  the  angles.  Within 
they  are  pierced  by  stairways  and  small  chambers,  scantily  lighted 
by  narrow  slits  in  the  wall.  It  is  probable  that  the  summits  of 
these  pylons,  without  doubt  the  highest  standpoints  in  the  valley  of 
the  Nile,  served  as  observatories  for  the  Egyptian  astronomers  ahd 
astrologers ;  a  practical  use  was  thus  added  to  the  original  purpose 
of  monumental  decorative  gate-ways.  Two  or  four  colossal  sitting 
figures  were  generally  placed  before  the  pylons,  and  sometimes  also 
two  obelisks,  bearing  the  dedicatory  inscriptions  of  the  temple. 

The   obelisks   are   among  the  most  curious  and    characteristic 
structures  of  Egypt.     They  are  very  comparable  to  the  pyramids. 


Fig.  16. — Osiris  Pier. 


24 


EGYPT.— ARCHITECTURE. 


and  perhaps  may  even  be  regarded  as  small  pyramids  placed  as  an 
apex  upon  a  tall  shaft.  Few  deviate  from  this  type ;  one  of  the  obe- 
lisks of  Carnac,  crowned  by  a  profile  like  a  pointed  arch,  and  the 
obelisk  of  Medinet-el-Fayoum  with  rounded 
id,  are  exceptions.  The  obelisks  are  mono- 
I  I  hie.  In  consideration  of  the  difficulty  of 
1  locuring  so  large  a  block  from  the  granite 
1  larries,  of  transporting  its  enormous  weight 
I  id  erecting  its  tall  mass,  this  peculiarity 
Ided  greatly  to  the  imposing  effect  of  the 
onument.  The  delight  of  the  later  Roman 
c-iperors  in  the  possession  of  obelisks  caused 
many  of  these  to  be  transported  to  Rome, 
where  they  still  form  prominent  ornaments 
of  the  city.  Most  of  those  remaining  in 
Egypt  lie  overthrown,  and  often  deeply 
buried  under  the  accumulating  earth  of 
centuries.  The  two  before  the  Temple  of 
Luxor  were  both  erect  until  1831,  in  which 
year  one  of  them  was  removed  to  the  Place 
de  la  Concorde  in  Paris.  The  removal  dur- 
ing 1877-78  of  an  obelisk,  and  its  erection 
in  London,  show  what  difficulties  must  have 
attended  the  quarrying,  carving,  transport, 
and  elevation  of  these  gigantic  monuments 
in  primitive  times.* 

The  chief  portal  of  the  temple,  flanked 
by  the  two  pylons,  opens  upon  the  great 
peristyle  court.  The  colonnades  are  upon 
two  or  three  of  its  sides,  seldom  towards  the 
entrance.  In  the  most  elaborate  instances, 
as  the  Temple  of  Luxor,  the  court  is  bordered  with  double  rows  of 
supports  —  columns  alternating  with  piers  —  before  which  stand  the 


Fig.  17. — Royal  Grave  near 
Thebes. 


*  The  fellow  of  this  monolith,  known  as  Cleopatra's  Needle,  until  recently  stood  at  Alex- 
andria, whither  it  had  been  moved  from  Heliopolis  ;  but  having  been  presented  by  the  late 
Khedive  to  the  city  of  New  York,  it  has  been  shipped  across  the  Atlantic,  and  erected  in 
the  Central  Park  of  that  city. 


TEMPLE   PLAN.  2$ 

above-mentioned  figures  of  Osiris.  Sometimes  this  peristyle  court 
is  duplicated,  as  in  the  great  Memnonium  of  Ramses  II.  and  the 
temples  of  Medinet-Abou  and  Luxor,  the  two  spaces  being  separated 
either  by  smaller  second  pylons  (Medinet-Abou),  by  a  simple  wall 
pierced  by  a  gate  (Memnonium),  or  by  a  narrow  colonnade  between 
them  (Lu.\or).  In  such  cases  the  architectural  treatment  of  the 
courts  differs,  the  second  usually  being  more  richly  provided  with 
columns  and  piers  than  the  first.  Smaller  temples  are  often  so  built 
against  these  courts  that  they  can  be  entered  only  from  within  them 
{Fig.  20),  while  they  project,  with  the  greater  part  of  their  plan,  be- 
yond the  chief  enclosure. 

The  second  chief  division  of  the  building — the  hall  of  columns, 
the  hypostyle — is  entered  from  the  court,  either  directly  or  through 
new  pylons.     This  space,  generally  not  so  deep  as  the  outer  peri- 

III  I  I  I  III  lMsKa^*HB-PH^M^ 


I  I  I  I  I  I  I  11  IV 

Fig.  18. — Southern  Temple  of  Carnac 

Style,  is  entirely  covered,  the  stone  ceiling  being  upheld  by  close- 
standing  columns,  the  number  of  which  varies  greatly  according  to 
the  dimensions  of  the  building.  In  the  southern  Temple  of  Carnac, 
the  plan  of  which  {Fig.  18)  may  be  regarded  as  typical  of  the  usual 
Egyptian  arrangement,  eight  columns  are  sufficient,  while  the  di- 
mensions of  the  hypostyle  hall  of  Medinet-Abou  render  twenty-four 
necessary — a  number  increased  to  thirty-two  in  Luxor,  forty-eight 
in  the  Memnonium  of  Ramses  II.,  and  to  a  maximum  of  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty-four  in  the  Great  Temple  of  Carnac.  Smaller  halls 
may  have  received  their  light  through  the  portal.  The  upper  half  of 
the  intercolumniations  of  the  court  colonnades  was  also  occasionally 
left  open,  as  shown  by  Fig.  19;  but,  with  the  enormous  dimensions 
of  the  hypostyle  and  the  close  ranges  of  shafts  so  frequent,  a  more 
perfect  system  of  illumination  was  necessary.  The  light  of  day  was 
'procured  for  the  hall  by  an   eminently  satisfactory  arrangement. 


26 


EG  Y  PT.— ARC  HITECTU  RE. 


which  gives  the  key  to  the  true  manner  of  lighting  any  enclosed 
space  from  above — the  clerestory — so  effectively  developed  in  later 
ages.  The  two  rows  of  columns  nearest  the  longitudinal  axis  were 
made  half  as  high  again  as  their  neighbors,  thus  lifting  their  entab- 
lature and  ceiling  well  above  that  of  the  remaining  space.  These 
two  ceilings  on  different  levels  were  connected  by  piers  placed  upon 
the  next  range  of  shorter  columns,  which  supported  the  edge  of  the 
higher  covering.    The  light  entered  between  these  piers,  their  open- 


Fig.  19. — Temple  of  Edfon. 

ings  being  but  little  impeded  by  stone  tracery.  The  central  aisle 
was  thus  brilliantly  lighted,  and,  under  the  cloudless  sky,  rays  and 
reflections  could  find  their  way  into  the  most  remote  corners  of  the 
forest  of  columns.  As  shown  by  Fig.  21,  the  larger  central  columns 
were  distinguished  by  the  broad-spreading  calyx  capital  from  the 
others,  which  retained  the  simpler  forms  of  the  folded  bud.  The 
effect  of  such  a  hall,  especially  of  the  great  hypostyle  of  Carnac, 
must  have  been  magnificently  rich  and  imposing.  The  dimensions 
of  the   chief  columns  were   in   this   instance  gigantic.     They  were 


TEMPLE   PLAN. 


2; 


22.86  m.  high.  Their  ca- 
lyx capitals  were  6.10  m. 
in  diameter,  the  epistyle 
beams  6.70  by  1.83  by 
1.22  m.  The  entire  hall 
was  91.44  m.  in  length. 
Walls  and  columns  were 
thickly  covered  with 
carved  and  painted  deco- 
rations, which  were  kept 
well  subordinated  to  the 
grand  forms  of  the  archi- 
tecture, and  were  so 
blended  by  the  varying 
light  and  shade  that  a 
rich  and  sober  effect  was 
produced  by  the  some- 
what gaudy  colors. 

One     example,     the 
Temple  of  Soleb,  shows 
this  second   division   of 
the  building  also  repeat- 
ed :  that  such  a  duplica- 
tion   was    less    common 
than  that  of  the  courts 
is  explained  by  the  far 
greater  requirements  of 
its  construction.  The  last 
of  the  three  chief  temple 
divisions     was     reached 
from  the  hypostyle  hall, 
either  by  a  simple  gate- 
way or  by  a  third  pylon 
portal.       The    Egyptian 
priests    performed    their 
mystic  rites  and  guarded 
the  sacred  animals  in  a 


Fig.  20. — Great  Temple  of  Carnac 


28 


EGYPT.— ARCHITECTURE. 


series  of  chambers,  the  innermost  of  which — the  real  temple  cella 
— was  exceedingly  small  in  proportion  to  the  entire  building,  being 
sometimes  even  cut  from  a  single  stone. 

As  the  temple  served  the  priesthood  for  a  dwelling,  a  cloister- 
like arrangement  of  this  third  space  was  necessary.  The  long- 
accepted  supposition  that  even  the  royal  palaces  were  included  in 
the  temple  enclosure  has  recently  been  questioned,  although  the 
hieratic  character  of  the  monarchy,  and  the  strict  religious  ritual  by 
which  the  life  of  the  king  in  his  function  of  high-priest  was  gov- 
erned, even  to  the  smallest  particulars,  would  render  this  of  itself 
not  improbable.     The  plan  of  the  Great  Temple  of  Carnac  shows 


Fig.  21. — Section  of  the  Hypostyle  Hall,  Great  Temple  of  Carnac. 

the  dwelling  of  the  priests,  with  its  halls  and  smaller  rooms,  sep- 
arated by  a  court  from  the  places  of  worship. 

Magnificently  as  the  temple  architecture  of  the  Egyptians  had 
developed  since  the  eighteenth  dynasty,  its  advance  had  mainly  af- 
fected the  interior.  The  temples  of  every  other  people  were  built 
with  more  or  less  reference  to  an  imposing  exterior  effect,  but  those 
of  Egypt  generally  remained  the  fortress-like  enclosures  which  had 
become  typical  in  the  earliest  ages  of  the  land's  history.  The  perip- 
teral plan,  indeed,  occurs  in  several  small  cellas  of  the  ancient  king- 
dom, but  it  was  exceptional,  and  did  not  arrive  at  any  systematic 
development.  It  has  been  seen  that  Egyptian  architecture,  though  it 
chanced  upon  the  channelled  shaft  of  the  Proto-Doric  column,  was  ap- 
parently unable  to  utilize  this  motive,  the  great  importance  of  which 


PEkU'TEKAL  TEMPLES.  20 

was  not  recognized  in  the  land  of  the  Nile.  The  peripteral  temple 
plan  is  a  similar  advance,  which,  not  fitted  for  the  requirements  and 
tendencies  of  Egyptian  architecture,  lay  dormant  for  centuries.  The 
unbroken  fortress-like  walls  of  the  temple  were  not  pierced  and  re- 
solved into  the  surrounding  ptcroma  until  the  sceptre  of  Egypt  had 
been  swayed  during  three  centuries  by  the  semi-Hellenic  Ptolemies. 
These  rulers,  warned  by  the  example  of  Cambyses,  were  wise  enough 
not  to  interfere  with  their  Egyptian  subjects  in  their  most  sensitive 
point  of  religious  conceptions,  rendered  sacred  by  the  traditions  of 
thousands  of  years.     But  they  did  not  hesitate  to  reintroduce  into 


Fig.  22. — Chapel  upon  the  Platform  of  the  Temple  of  Dendera. 

the  land  the  exterior  splendor  of  the  peripteral  plan,  by  that  time 
so  fully  developed  in  Greece.  The  free  and  cheerful  religious  rites 
of  the  Greeks,  performed  before  the  temple,  and  not  within  it,  agreed, 
as  did  the  natural  character  of  the  people,  with  the  peripteral  temple, 
which  was  opened  outwardly  by  its  pteroma.  It  was  otherwise  with 
the  mysterious  and  sombre  precision  of  the  Egyptian  ritual,  which 
demanded  absolute  seclusion.  Though  the  peripteral  temple  plan 
was  in  some  measure  brought  into  vogue  by  the  Ptolemies,  it  was, 
in  Egypt,  deprived  of  its  chief  characteristic  —  the  freely  opened 
intercolumniation.  The  Romans,  in  their  desire  similarly  to  com- 
bine columnar  architecture  with  entire  enclosure,  merely  decorated 


30 


EGYPT.— ARCHITECTURE. 


exterior  walls  with  engaged  shafts  and  pilasters,  giving  up  the  col- 
umns as  supporting  members  of  independent  function,  and  using 
them  only  as  a  suggestive  ornament.  This  merely  decorative  treat- 
ment, rare  in  Greece,  was  not  adopted  in  Egypt  until  the  latest 
times.  The  Egyptian  preferred  to  place  a  screen  -  like  wall,  half 
the  height  of  the  columns,  in  each  opening;  this  hid  all  the  interior 
from  view,  even  when  the  building  was  of  small  dimensions,  as  in 
Fig.  22,  and  permitted  the  access  of  light  and  air  through  the  upper 
half  of  the  intercolumniation.  The  one  used  as  an  entrance  was 
also  closed  by  a  door-frame  of  greater  height  than  the  side  screens. 
Upon  the  corners  of  the  peripteral  building  inclined  piers  were 
often  retained,  as  a  reminiscence  of  the  original  enclosure  wall  as 
well  as  for  greater  constructional  security.     This  is  shown  by  the 

Temple  of  Philae.  (/^^^.  23.) 
That  the  arrangement  of 
outstanding  columns  did 
not  entirely  supplant  the 
closed  surrounding  walls 
is  evident  from  the  same 
plan,  where  both  methods 
occur  side  by  side  in  a 
group  of  buildings  of  the 

same  date. 
Fig.  23.-Temple  of  Philae.  ^^^^^    ^^^^    p^^^^    ^^ 

the  narrow  valley  of  the  Nile  where  the  cliffs  of  the  desert  so  ad- 
vanced upon  the  river  as  to  leave  absolutely  no  room  for  the 
erection  of  temples  occupying  so  much  ground.  The  inhabitants 
here  had  recourse  to  grotto  temples ;  that  is  to  say,  they  transferred 
the  principal  rooms  of  the  sanctuary  to  an  excavation  in  the  cliff. 
When  the  space  between  rock  and  stream  permitted  it,  the  courts 
and  pylons  were  built,  and  only  the  hypostyle  hall  and  the  holy 
of  holies,  reduced  to  the  minimum  necessary  for  the  performance 
of  the  rites,  were  cut  from  the  rock.  This  is  the  case  in  El -Cab, 
Redesie,  Silsilis,  and  Girsheh.  The  last  of  these,  the  largest,  had 
a  court  with  Osiris  piers  upon  the  sides  and  with  four  columns 
upon  the  front,  which  seems  never  to  have  been  flanked  by  pylons. 
Its  largest  excavated  space,  apparently  corresponding  to  a  second 


ROCK-CUT   TEMPLES.  ^1 

court,  is  also  decorated  upon  the  longer  sides  with  Osiris  piers. 
Thereupon  follows  a  narrow  hall,  which  but  inadequately  represents 
the  hypostyle ;  and,  finally,  as  the  holy  of  holies,  a  small  chamber 
with  an  altar. 

Far  more  important  than  these  are  the  grotto  temples  of  Abou- 
Simbel,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  second  cataract,  where  the  portals  are 
also  cut  wholly  from  the  rock.  The  larger  of  the  two  even  attempts 
to  approach,  as  well  as  is  possible,  the  enormous  pylons  of  the 
great  Theban  temples.    {Fig.  24.)    To  this  end  the  gentle  inclina- 


Fig.  24. — Facade  of  the  Rock -cut  Temple  of  Abou-Simbel. 

tion  of  the  cliff  was  cut  away  to  the  talus  angle  of  the  Egyptian 
walls  and  pylons,  and  the  cornice  above,  of  roundlet  and  scotia, 
was  worked  from  the  rock.  Four  such  colossal  sitting  figures,  as 
are  often  placed  before  the  pylons,  were  also  cut  from  the  cliff — 
an  effective  ornament  and  an  economy  of  labor  thus  being  secured. 
The  representation  of  the  portal  between  two  pylons  was  given 
up ;  the  whole  front  formed  one  wall  in  which  the  entrance-door 
was  cut  without  further  decoration.  The  empty  space  above 
the  opening  was  filled  by  a  high  -  relief,  carved  within  an  oblong 


32  EGYPT.— ARCHITECTURE. 

niche.  {f^ig-  24.)  The  entrance,  which  has  now  been  cleared 
of  the  sand,  leads  in  natural  order  to  a  space  corresponding 
to  the  court  of  the  free-standing  temples ;  it  is  somewhat  similar 
to  that  of  Girsheh,  which  was  also  erected  by  Ramses  II.,  though 
more  imposing  and  of  better  proportions.  {Fig.  25.)  A  following 
room,  the  ceiling  of  which  is  supported  by  four  piers,  suggests  the 
temple  hypostyle,  here  much  dwindled  in  extent  from  the  difficulty 
of  its   excavation  as  well  as  from  the  general  restriction  of  this 


Fig.  25. — Hall  of  the  Rock-cut  Temple  of  Abou-Simbel. 

space  in  Nubian  monuments  compared  with  those  of  Central  Egypt. 
The  innermost  chambers  of  the  holy  of  holies  are  not  only  as 
small  as  those  of  the  free-standing  temples,  but  are  reduced  in 
number. 

The  second  rock-cut  temple  of  Abou-Simbel,  situated  near  the 
one  described,  is  of  smaller  dimensions.  It  has  upright  colossal 
statues  upon  the  front,  which,  instead  of  being  cut  in  the  round, 
have  more  the  effect  of  reliefs  from  the  fact  that  they  stand  in 
niches,  a  difference  arising  from  the  greater  steepness  of  the  cliff  at 


PALACES   AND   DWELLINGS. 


33 


this  point.  The  treatment  appears  rational  in  consideration  of  the 
smaller  amount  of  material  thereby  removed,  though  the  unmonu- 
mental  effect  of  the  reliefs,  which  lean  with  the  inclination  of  the 
wall,  is  an  unfortunate  result  of  this  economy.  The  first  hall,  analo- 
gous to  the  temple  court,  has  its  ceiling  supported  by  six  piers, 
which  are  decorated  upon  the  side  towards  the  central  aisle  by 
Athor  masks.  Three  entrances  lead  from  this  hall  into  a  narrow 
space,  here  entirely  at  variance  with  the  character  of  a  hypostyle, 
and  through  this  into  the  holy  of  holies.     Notwithstanding  the  con- 


Fig.  26. — Interior  of  a  House.     E^n'pt'an  Wall-painting. 

traction  of  the  two  inner  departments,  the  three  principal  divisions 
of  the  free-standing  buildings  can  be  recognized  in  all  rock-cut  tem- 
ples. 

The  existing  ruins  allow  a  comparatively  clear  understanding 
of  the  religious  architecture  of  Egypt,  in  which  class  the  m( 
mental  tombs  must  be  reckoned  as  well  as  the  various  forms  of 
temples ;  but  we  are  left  almost  entirely  uninstructed  as  to  the  nat- 
ure of  the  private  dwellings.  The  plan  of  the  cloisters  within  the 
great  temple  of  Carnac  (compare  Fig.  20)  is  indeed  clear,  though,  be- 

3 


34  EGYPT.— ARCHITECTURE. 

ing  only  a  portion  of  a  larger  scheme,  it  had  no  individual  or  exte- 
rior expression.  The  manner  in  which  these  spaces  were  roofed 
and  lighted  is  not  evident. 

The  so-called  royal  pavilion  of  Medinet-Abou  is  a  complete 
puzzle  in  its  development  of  plan  and  assumed  connection  with 
other  structures ;  it  can  only  be  held  to  prove  that  some  private 
buildings  were  of  several  stories.  Other  peculiarities  here  notice- 
able are  windows  framed  by  lintels  and  jambs  of  enormous  blocks, 
and  rounded  battlements  above  a  projecting  cornice. 

Egyptian  sculptures  and  wall  -  paintings  often  represent  the 
interiors  of  well-to-do  private  houses  and  of  palaces ;  they  show  the 
plans  of  dwellings  and  adjoining  vegetable-gardens  so  well  that  the 
very  products  of  the  latter  can  be  distinguished ;  but,  though  these 
plans  designate  the  separate  rooms  and  their  entrances,  it  is  still 
impossible  to  comprehend  the  general  arrangement  of  a  normal 
house,  or  its  exterior  appearance.  The  views  of  the  interiors,  with 
their  slim  columns  and  narrow  entablatures,  with  a  system  of  perspec- 
tive which  shows  things  above  one  another  instead  of  behind  one 
another,  with  their  evident  misrepresentations  and  constructive  im- 
possibilities, must  have  stood  in  very  much  the  same  relation  to  the 
Egyptian  reality  as  the  fictitious  architecture  of  the  Pompeian  wall- 
decorations  does  to  the  buildings  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  The 
architectural  details  introduced  by  the  painter  served  only  as  a  frame 
for  the  figures  or  for  the  contents  of  the  store-rooms  which  he 
represented. 

It  may  be  concluded  that,  when  private  dwellings  were  more  pre- 
tentious than  the  single  room  necessary  to  provide  the  most  impera- 
tive shelter,  columns  were  not  excluded  from  them ;  and,  from  the 
absence  of  any  remains  of  these  supports,  it  is  probable  they  were  of 
wood.  The  ruins  and  rubbish  of  sun-dried  bricks,  which  compose 
the  overthrown  cities  hitherto  excavated,  show  that  the  great  ma- 
jority of  dwellings  were  no  more  than  low  hovels. 

Even  palaces  seldom  went  beyond  a  series  of  small  chambers, 
and  thus  did  not  present  an  important  architectural  problem.  This 
is  illustrated  by  the  gigantic  labyrinth,  famed  in  so  many  fables  of 
antiquity,  and  somewhat  known  by  the  excavations  of  Lepsius  in  the 
Fayoum.     {Fig.  27.)    A  great  number  of  small  chambers  are  here 


DWELLINGS. 


35 


grouped  in  three  rectangular  wings  around  an  oblong  space,  which 
was  probably  divided  into  several  courts.  The  walls  remaining  do 
not  show  that  geometrical  regularity  of  arrangement  described  by 
Herodotos,  Strabo,  Diodoros,  and  Pliny,  but  a  really  labyrinthic  ag- 
gregate of  small  chambers,  the  destination  of  which  is  not  clear. 
The  pyramid  which  closes  the  fourth  side  of  the  square  is  alone  of 
monumental  importance.  It  seems  possible  that,  instead  of  one  or 
more  palaces,  we  have  here  the  remains  of  some  city.     It  is  cer- 


€?^ 


Fig.  27. — Labyrinth  of  the  Fayoum. 


tainly  wrong  to  connect  the  work  with  the  Dodecarchia  (twenty- 
sixth  dynasty,  685  to  525  B.C.) :  the  twelve  pretenders  would  hardly 
have  united  to  erect  a  common  monument.  In  the  list  of  Manetho, 
Amenophis  III.,  the  sixth  king  of  the  twelfth  dynasty,  is  mentioned 
as  the  founder,  a  notice  corroborated  by  inscriptions  discovered  on 
the  site. 

That  the  private  buildings  were  so  unimportant  in  comparison 
with  the  religious  architecture  of  Egypt  is  explained  by  the  excessive 


36  EGYPT.— SCULPTURE, 

subjugation  of  the  people  to  a  monastic  ritual,  and  by  the  favorable 
character  of  the  Egyptian  climate.  It  is  necessity  that  prompts  in- 
vention, and  Egypt,  with  its  ever-cloudless  sky  and  constant  tempera- 
ture, required  no  protection  against  the  inclemency  of  the  weather ; 
the  climate  did  not  force  man  to  spend  his  days  within  doors,  nor 
did  it  destroy  the  lightest  shelter.  In  the  absence  of  rain,  the  most 
primitive  horizontal  ceiling  was  sufficient.  According  to  the  relig- 
ious conceptions  of  the  Egyptian,  it  was  more  important  for  him  to 
prepare  a  permanent  house  for  his  death -sleep  —  he  had  more  at 
heart  the  protection  of  his  corpse  than  of  his  living  body.  Thus 
thousands  of  graves  have  been  preserved,  while  science  cannot  find 
a  single  dwelling  remaining  to  betray  even  the  general  character  of 
Egyptian  domestic  architecture.  To  these  considerations  it  must  be 
added  that  the  dwellings  stood  in  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  and  have 
been  subjected  to  annual  inundations  which  have  formed  a  consid- 
erable alluvial  deposit,  while  the  graves  were  almost  without  excep- 
tion situated  upon  the  changeless  cliffs  that  border  on  the  desert. 

The  architecture  of  Egypt  was  practised  in  a  manner  to  show  al- 
most no  historical  development — with  the  sculpture  this  is  the  case 
in  still  greater  degree.  The  most  ancient  carved  remains,  which  with 
reasonable  security  may  be  assigned  to  the  fifth  dynasty,  show  the 
formal  system,  retained  during  the  subsequent  twenty  centuries, 
as  already  perfected.  Even  at  that  early  date  the  network  of  lines, 
which  the  Egyptian  sculptors  (more  as  mechanics  than  as  artists) 
followed  down  to  the  time  of  the  Ptolemies,  was  already  calculated 
and  introduced  as  a  canon. 

Besides  figures  of  the  gods,  the  sculpture  of  Egypt  is  rich  in  the 
images  of  kings,  queens,  and  prominent  subjects ;  and  in  such  por- 
traits the  observation  of  the  living  model,  of  the  peculiarities  of 
character  which  lead  to  the  differences  of  exterior  appearance, 
would  seem  to  be  a  natural  consequence.  But  as  the  individual 
disappeared  in  the  mass  of  the  Egyptian  people,  so  the  appreci- 
ation of  individuality  was  almost  wholly  lacking  in  the  Egyptian 
artist.  Sculptors  and  painters  worked  without  the  least  desire  for 
pre-eminence  in  ability  and  distinction,  without  thought  of  perpetu- 
ating their  names,  and  the  work  they  produced  expressed  these 


THE  CONVENTIONAL  FIGURE.  37 

faults.  As  Brunn  truly  remarks,  we  can  look  upon  whole  rows  of 
Egyptian  sculptures  without  a  question  ever  arising  in  our  minds  as 
to  the  authorship  of  this  or  that  work,  without  observing  that  one  is 
superior  to  the  others,  or  that  any  were  much  above  manufactures. 
The  work  became  what  the  artist  felt  himself  personally  to  be — a 
mere  link  in  a  monotonous  chain.  The  result  of  this  is  that  the  stat- 
ues generally  represent  an  entirely  abstract  human  being — not  an 
absolute  ideal,  for  that  can  hardly  be  said  to  exist  in  any  art,  but  a 
type  of  the  Egyptian  race,  well  understood  and  unalterably  repeated. 
As  soon  as  the  art  had  to  a  certain  degree  mastered  the  normal  ap- 
pearance of  the  human  body,  it  contented  itself  therewith  and  came 
to  a  standstill.  The  peculiarities  in  the  living  model  or  in  the  attrib- 
uted characters  of  the  deities  were  rarely  considered  by  the  artist, 
who  only  distinguished  by  attributes  what  should  be  otherwise  ex- 
pressed ;  he  did  not  attempt  to  show  the  effect  of  the  mind  upon 
the  outer  being,  and  thus  to  give  to  sculpture  its  true  importance. 
The  description  of  single  Egyptian  works  is  consequently  almost 
the  same  as  the  consideration  of  the  entire  sculpture  and  painting 
of  the  land — the  more  so  as  the  artist  not  only  employed  generally 
one  and  the  same  conventional  figure,  but  in  position  and  move- 
ment mainly  alternated  between  two  types.  The  statues  are,  with 
a  few  exceptions,  either  sitting  or  in  an  act  between  standing  and 
stepping,  which  does  not  appear  to  be  an  advance,  because  the  feet 
are  too  near  together ;  both  soles  being  flat  upon  the  ground,  the 
centre  of  gravity  falls  between  the  two  legs,  almost  more  upon  the 
one  behind  than  upon  the  one  before.  A  figure  seems  to  move  only 
when  the  body,  advanced  before  the  centre  of  its  two  supports, 
throws  the  greatest  part  of  its  weight  upon  the  forward  leg,  and 
thus  relieves  the  hinder  foot,  which,  with  uplifted  heel,  touches  the 
ground  with  the  toes,  in  readiness  to  be  removed.  Both  sitting  and 
standing  statues  have  the  arms  pressed  closely  to  the  body — the 
former  with  bent  elbows  and  hands  resting  flat  upon  the  knees,  the 
latter  with  arms  hanging  straightly  and  stiffly,  the  hands  holding  the 
so-called  Nile  key ;  or  folded  upon  the  breast,  the  hands  grasping 
attributes,  crook  and  plough  or  whip.  Individual  action  is  in  every 
case  excluded.  If  the  formation  of  the  body  be  more  closely  exam- 
ined, the  following  peculiarities  are  remarkable  :  The  head,  as  the 


38 


EGYPT.— SCULPTURE. 


comparison  of  it  with  a  Greek  type  at  Fig.  28  shows,  deviates  so 
greatly  from  the  normal  oval  that  it  could  almost  be  drawn  within  a 
square,  the  principal  line  of  the  face  being  about  parallel  to  the  back 
of  the  head,  as  is  the  flat  outline  of  the  top  of  the  skull  to  the  Hne 
from  the  chin  to  the  neck.  The  general  directions  of  the  eye,  the 
mouth,  and  the  ear  are  not  perpendicular  to  the  sides  of  the  parallel- 
ogram, inclining  too  markedly  upward ;  the  comparatively  large  ear 
is  placed  half  as  high  again  from  the  throat  as  it  should  be.  These 
deviations  are  in  some  measure  explained  by  the  peculiarities  of 
race  characteristic  of  the  Orientals,  and  especially  of  the  Egyptians — 
by  the  different  formation  of  the  skull  and  position  of  the  eye.    The 


Egyptian  Profile. 


Fig.  28. 


Greek  Profile. 


forehead  is  almost  straight,  being  on  a  line  with  the  upper  lip ; 
and,  as  it  recedes  from  the  nose,  does  not  project  at  all.  It  is 
rendered  still  more  unimportant  by  the  curved  ridge  of  the  brows 
lacking  decision,  and  the  eye  itself  wanting  in  depth.  The  eye 
has  remained  in  the  rough  condition  of  a  primitive  imitation  of 
nature — thick  strips  surround  it  in  place  of  lids,  and  continue,  the 
upper  overlapping  the  under,  beyond  its  exterior  angle  towards  the 
ear.  The  gently  curved,  round,  broad  nose  projects  but  little  over 
the  upper  lip,  which,  instead  of  preparing  the  close  of  the  oval  tow- 
ards the  chin,  is  pushed  forward  like  the  lower  lip,  upward  and  out- 
ward.    The  closed,  sensually  broad  lips  are  sharply  outlined.     The 


THE  CONVENTIONAL   FIGURE. 


39 


comers  of  the  mouth,  sHghtly  drawn  upward,  give,  with  the  similar 
indination  of  the  angles  of  the  eyes,  a  certain  expression  of  smiling 
sarcasm  not  intended  by  the  designer,  and  consequently  cold  and 
stiff.  The  chin  is  flat  and  pointed  in  profile,  the  line  from  it  to  the 
short  and  thin  neck  almost  straight. 

Such  is  the  type  that  was  retained  through  thousands  of  years, 
so  unchangeably  that  even  the  sexes  are  scarcely  to  be  distinguished 
by  the  heads.  Male  figures  often  have  a  kind  of  chin  beard,  cut  at 
right  angles,  and  bound  on  with  ribbons  which  can  sometimes  be 
distinctly  traced.  The  heads,  and 
through  them  the  whole  figures,  are 
characterized  by  head-dresses,  refer- 
able to  one  fundamental  form — the 
pshent,  a  high  cap  like  a  tiara ;  but 
they  have  been  so  modified  from 
their  prototype  that  the  Description 
de  V^gypte,  pi.  1 1 5,  shows  thirty  dis- 
tinct varieties. 

The  deities  are  frequently  rec- 
ognizable by  the  heads  of  animals 
—  of  a  lion,  ram,  cow,  ape,  jackal, 
crocodile,  hawk,  or  ibis,  as  the  case 
may  be.  The  worship  of  nature, 
peculiar  to  Egypt,  found  a  better 
expression  in  these  symbols  than 
in  the  monotonous  representations 
of  man,  in  marked  contrast  to  the 
incorporation  of  Hellenic  myths, 
where,  in  the  monstrous  conjunction  of  human  and  animal  forms, 
the  human  head  was  rarely  given  up,  it  being  more  generally  placed 
upon  the  body  of  an  animal. 

The  figure,  as  accepted  by  the  Egyptian  designer,  was,  to  the 
smallest  details,  drawn  according  to  a  network  of  lines.  Diodorus 
states  it  to  have  had  2\\  units  in  height,  the  unit  being  probably 
the  length  of  the  nose.  The  shoulders  are  drawn  upward,  and, 
like  the  flat  breast,  are  broad  ;  the  hips,  on  the  contrary,  are  narrow 
and  weakly  modelled :  they  are  girded  with  a  cloth  which  appears 


Fig.  29. — Husband  and  Wife. 
Glyptothek.) 


(Munich 


40 


EG  Y  PT.— SC  U  LPTU  RE. 


carefully  folded  and  adjusted,  but,  with  all  its  tightness,  does  not  fit 
the  forms  of  the  body.  When  upon  sitting  figures,  this  cloth  often 
stands  out  as  stiffly  and  straightly  as  if  carved  of  wood,  giving  no 
indication  of  the  true  nature  of  its  material.  The  lean  arms  are 
muscular,  dry,  and  hard  ;  the  hands  are  rendered  clumsy  by  the 
equally  thick  and  almost  equally  long  fingers.     The  legs  are  not 

powerful,  and  rather  slim,  indicating 
great  elasticity,  and,  like  all  other 
parts  of  the  body,  the  ability  to  en- 
dure great  exertion.  The  knees  are 
sharp  and  drawn  with  anatomical  un- 
derstanding ;  the  feet  are  narrow  and 
long,  as  are  also  the  toes,  which,  lying 
in  their  entire  length  upon  the  ground, 
do  not  greatly  differ  in  dimensions  and 
form.  In  female  figures  the  breasts 
are  fully  developed,  the  nipples  being 
formed  like  a  rosette ;  a  closely  fitting 
gown  reaches  from  the  broad  neck- 
ornament,  common  with  both  sexes, 
to  the  ankles,  but,  being  represented 
without  reference  to  the  material  and 
without  the  most  necessary  folds,  ap- 
pears so  elastic  that  its  existence  is 
only  surely  to  be  perceived  at  the 
borders. 

The  most  ancient  sculptures  and 
the  later  works  of  Nubia  are  some- 
what heavy  and  full,  those  of  the  best 
period  (the  time  of  Ramses)  more  slim 
F5g.3o.-The  Schoolmaster  of  Boulac.  ^^j  elastic.     After  the  fifth  Century 

B.C.  the  figures  become  better  modelled,  and  a  certain  influence  of 
Greek  sculpture  is  betrayed.  But  the  ancient  type  remained  in  the 
chief  characteristics  unchanged  until  the  end  of  the  Ptolemaic  dy- 
nasties, and  even  to  the  later  ages  of  the  Roman  Empire.  Those 
works  of  Greek  and  Roman  sculptors,  so  popular  during  the  age  of 
HfK^rian,  which  borrowed  the  costume  and  position  of  Egyptian 


ANIMAL   FORMS.  .^I 

statues  while  having  nothing  else  in  common  with  Egyptian  art 
(such,  for  instance,  as  the  numerous  figures  of  Antinous  to  be  found 
in  almost  all  the  larger  museums),  must  not  be  classed  with  the 
truly  national  works  executed  in  Egypt  and  for  that  country. 

The  monotony  of  Egyptian  sculpture  was  not  without  some  ex- 
ceptions. Less  pretentious  works,  where  the  necessity  of  canonic 
idealization  seems  not  to  have  been  so  imperative — as  in  the  well- 
fed  form  of  the  so-called  schoolmaster  in  the  museum  of  Boulac 
{Fig.  30),  which  shows  not  only  in  the  head,  but  in  the  entire  body, 
an  undeniable  portrait — make  it  questionable  whether  the  conven- 
tionalized representations  may  not  be  more  owing  to  the  restraint 
of  religious  authority  and  tradition,  to  the  hieratic  laws  which  exer- 
cised so  complete  a  sway  over  the  life  of  the  country  in  every  re- 


Fig.  31. — Lion  of  Reddish  Granite.     (British  Museum.) 
spect,  than  to  any  absolute  incapability  of  the  Egyptian  artist  for 
individual  characterization. 

Egyptian  sculpture,  thus  under  the  ban  of  religious  conservatism, 
always  dealt  more  successfully  with  the  forms  of  animals  than  with 
human  beings  and  deities.  In  hunting  scenes  there  is  wonderful 
spirit  and  character  in  the  drawing  of  the  dogs,  and  of  the  animals 
which  they  attack.  The  artist  attained  an  elastic  and  life-like  force 
in  the  representation  of  all  animal  forms,  even  when  these  were 
compelled  into  monstrous  combinations  with  human  members.  The 
most  common  of  the  latter  are  the  androsphinxes,  which  differ  from 
the  Greek  sphinx  in  being  male  —  having  the  head  and  breast 
of  a  man  and  the  body  of  a  crouching  lion.  At  times  the  human 
head  is  supplanted  by  that  of  a  ram  or  hawk.      Rams  were  also 


42  EGYPT.— SCULPTURE. 

treated  as  sphinxes,  especially  before  the  temples  of  Ammon  and 
Kneph.  The  most  important  androsphinx  is  the  well-known  colos- 
sus of  Gizeh  with  the  head  of  Thothmes  IV.  The  heads  of  the 
sphinxes  seem  usually  to  have  been  portraits  of  kings.  This  gigan- 
tic guardian  of  the  necropolis  of  Memphis,  the  most  enormous  mon- 
umental figure  of  the  world,  with  space  between  the  outstretched 
front  legs  for  a  chapel  there  built,  is  now  again  buried  to  the  neck 
by  the  shifting  sand  of  the  pyramid  plateau  after  having  been  ex- 
cavated with  great  labor.  Its  face  alone  is  12.2  m.  long.  But  it  is  in 
cases  where  the  entire  lion  is  represented  without  deformation  that 
Egyptian  sculpture  attains  its  greatest  perfection.     {Fig.  31.) 

A  great  majority  of  the  Egyptian  works  of  sculpture  were  cut 
with  marvellous  patience  in  the  hardest  materials,  in  variously  col- 
ored granite,  diorite,  syenite,  and  basalt.  Limestone  and  alabaster 
were  rarely  employed  for  colossal  or  life-size  statues,  but  were  used 
more  frequently  for  works  of  smaller  dimensions ;  these  were  also 
burned  in  clay  with  a  surface  of  blue  or  green  glazing,  or  were  cut 
in  more  valuable  stones,  such  as  agate,  jasper,  carnelian,  and  lapis- 
lazuli.  Enamelled  clay  idols  were  manufactured  in  great  numbers ; 
modern  museums  contain  hundreds  of  these  little  figures  of  perfect- 
ly similar  form.  The  so-called  scarabaeus  is  also  very  common — 
beetle-shaped  bodies  of  clay,  or  of  the  above-named  stones — with 
incised  figures  or  hieroglyphics  upon  their  lower  surface.  Such 
amulets  were  perforated  and  worn  as  beads,  and  were  placed  loosely 
in  the  coffins  with  the  mummies. 

The  artistic  manufacture  of  colored  glass  was  extensive.  Fine 
metal-work  was  less  common,  although  ornaments  of  enamelled 
gold,  silver,  and  copper  of  high  artistic  value  have  occasionally  been 
found.  Wood -carving  was  practised  upon  the  mummy -coflfins. 
Although  the  valley  of  the  Nile  did  not  produce  large  pieces  of  a 
satisfactory  material,  this  lack  was  supplied  by  gluing  together  lay- 
ers of  palm  or  sycamore  wood,  and  hiding  the  defects  of  this  process 
by  a  painted  priming  of  stucco.  The  coffins  themselves  are  in  so 
far  works  of  sculpture  as  they  represent  upon  the  cover  the  form  of 
the  swathed  body  plaeed  within  them,  and  even  show  the  face  as 
exposed. 

The  sculpture  of  reliefs  was  less  developed  and  less  correct  than 


COILANAGLYPHIC    RELIEFS. 


43 


of  the  round.  As  the  relief  was  always  very  low,  and  could  not  ex- 
press the  greater  projections,  the  artist's  desire  to  represent  the  hu- 
man body  clearly  and  completely  led  to  an  unfortunate  conflict  be- 
tween the  profile  and  front  view  of  the  figure.  While  mostly  drawn 
in  profile,  and  showing  particularly  the  head  and  legs  in  side  view, 
which  is  the  more  favorable  for  representation  in  low -relief,  the 
shoulders  and  breast  are  developed  in  the  other  direction,  and  are 
seen  as  from  in  front.  It  is  only  in  this  position  that  both  arms 
are  visible  —  an  important  consideration  to  the  artist,  whose  object 
was  solely  to  represent  some  action  or  attributes.  It  was  also  felt 
as  a  difficulty  that  in  a  relief  of  the  side  view  the  visible  shoul- 
der should  project  farther  than  any  other  part  of  the  body,  the 


Fig.  32. — Sculptural  Work.     Egyptian  Wall-painting. 

breadth  of  the  breast  and  arms  being  more  than  double  that  of  the 
head.  The  primitive  designer,  to  avoid  these  objections,  resorted 
to  a  forced  and  clumsy  torsion  of  the  body,  which  may  be  noticed 
in  the  childhood  of  almost  every  art — in  the  Assyrian  as  well  as  in 
the  most  ancient  Greek.  The  head,  with  exception  of  the  eye,  which 
was  represented  as  in  front,  was  taken  in  profile ;  shoulders  and 
breast  from  in  front,  but  arms  and  hands,  as  well  as  hips,  legs,  and 
feet,  in  profile  again.  The  lower  the  relief,  the  less  could  the  sur- 
face be  modelled,  and  this  led  to  a  sharp  demarcation  of  the  outline, 
which  exaggerated  the  peculiar  leanness  of  the  Egyptian  race  to  a 
hard  angularity. 

The  relief  is  a  transitional  stage  between  sculpture  and  painting ; 
it  works  upon  a  more  or  less  flat  surface,  seeks  its  chief  effect  in  out- 


44 


EGYPT.— PAINTING. 


line,  and  lends  itself  readily  to  the  heightening  of  color.  The  most 
common  Egyptian  relief,  which  has  been  termed  coilanaglyphic,  be- 
ing hollowed  out,  stands  even  nearer  to  painting  than  to  sculpture. 
In  real  reliefs  the  surface  is  so  cut  away  as  to  leave  the  figures  em- 
bossed ;  but  here  the  forms  do  not  rise  above  the  background,  and 
the  original  plane  remains  untouched :  the  sculptor  contented  him- 
self with  firmly  incising  the  outlines,  and  slightly  rounding  the  forms 
of  the  body  within  them.  This  incised  outline  is  clearly  seen  only 
by  sharp  side  light,  but  it  has  the  advantage  of  protecting  the  bor- 
ders of  the  figures  and  thus  securing  the  indestructibility  of  the 
representation.     In  other  respects  the  coilanaglyphics  are  nothing 

else  than  paintings,  the  space  within  the 
carved  outlines  being  colored  in  the  same 
manner  as  are  all  Egyptian  wall  decora- 
tions. The  limits  of  the  latter  art  were 
thus  greatly  extended,  for  all  temples 
were  covered  with  such  colored  coilana- 
glyphics, while  the  stuccoed  sides  of  rock- 
cut  tombs  and  of  brick  masonry  were 
richly  ornamented  by  paintings. 

The  number  of  ancient  painted  dec- 
orations which  have  been  preserved  is 
very  great,  notwithstanding  their  age 
and  the  perishable  nature  of  all  pig- 
ments exposed  to  air  and  light.  The 
subjects  represented  and  often  repeated  are,  for  the  greater  part, 
religious  scenes,  which  share  the  monotony  of  the  strict  Egyptian 
ritual,  though  often  allowing  an  interesting  insight  into  the  customs 
of  interment,  the  transport  of  mummies  by  the  processional  boat, 
the  sacred  dances  and  sacrifices.  Representations  of  profane  scenes 
are  more  varied  and  are  exceedingly  interesting ;  the  technicalities  of 
Egyptian  art  are  shown  by  the  cutting  of  a  monolithic  palm-column, 
the  polishing  of  a  granite  chapel,  the  painting  of  walls,  the  writing 
of  hieroglyphics  upon  tablets  and  papyrus,  the  carving  and  painting 
of  sphinxes  and  statues  {Fig.  32),  the  transport  of  a  colossal  figure 
upon  a  sledge  {Fig.  7),  the  making  of  bricks  and  walling  of  brick 
masonry,  the  interior  of  houses  {Fig.  26),  even  the  plans  of  dwellings 


Fig.  33. — Lance-maker.    Egyptian 
Wall-painting. 


THE   EMPLOYMENT  OF  COLOR. 


45 


and  gardens.  Besides  numerous  tools  and  the  products  of  manufact- 
uring trades,  there  may  be  recognized  upon  these  paintings  weav- 
ers, rope-makers,  the  preparers  of  paper  and  of  linen  cloth,  ship- 
builders, carpenters  with  hand-saw  and  auger,  and  the  Gutters  of 
bows  and  lances  {Fig.  33),  who  employ  adzes  quite  similar  to  those 
still  in  use.  Commerce  on  land  and  sea  is  represented  by  wares, 
unpacked  or  in  bales,  by  scales,  various  kinds  of  wagons  and  trading 
vessels,  etc.,  all  shown  in  the  clearest  manner  possible.  Ploughs, 
sowing  and  harvesting,  the  gathering  of  figs  and  grapes,  the  pressing 
of  oil  and  wine,  illustrate  the  condition  of  agriculture ;  while  the  es- 
pecial ability  of  the  Egyptians  for  animal  representations  is  exer- 
cised in  the  hunting  scenes  of  lions,  tigers,  buffaloes,  jackals,  and 
gazelles ;  by  the  snaring  of  birds  and  fishes  in  nets,  as  well  as  by  the 


F'g-  34- — Prisoners  of  Different  Nationalities.     Egyptian  Wall-painting. 


admirably  characterized  figures  of  apes,  porcupines,  etc.  There  are 
also  historical  paintings,  great  battle  scenes,  the  storming  of  cities, 
and  the  triumph  of  the  returning  victors,  who  bring  with  them 
booty  and  prisoners,  the  nationality  of  whom  is  often  readily  dis- 
tinguishable by  peculiarities  of  physiognomy  and  costume.  {Fig.  34,) 
The  Egyptian  kings  appear  of  superhuman  size,  either  fighting  from 
splendid  war-chariots,  or  striding  forward  to  sacrifice  their  kneeling 
enemies,  a  dozen  of  whom,  seized  at  once  by  the  hair,  are  decapi- 
tated at  a  blow. 

Extended  and  varied  as  these  Egyptian  representations  were, 
and  instructive  as  that  which  through  their  agency  has  been  pre- 
served now  is,  it  yet  must  be  confessed  that  the  painting  was  more 
a  conventional  picture-writing  than  an  art.     The  seven  colors  used 


46  EGYPT.— PAINTING; 

—  red,  blue,  brown,  yellow,  green,  black,  and  white  —  are,  as  a  rule, 
applied  simply,  without  mixture  or  variation,  and  without  much  ref- 
erence to  the  appearance  of  nature.  At  least,  it  is  very  rarely  that 
any  striving  after  natural  effect  is  to  be  noticed ;  that,  for  instance, 
the  skin  of  a  negress  appears  bluish-gray  through  a  partially  trans- 
parent white  drapery,  or  that  the  typical  red-brown  complexion  of 
an  Egyptian,  under  similar  conditions,  is  of  a  broken  yellow.  With- 
in the  sharply  drawn  outlines  the  colors  are  flat  and  without  any 
modification  by  light  and  shade,  upon  the  changing  effects  of  which 
all  pictorial  illusion  is  based.  This  illusion  is  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciple of  painting,  the  aim  of  which  is  to  render  the  appearance  of 
objects.  It  being  here  entirely  lacking,  we  cannot  properly  speak 
of  an  art  of  painting  in  Egypt,  or,  indeed,  in  antiquity  at  all,  before 
the  time  of  Polygnotos.  Egyptian  paintings  are  entirely  of  the 
nature  of  ornament ;  the  representation  of  human  beings  is  conven- 
tionalized in  the  same  manner  as  are  floral  ornaments, — while  imi- 
tated to  a  certain  degree  from  nature,  it  is  simplified  according  to  the 
requirements  of  decorative  laws.  The  actions  shown  are  all  without 
truth  and  life.  The  beauty  of  decoration  demands  a  certain  har- 
mony in  the  choice  of  colors,  which  is  there  unfettered  ;  in  Egyptian 
paintings  this  is  sought  and  attained  at  the  cost  of  truth  to  nature. 
It  was  not  distasteful  to  the  Egyptian  to  see  the  same  figure  re- 
peated a  dozen  times  in  absolute  similarity,  for  an  ornament  can 
always  bear  repetition. 

To  these  considerations  must  be  added  a  marked  peculiarity  of 
Egyptian  painting.  Although  the  art  had  been  restricted  to  the 
portrayal  of  merely  exterior  actions,  even  this  end  could  hardly  have 
been  attained  without  the  complement  of  a  written  explanation, 
which  was  here  so  adjoined  as  to  harmonize  with  the  figures  in 
composition  and  even  in  color.  This  conjunction  is  far  more  inti- 
mate than  is  that  of  picture  and  text  in  an  illustrated  chronicle :  the 
hieroglyphic  writing  and  the  painting  are  closely  allied  in  character. 
It  was  only  a  step  from  the  one  to  the  other,  and  their  limits  are 
sometimes  hardly  distinguishable,  especially  in  the  stucco  paintings 
of  the  mummy-coffins  and  the  pen  and  brush  drawings  upon  papy- 
rus manuscripts,  where  the  carelessness  of  the  execution  increases 
the  similarity.    The  hieroglyphic  inscriptions  might  even  be  consid- 


DECLINE  OF  EGYPTIAN   ART.  47 

ered  as  the  extreme  consequence  of  the  hieratically  conventionalized 
pictures. 

The  painting  of  Egypt  existed  unchanged  for  a  period  of  more 
than  two  thousand  years,  with  a  stability  unequalled  in  the  other 
civilizations  of  the  world.  It  was  perhaps  not  quite  so  extensively 
employed  in  the  ancient  kingdom  as  in  later  times:  paintings  can 
be  dated  as  far  back  as  the  third  dynasty  (3338  to  3124  B.C.,  accord- 
ing to  Lepsius),  but  they  were  restricted  to  interior  decoration.  The 
walls  of  the  pyramids  were  unadorned  by  color.  After  the  practice 
of  art  had  been  greatly  limited  by  the  invasion  of  the  Hycsos  (from 
the  thirteenth  to  the  seventeenth  dynasty,  2136  to  1591  B.C.),  it 
arose  with  new  vigor  at  the  advent  of  the  modern  kingdom,  espe- 
cially during  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  dynasties,  when  the  ar- 
chitecture which  flourished  at  Thebes  offered  a  wide  field  for  painted 
decorations.  From  that  time  the  walls  lost  their  bareness,  and  rich- 
ly colored  ornaments  were  employed  even  upon  the  exterior,  enli- 
vening the  dead  and  heavy  character  of  Egyptian  building  and 
somewhat  supplying  the  deficiency  of  its  exterior  development. 

The  art  of  Egypt  attained  its  greatest  elaboration — not,  indeed, 
without  some  loss  of  national  character — in  the  time  of  Alexander 
and  the  Ptolemies  (332  to  30  B.C.),  when  Hellenic  influence  broke 
through  the  sombre  massiveness  of  the  unmembered  walls  and  ap- 
plied the  brilliant  decoration  of  colored  columns  to  the  exterior. 

But,  delightful  as  the  island  of  Philze  appears  because  of  these 
changes,  it  yet  marks  the  commencing  decline  of  Egyptian  art,  with 
the  negation  of  the  serious  and  mystical  peculiarities  of  the  land. 
The  excellence  of  Egyptian  technical  processes  could  only  delay  the 
utter  exhaustion  and  extinction  of  their  art  until  the  time  of  the 
later  Roman  empire. 


F'g- 35- — Assyrian  Shrines.     Relief  from  Corsabad. 


CHALDy^A,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 

THE  traditional  culture  of  the  land  of  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris 
is  not  younger  than  that  of  the  Nile.  Though  the  third  dynas- 
ty (commencing,  according  to  Berosos,  with  the  twenty-third  century 
B.C.)  is  the  first  of  which  we  have  monumental  remains,  it  cannot  be 
denied  that  long  before  that  time  an  important  people  had  inhab- 
ited the  country,  a  nation  very  different  from  the  nomadic  hordes 
which  then,  as  to-day,  roved  through  the  neighboring  deserts.  Sev- 
eral races  of  antiquity  were  conscious  that  the  most  primitive  peo- 
ple of  civilization  had  lived  in  the  land  of  the  two  streams.  The 
Jews  considered  that  to  have  been  their  original  home.  The  Patri- 
arch Abraham  had  emigrated  from  Chaldaean  Ur  to  Canaan.  The 
Greek  legend  of  Deucalion  points  to  the  history  of  Mesopotamia  in 
the  same  manner  as  does  the  Jewish  myth  of  the  Deluge ;  the  old- 
est Greek  knowledge  of  astronomy,  astrology,  and  the  calculation 
of  time  seems  to  have  been  derived  from  the  same  source.  The 
tale  of  the  division  of  the  nations  in  Babel,  and  their  spreading  over 
the  face  of  the  earth  from  that  point,  is  certainly  based  upon  the 
existence  of  a  most  ancient  centre  of  civilization  upon  the  banks  of 
the  Euphrates. 

The  land  offered  no  materials  for  monuments  which,  like  those 
of  Egypt,  could  stand  uninjured  through  thousands  of  years.  The 
narrow  valley  of  the  Nile  is  enclosed  by  the  cliffs  of  the  desert  bor- 
der, which  seemed  directly  to  encourage,  by  the  excellence  of  the 


BUILDING   MATERIALS. 


49 


building-stone  there  procured,  the  erection  of  immense  and  inde- 
structible works.  The  plain  of  Mesopotamia,  on  the  other  hand, 
spread  far  beyond  the  courses  of  the  two  streams,  losing  itself  in 
deserts  without  any  line  of  eminences  as  a  demarcation.  The  remote 
mountains  offered  no  quarries  at  all  comparable  to  those  of  Egyftt- 
The  soil  was  of  good  clay  for  the  manufacture  of  bricks,  but  fuel 
was  lacking  with  which  to  bum  and  harden  them.  The  inhabitants 
of  the  land  were  generally  obliged  to  content  themselves  with  dry- 
ing the  clay  in  the  sun,  making  up  by  the  great  thickness  of  the 


Fig.  36. — Temple  of  Mugheir  (Ur). 

masonry  for  the  firmness  lacking  to  the  material.  They  further 
strengthened  the  massive  walls  with  a  facing,  or  with  buttress-like 
piers  of  burnt  brick,  or  solidified  the  interior  with  alternate  courses 
of  this  harder  substance.  The  bitumen  which  still  flows  at  Hit,  on 
the  Euphrates,  north  of  Bagdad  at  the  southern  border  of  the  higher 
alluvial  terrace  of  Assyria,  was  an  excellent  substance  for  cementing 
the  bricks ;  in  more  important  works  it  was  used  alternately  with 
lime-mortar :  in  common  buildings,  or  in  the  interior  of  the  thickest 
walls,  clay  kneaded  with  straw  answered  the  purpose  of  a  cement. 

A 


go  CHALD^A,  BABYLONIA,  AND   ASSYRIA. 

It  is  natural  that  little  should  now  remain  of  such  structures. 
They  could  only  survive  the  thousands  of  years  that  have  elapsed 
since  their  building,  when  an  immense  thickness  secured  at  least  the 
kernel  of  the  wall,  or  when  the  ruins  of  other  buildings  early  cov- 
ered and  protected  them.  The  remains  of  ancient  Chaldaea  are 
generally  nothing  more  than  formless  heaps  of  rubbish,  many  of 
which  have  not  yet  been  opened.  Taylor,  Loftus,  and  their  prede- 
cessors, Ainsworth,  Chesney,  and  Layard,  discovered  the  ruins  of 
over  thirty  cities  in  the  lower  half  of  the  Mesopotamian  plain.  Of 
these,  Mugheir  (the  ancient  Ur),  Warka  (Erech),  Niffer  (Nipur),  and 
Abou  -  Sharein  offered  the  most  important  remains  of  great  age ; 
while  the  ruins  of  Sura,  Tel  Sifr,  Calvadha,  and  Ackercuf  are  main- 
ly of  the  later  Chaldaean  period. 

Recognizable  among  the  rubbish -hills  of  Mugheir  are  the  re- 
mains of  a  terrace  which  consisted  of  two  oblong  steps,  the  lowest 
measuring  60.35  by  40.54  m.  in  length  and  breadth,  and  about  12 
m.  in  height,  standing  upon  a  platform  raised  6  m.  above  the  sur- 
rounding country.  The  greater  part  of  this  is  overthrown  and 
buried  beneath  its  own  material.  The  kernel  of  the  solid  structure 
is  of  sun-dried  bricks ;  the  facing,  which  is  divided  by  buttresses, 
being  of  burnt  brick  cemented  with  bitumen.  The  whole  is  per- 
forated by  numerous  small  air-channels.  The  second  step  is  only 
about  half  preserved,  and  that  which  it  must  once  have  supported 
has  entirely  disappeared.  A  remarkable  inscription,  repeated  upon 
the  four  corners  of  the  upper  terrace,  explained  the  purpose  of  the 
structure  and  the  time  of  its  erection.  According  to  Sir  H.  Raw- 
linson's  interpretation  of  the  cuneiform  legend,  this  was  dedicated 
to  the  deity  Sin  (Hurki)  as  a  temple,  and  was  first  founded  by  King 
Urukh  (about  2230  B.C.).  The  name  of  the  spot  is  given  as  Ur,  a 
city  known  from  Biblical  tradition.  The  inscriptions  were  not,  how- 
ever, contemporaneous  with  the  foundation  of  the  building,  for,  af- 
ter giving  a  long  line  of  kings,  they  at  last  name  Nabonetos,  the 
last  King  of  Babylon,  as  the  restorer  of  the  temple — a  fact  which  is 
further  attested  by  the  bricks  themselves,  those  of  the  lower  terrace 
having  the  name  of  Urukh,  those  of  the  upper  of  Nabonetos.  The 
temple  remains  of  Warka  and  of  Abou  -  Sharein  unite  with  these 
ruins  of  Mugheir  to  show  that  the  Chaldaean  temple  consisted  of  a 


TEMPLE  TERRACES. 


51 

simple  and  massive  terrace  of  few  steps,  crowned,  without  doubt,  by 
a  chapel,  which  must  be  supposed  richly  decorated  with  colors  and 
gold  ornaments  from  the  fragments  of  agate,  alabaster,  and  fine  mar- 


f-kiilfi?Sii3 


bles,  of  gold-plating  and  gilded  nails,  found  in  Abou-Sharein,  and 
from  the  blue  enamelled  clay  tiles  of  Mugheir.  The  sides  of  the 
great  steps  were  either  plainly  buttressed  or  treated   with  projec- 


52 


CHALD^A,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 


tions,  as  is  the  case  with  the  terrace  wall  of  a  palace  at  Warka, 
shown  by  Fig.  37.  There  was  here  a  complicated  system  of  reeded 
projections  and  stepped  incisions— cylinders  and  prisms  which  can- 
not be  called  pilasters,  as  they  were  without  capitals,  and  probably 
also  without  base-mouldings.  Another  ruin  of  Warka  {Fig.  38)  has 
a  colored  wall-facing,  made  by  driving  conical  pegs  of  terra-cotta 
about  0.1  m.  long  into  the  clay,  so  that  the  red,  black,  and  whitish 
base  surfaces  form  different  patterns.  This  ruin  is  further  interest- 
ing as  giving  some  insight  into  the  private  architecture  of  the  Chal- 
daeans.     Rooms  were  there  found  separated  from  one  another  by 

walls  fully  as  thick  as  the  enclosed 
spaces  themselves  were  broad — 
a  clumsy  heaviness  which  shows 
what  massive  masonry  the  poor 
crumbling  material  necessitated. 
The  existing  remains  suggest  so 
strongly  the  arrangement  of  the 
later  Assyrian  palaces  that  there 
can  be  but  little  doubt  that  they, 
in  some  degree,  served  as  a  model 
for  these  latter ;  although  the  pal- 
ace wall,  with  its  revetment  of 
alabaster,  might  be  erected  with 
less  thickness.  No  trace  of  win- 
dow-like openings  can  be  ob- 
served in  the  ruins  of  Warka  or 
in  those  of  Abou-Sharein. 
The  principle  of  the  arch,  though  not  extensively  employed, 
was  well  understood  and  occasionally  introduced  in  Assyria.  From 
a  small  grave -chamber  discovered  at  Mugheir,  we  may  conclude 
that  it  was  not  known  in  the  ancient  Chaldaean  period.  The  roof- 
ing was  then  effected  by  a  gradual  projection  of  the  horizontal 
courses  of  bricks  until  the  opposite  sides  nearly  touched  each  other 
at  the  top  of  the  gable  thus  formed.  {Fig.  39.)  It  may  perhaps  be 
assumed  that  this  manner  of  covering  by  the  so-called  false  arch 
and  vault  was  only  employed  for  very  narrow  spaces,  while  larger 
rooms  were  more  naturally  ceiled  by  wooden  beams.     The  ruins  of 


Fig-  39- — Tomb  of  Mugheir. 


HISTORICAL  CONSIDERATIONS.  53 

Warka,  though  they  do  not  give  a  very  clear  understanding  of  the 
fortifications  of  ancient  Chaldaea,  at  least  show  that  the  city  walls 
were  not  necessarily  square,  as  had  been  concluded  from  the  testi- 
mony of  ancient  writers,  but,  as  in  this  case,  followed  the  irregular 
outline  of  the  city. 

The  political  history  of  Chaldxa  was  from  the  earliest  times 
greatly  disturbed  by  internal  divisions.  At  first  the  city  Nipur, 
celebrated  for  its  worship  of  Bel,  appears  to  have  been  the  most 
important  place,  at  least  of  Southern  Chaldaea.  To  this  followed 
Ur  or  Hur,  the  city  worshipping  Hurki  or  Sin,  then  Nisin  or  Carrac, 
and,  finally,  Larsa,  the  present  Senkereh.  Upper  Chaldaean  Baby- 
lon, originally  Ca-dimirra,  does  not  seem  to  have  become  the  only 
capital  until  the  age  of  King  Cammurabi,  about  1500  B.C.  A  hun- 
dred years  later  Northern  Mesopotamia,  Assyria,  began  to  gain  pre- 
dominance, and  in  the  thirteenth  century  B.C.  Babylon  was  con- 
quered (for  the  first  time?)  by  Tiglathi-Nin,  a  son  of  King  Salma- 
neser  of  Assyria.  Chaldaea  soon  regained  its  independence,  but  only 
to  fall  again  into  the  power  of  the  conqueror  Tiglath-Pileser,  and  to 
remain  for  five  centuries  subjugated  to  Nineveh.  The  attempts  to 
throw  off  this  yoke  of  Assyrian  authority  were  in  vain ;  even  the 
uprising  under  the  bold  Merodach-Baladan,  731  B.C.,  was  not  of 
long  duration,  and  finally  led  to  the  depopulation  and  total  destruc- 
tion of  the  prominent  Chaldaean  cities  by  Sennacherib.  The  As- 
syrian Esar-haddon  rebuilt  Babylon ;  but  it  did  not  recover  its  an- 
cient importance  until  the  Satrap  Nabopolassar  revolted  from  his 
allegiance,  and,  with  the  help  of  the  Medes,  made  an  end  of  the 
kingdom  of  Nineveh :  and  until  his  son  Nebuchadnezzar,  after  the 
fall  of  Jerusalem  in  587  B.C.,  reduced  even  distant  Egypt  to  vassal- 
age, thus  taking  into  possession  the  full  heritage  of  the  Assyrian 
empire  in  both  south  and  west. 

Though  the  subjugation  of  the  land  by  Assyria  had  not  been 
without  effect  upon  the  civilization  of  Chaldaea,  the  general  char- 
acter of  Bj.bylonian  art  remained  much  the  same  through  all  these 
political  changes.  The  last  king,  Nabonetos,  could  complete  the 
teniple^ofJUr,  which  Urukh  had  founded  seventeen  centuries  be- 
fore, as  though  there  had  been  no  interruption  in  the  work.  The 
terraced  ruins  show  that  there  was  no  great  difference  in  the  ar- 


54 


CHALDiEA,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 


chitectural  treatment  of  ages  so  removed.  Other  city  ruins  show 
such  an  intermixture  of  ancient  Chaldaean  and  Babylonian  walls 
that  their  date  can  be  determined  only  by  inscriptions  or  by 
stamps  upon  the  bricks.  The  earlier  remains  are  predominant  in 
Mugheir,  Warka,  and  Abou  -  Sharein  ;  but  the  later  capital  of  the 
country,  Babylon,  the  city  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  is  known  almost 
exclusively  by  the  imposing  structures  of  the  modern  kingdom. 
Greek  antiquity,  up  to  the  time  of  Alexander,  was  acquainted  with 


Fig.  40. — Bors-Nimrud.     Temple-terrace  of  Borsippa. 

this  city  of  wonders  only  by  fables.  Even  the  explicit  description 
of  Herodotos  is  in  great  degree  mythical,  especially  his  astonishing 
account  of  the  city  walls:  480  stadia  (96.557  m.)  in  length,  200  ells 
(100  m.)  high,  and  50  ells  (25  m.)  broad.  The  ruins  have  also 
proved  the  account  of  the  famed  hundred  gates  of  the  city  walls, 
and  the  square  network  of  straight  streets  which  ran  from  these,  to 
be  hyperbolical.  Such  immense  masses  of  masonry  would,  as  Layard 
has  maintained,  certainly  have  left  heaps  of  rubbish ;  and,  in  fact, 
the  ruins  of  a  much  smaller  city  enclosure  have  been  traced.     The 


BABYLON.  55 

irregular  orientation  of  the  palace  plan  is  also  incompatible  with  the 
conception  that  the  city  was  divided  up  into  squares  with  the  regu- 
larity of  a  chess-board.  The  traditional  account  that  the  enormous 
terraced  temple  of  Bel  was  built  on  the  borders  of  the  stream  oppo- 
site the  palace  structures  is  certainly  incorrect ;  for,  while  these  lat- 
ter are  still  represented  by  extensive  brick  ruins,  there  is  not  a  trace 
upon  the  other  bank,  the  supposed  site,  of  massive  terraces  which 
could  not  possibly  have  so  entirely  disappeared.  Nor  could  the 
stream  have  swept  away  so  colossal  a  building;  for  a  little  north  of 
Hillah,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  spot  where  Herodotos  de- 
scribes the  temple  of  Bel,  there  have  been  found  the  remains  of  a 
small  Mylitta  temple,  which  would  have  offered  almost  no  resist- 
ance to  an  inundation.  Yet  Herodotos  undoubtedly  related,  be- 
sides his  fables,  much  that  was  correct  about  Babylon.  His  account 
of  the  temple  of  Bel  seems  only  questionable  in  so  far  as  the  site 
is  concerned ;  the  rest  of  his  description  agrees  perfectly  with  ruins 
which  have  been  found  about  eleven  kilometers  westward,  and  are 
known  by  the  name  Bors-Nimrud.  {Fig.  40.)  The  temple  thus 
could  not  have  belonged  to  the  city  proper  of  Babylon  ;  and  inscrip- 
tions mention  the  place  as  Borsippa,  spoken  of  by  Greek  writers  as 
a  separate  town,  which  could  at  best  be  regarded  as  a  distant  sub- 
urb of  the  extended  Babylon.  The  immense  hill  of  rubbish  stand- 
ing entirely  isolated  in  the  desert  has  a  lower  circumference  of 
685  m.  This  dimension  agrees  tolerably  well  with  the  six  stadia 
given  by  Herodotos  as  the  measure  of  the  first  step  of  the  terraced 
pyramid.  The  regularly  diminished  seven  steps,  the  "  towers"  of 
Herodotos,  7.5  m.  high,  reaching  altogether  a  total  altitude  of  75  m., 
rose  from  a  square  substructure  with  a  side  of  two  stadia  (180  m.) 
and  a  height  of  22.5  m.  The  diagonals  of  these  different  terraces 
were  not  directly  above  one  another,  the  steps  being  9  m.  broad 
in  front  and  only  3.9  m.  broad  behind,  while  the  sides  were  equal 
— 6.3  m.  This  peculiarity  of  the  ruin  agrees  with  the  flights  of 
stairs  described  by  Herodotos,  which,  notwithstanding  the  analogy  of 
the  palace  temple  of  Kisr-Sargon,  may  here  naturally  be  supposed 
to  have  been  upon  the  front,  where  the  terraces  were  sufficiently 
broad  for  this  purpose.  Fig.  41  is  an  attempt  to  restore  the  chief 
lines  of  the  structure  by  means  of  the  dimensions  given  by  Oppert. 


56 


CHALD^A,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 


Upon  the  summit  of  this  terraced  pyramid  stood  the  necessarily 
small  temple,  which,  according  to  Herodotos,  contained  a  spacious 
couch  and  a  golden  table,  but  no  statue  of  the  deity.     The  sides  of 


Fig.  41. — Plan  and  Elevation  of  the  Temple  at  Borsippa.     (From 
Oppert's  Measurements.) 

the  terraces  are  directed  to  the  cardinal  points  of  the  compass,  as 
was  the  case  also  with  the  ancient  Chaldaean  temple  of  Ur;  and,  as 
at  Ur,  inscribed  cylinders  were  here  walled  in  at  the  angles.     These 


TERRACES  AND   HANGING   GARDENS.  57 

relate  that  Nebuchadnezzar  had  magnificently  completed  the  struct- 
ure— "  the  temple-pyramid  of  the  seven  spheres,  the  wonder  of  Bor- 
sippa,"  begun  by  a  former  king.  Rawlinson  and  Oppert  have  con- 
cluded, from  the  remains  of  glazed  bricks  of  different  colors,  that 
each  of  the  seven  terraces  was  dedicated  to  one  of  the  seven  planets 
of  the  ancients,  and  was  characterized  by  its  color — the  upper,  gold  ; 
the  second,  silver ;  the  next,  red,  blue,  yellow,  white  ;  and  the  lowest, 
black — according  to  the  hues  assigned  to  the  sun,  the  moon,  Mars, 
Mercury,  Jupiter,  Venus,  and  Saturn.  The  lowest  terrace  has  a 
panelled  architectural  treatment  similar  to  that  noticed  in  the  ruins 
at  Warka  and  the  palace  temple  at  Kisr-Sargon.  It  is  probable  that 
these  high  terraces  in  the  flat  plains  of  Mesopotamia  were  elevations 
which  served  the  Chaldxan  astronomers  for  their  celebrated  observa- 
tories, as  the  pylons  of  temples  upon  the  banks  of  the  Nile  were 
similarly  used  by  the  Egyptian  priests.  As  Strabo  speaks  especially 
of  an  astronomical  school  at  Borsippa,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
it  was  in  some  way  connected  with  the  terraced  pyramid  of  the 
seven  spheres. 

The  ruins  of  Hillah,  Casr,  Mudjelibeh,  and  Jumjuma  give  even 
less  information  concerning  the  palace  buildings  than  the  hill  of 
Bors-Nimrud  does  concerning  the  form  of  the  Chaldaean  temple. 
These  masses  of  masonry  have  for  centuries  served  as  quarries,  and, 
as  far  distant  as  Bagdad,  bricks,  bearing  the  stamp  of  Nebuchadnez- 
zar, betray  that  the  material  has  been  transported  from  the  ruins  of 
Babylon.  Though  the  supply  is  by  no  means  exhausted,  this  ex- 
cavation has  rendered  much  unrecognizable,  and  has  so  greatly 
increased  the  destruction  that  Layard  held  it  impossible  to  dis- 
cover a  clew  to  the  plan  of  the  palace  structure  in  the  confusion 
of  its  overthrown  and  rifled  rubbish.  Oppert  assumes  the  hill  of 
Jumjuma,  or  Amran-ibn-Ali,  as  it  is  called  from  the  Mohammedan 
chapel  now  standing  upon  it,  to  be  the  remains  of  the  celebrated 
Hanging  Gardens  known  as  those  of  Semiramis,  the  wonder  of  the 
ancient  world.  But,  plausible  as  his  supposition  is,  it  will  hardly  be 
possible  to  prove  by  existing  remains  the  correctness  of  the  descrip- 
tion given  by  Diodoros  of  the  Hanging  Gardens,  in  itself  more  proba- 
ble than  the  report  followed  by  Strabo.  Diodoros  speaks  of  the  Gar- 
dens as  a  terraced  structure,  the  side  of  the  square  plan  being  about 


58  CHALD^A,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 

1 20  m.  in  length,  with  separate  steps  which  ascended  from  the  land 
side,  while  upon  the  banks  of  the  river  a  steep  wall  formed  the  back 
of  the  highest  terrace,  measuring  15  m.  vertically,  and  closing  the 
gardens  towards  the  water.  The  steps  were  constructed  by  the  help 
of  thirteen  thick  parallel  walls,  each  being  higher  than  the  one  next 
below  it.  They  left  between  them  twelve  narrow  corridors,  the  ceil- 
ings of  which,  like  those  over  Assyrian  canals,  were  probably  vault- 
ed, and  were  then  covered  with  rushes  and  bitumen,  burnt  brick 
pavements  and  lead  sheathing,  so  as  to  bear  the  stairways  which 
connected  the  different  terraces,  the  reservoirs  for  cascades  and 
fountains,  and  the  imposed  garden  -  earth  with  large  trees,  etc. 
Pumping  works  in  the  highest  of  these  covered  corridors  supplied 
the  garden  with  the  necessary  water  from  the  Euphrates. 

The  ruined  terraces  of  Mudjelibeh  (Babil),  avoided  by  the  Arabs 
as  the  scene  of  the  punishment  of  the  fallen  angels,  are  so  complete- 
ly overthrown  that  it  is  not  possible  to  determine  whether  the  re- 
mains are  those  of  a  temple  or  of  a  palace.  It  is  probable  that 
they  had  some  connection  with  the  great  pyramidal  tomb  of  Belus, 
a  structure  which  may  be  assumed  to  have  been  much  like  the  step- 
ped pyramid  of  Nimrud  to  be  described  below.  The  monument 
of  Mudjelibeh  was  destroyed  as  early  as  the  time  of  Xerxes  II.  It 
has  since  served  as  a  quarry  for  the  neighboring  cities  Seleucia  and 
Ctesiphon,  and  has  been  demolished  to  the  lowest  terrace. 

The  enormous  river  embankments  and  dikes  which  protected 
Lower  Mesopotamia  from  flood  and  drought,  though  now  only  to 
be  traced  by  inconsiderable  remains,  are  of  the  greatest  importance 
and  interest.  The  neglect  of  these  invaluable  works,  and  of  the 
sluices  and  irrigating  canals  in  connection  with  them,  has  reduced  to 
a  deserted  and  pestilential  swamp  that  most  fertile  land  known  to 
Herodotos  —  where  once  a  harvest  of  two  and  three  hundredfold 
was  returned  to  the  tiller  of  the  soil.  Though  there  are  vestiges 
of  some  ancient  bridges  in  the  land,  it  is  not  possible  to  decide 
whether  the  account  given  by  Diodoros  of  the  great  tunnel  con- 
structed by  Semiramis  be  true  or  fabulous. 

There  seems  to  have  been  no  reason  for  the  erection  of  such 
tall  edifices  in  the  vastly  extended  Babylon  as  the  three  and  four 
storied  houses  described  by  Herodotos,  and  no  analogy  to  such  a 


NINEVEH.  5g 

peculiarity  exists  in  the  great  modern  cities  of  the  Orient.  It  must 
be  remembered  in  this  connection  that  the  crumbling  bricks  to 
which  the  Mesopotamians  were  restricted  would,  in  such  high  build- 
ings, have  demanded  clumsily  massive  substructures  and  lower-story 
walls. 

Though  the  ruins  of  Babylon  have  only  recently  been  thorough- 
ly examined,  their  existence  has  long  been  known.  Benjamin  of 
Tudela  speaks  of  Bors-Nimrud  as  the  Biblical  Tower  of  Babel,  and 
this  local  tradition  has  been  handed  down  to  the  present  day.  The 
palace  ruins  of  the  great  city  have  always  been  readily  recognizable, 


Fig.  42. — Han  of  Babylon.    (According  to  Rich.) 

and  the  one  has  been  called  Babel,  the  other  Casr  (palace),  from 
time  immemorial. 

It  is  otherwise  with  the  second  great  centre  of  Mesopotamia — 
Nineveh,  the  famed  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  Assyria,  in  the  upper 
land  of  the  great  streams.  As  early  as  the  beginning  of  this  cen- 
tury, Carsten  Niebuhr  expressed  the  conviction  that  the  remains 
of  the  overthrown  city  were  to  be  sought  among  the  hills  of  rub- 
bish which  lie  opposite  the  present  Mosul,  beyond  the  Tigris ;  but 
the  energetic  Rich,  who  devoted  so  much  time  and  labor  to  the 
barren  ruins  of  Babylon,  paid  no  attention  to  the  site.     Nineveh  had 


6o  CHALD^A,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 

entirely  disappeared,  and  was  only  traditionally  known  from  the 
Book  of  Jonah  and  from  the  legend  of  Sardanapalos.  It  was  during 
two  visits  to  Mosul,  in  the  years  1840  and  1842,  that  the  eminent 
English  traveller  and  statesman  Sir  A.  H.  Layard  conceived  the 
plan  of  undertaking  investigations  in  the  vicinity.  He  expressed 
his  convictions  at  the  time  to  the  French  consul,  M.  P.  E.  Botta,  and 
in  1843  that  gentleman  commenced  the  excavation  of  the  hill  Co- 
yundjic,  which  lay  next  to  Mosul.  The  natives,  becoming  aware  of 
the  nature  of  the  search,  directed  his  attention  to  the  hill  of  Corsabad, 
situated  at  a  distance  of  about  twenty-five  kilometers  from  Mosul ; 
the  excavations  were  removed  thither,  and  carried  on  with  most 
gratifying  results.  A  few  days'  digging  laid  bare  a  number  of  walls 
reveted  with  huge  slabs  of  alabaster.  The  wonderful  sculptures  in 
relief  upon  these  excited  redoubled  activity,  and  soon  entire  cham- 
bers of  the  palace  structure  were  freed  from  the  overthrown  rubbish 
which  had  covered  it  for  well-nigh  three  thousand  years.  The 
French  government  purchased  the  entire  village  of  Corsabad  :  in 
M.  V.  Place  was  provided  a  worthy  successor  to  M.  Botta.  The  in- 
scriptions discovered  have  proved  the  ruins  to  be  those  of  a  palace 
founded  by  Sargon  about  710  B.C.  in  the  city  Kisr-Sargon  or  Dur- 
Sargina. 

In  the  year  1845,  Layard  obtained,  through'  Sir  Stratford  Can- 
ning, then  ambassador  to  Turkey,  the  necessary  means  for  the  Eng- 
lish government  to  take  part  in  the  promising  undertaking.  He 
at  first  directed  his  attention  to  Nimrud,  a  hill  of  ruins  about  a 
day's  journey  south  of  Mosul,  the  great  size  of  which  promised  the 
existence  of  important  remains.  An  immense  terrace  platform  was 
there  found  to  have  supported  a  number  of  palaces,  several  of  which 
were  excavated,  the  more  valuable  sculptures  and  other  objects  of 
interest  being  transported  to  the  British  Museum.  At  Nimrud 
were  discovered  the  most  ancient  and  the  most  modern  of  Assyrian 
buildings  known — namely,  the  northwestern  palace,  temple,  and  tow- 
er built  by  Assur-nazi-pal  shortly  after  885  B.C.,  as  well  as  the 
Temple  of  Assur-ebil-ili,  presumably  the  last  Assyrian  king,  dating 
to  about  610  B.C.  Besides  these,  there  were  the  southeastern  and 
central  palaces  built  by  Shalmaneser  II.  after  860,  the  latter  having 
been  restored  by  Tiglath-pileser  II.,  from  745  to  727,  as  Sargon  re- 


COYUNDJIC   AND   NEBBI-JONAS. 


6t 


built  the  northwestern  palace  after  722 ;  and,  finally,  there  was  the 
southwestern  palace  of  Esar-haddon,  from  681  to  668  B.C.  The  city 
itself  (Calah)  corresponded  in  grandeur  and  extent  with  the  palace 
terrace.  It  was  founded  by  Shalmaneser,  and  long  rivalled  Nineveh, 
especially  after  its  reconstruction  by  Assur-nazi-pal. 

It  is  now  beyond  a  doubt  that  the  chief  capital  of  the  country 
is  buried  beneath  the  hills  of  Coyundjic  and  Nebbi-Jonas,  the  latter 
so  called  from  a  Mohammedan  chapel  to  the  prophet  Jonah  which 
traditionally  marks  the  site  of  Nineveh.     Both  these  mounds  of 


Fig.  43. — Plan  of  Nineveh. 


ruins  were  examined  by  Layard.  In  the  southwestern  palace  of 
Coyundjic,  built  by  Assur-bani-pal,  from  668  to  626  B.C.,  was  dis- 
covered the  most  extensive  among  these  dwellings  of  Oriental 
despots.  The  most  elaborate  of  Assyrian  palaces  was  the  northern 
one  of  this  site,  built  by  Assur-bani-pal  about  640  B.C.,  a  monarch 
who  devoted  certain  chambers  of  the  southwestern  palace,  orig- 
inally erected  by  his  grandfather,  to  the  reception  of  inscribed  clay 
tablets — an  inexhaustible  wealth  for  the  study  of  Assyrian  history, 
of  which  hardly  a  third  part  seems  to  have  been  recovered  intact. 


6^  CHALDiEA,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 

In  Nebbi-Jonas  were  found  traces  of  the  palaces  of  Vulnirari  III., 
from  812  to  783  ;  of  Sennacherib,  from  705  to  681  ;  and  of  Esar-had- 
don,  from  681  to  668  B.C.  The  line  of  the  city  walls,  still  recogniza- 
ble among  the  hills  of  rubbish,  is  shown  by  the  plan  at  Fig.  43. 
These  fortifications  could  hardly  have  enclosed  the  entire  city,  and 
it  is  probable  that  only  the  inner  town,  with  the  palaces  and  public 
buildings,  was  thus  protected,  and  that  the  dwelling-houses  of  the 
many  inhabitants  formed  suburbs  which  extended  far  around  the 
enclosed  centre,  gradually  losing  themselves  in  gardens  and  groves  of 
date-trees,  as  is  the  case  with  modern  capitals  of  the  East.  The  com- 
paratively small  walls  of  Babylon,  at  variance  with  the  report  given 
by  Herodotos,  lead  to  the  same  conclusion  in  regard  to  that  city. 

The  ruins  of  Calah-Shergat,  situated  about  100  kilometers  down 
the  stream  from  Nineveh,  are  identified  with  Assur,  the  oldest  cap- 
ital of  the  land,  which  maintained  its  pre-eminence  until  Nineveh, 
in  the  fourteenth  century  B.C.,  became  the  great  centre  of  power. 
Reson  is  thought  to  be  recognized  in  the  ruins  of  Selamiyeh,  lying 
between  Nimrud  and  Nineveh,  and  Erbil  in  Arbola.  These  sites 
have  not  been  sufficiently  examined  to  be  of  direct  importance  in 
the  history  of  art. 

It  is  plain  from  the  ruins  already  mentioned  that  the  dwellings 
of  the  kings  took  the  most  prominent  place  among  the  creations  of 
Assyrian  architecture.  The  despotic  element  had  in  Mesopotamia 
the  same  superiority  as  the  hierarchy  in  Egypt :  in  the  former  coun- 
try the  palace  was  as  much  in  the  foreground  as  was  the  temple  in 
the  latter.  In  ancient  Chaldaea  the  two  elements,  and  consequently 
the  two  classes  of  monuments,  were  more  equally  represented.  Still, 
in  most  points  of  view,  the  relation  of  Chaldaean  and  Assyrian  archi- 
tecture is  very  close,  and  the  differences  arose  chiefly  from  tlie  supe- 
rior material  at  the  builders'  disposal  in  Upper  Mesopotamia.  The 
terraces  of  Assyria,  like  those  of  Chaldaea,  were  solidly  constructed 
of  sun-dried  bricks  and  stamped  earth,  but  the  neighboring  moun- 
tains provided  stone  for  the  complete  revetment  of  these  masses 
with  quarried  blocks.  Carefully  hewn  slabs  existed  upon  the  terrace 
platform  of  Sargon's  palace,  and  upon  the  substructure  of  the  pyra- 
mid of  Nimrud,  while  there  was  rough  Cyclopean  stone-work  em- 
ployed in  the  construction  of  the  city  walls  at  Kisr-Sargon.     The 


PALACE  OF  KISRSARGON.  63 

facing  of  brightly  glazed  tiles  and  stucco-paintings,  universal  in  Chal- 
daea,  is  restricted  upon  Assyrian  masonry  of  the  same  brick  materi- 
als to  the  upper  part  of  the  wall,  the  lower  half  being  sheathed  and 
protected  by  sculptured  slabs  of  alabaster.  The  appearance  of  the 
whole  gained  greatly  by  this  change,  the  revetment  of  reliefs  in 


:  T-TT-TiPPT* 

i  1         A      , 

Fig.  44. — Palace  of  Kisr-Sargon,  CorsabaA 

place  of  the  painted  figures  giving  a  more  imposing  and  durable 
character  to  the  walls.  The  palace  architecture  of  Assyria  is  best 
exemplified  by  the  plan  of  the  royal  dwelling  of  Kisr-Sargon  {Fig. 
44),  the  isolated  position  and  clear  disposition  of  which  are  adapted 
to  show  the  general  character  of  these  structures.      The  platform 


64 


CUALDMA,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 


terrace  consisted  of  two  divisions,  the  broader  (P)  being  inside  the 
limits  of  the  city  fortifications,  while  the  remainder  (T)  projected  be- 
yond them.  A  double  flight  of  steps  (A)  led  to  the  chief  portal 
(B),  ornamented  by  gigantic  winged  human-headed  bulls,  which  here 
not  only  stood  on  the  sides  of  the  passage  itself,  as  at  all  principal 
entrances,  but  laterally  upon  the  front  walls,  within  and  without. 
These  figures  are  among  the  most  characteristic  creations  of  As- 
syrian art ;  they  will  be  treated  more  in  detail  in  the  following  con- 
sideration of  the  sculpture  of  the  country.      The  triple  gateway 


Fig.  45. — Ornamented  Pavement  from  the  Northern  Palace  of  Coyundjic. 

opened  into  the  first  and  largest  enclosed  court  (C).  Upon  the  left 
of  this,  one  narrow  passage  led  to  the  chambers  of  the  harem,  which 
were  ranged  around  six  smaller  courts  (D  to  H).  Upon  the  right 
of  the  first  enclosure  were  the  household  ofifices  (J),  with  eight  courts 
and  numerous  halls,  magazines,  kitchens,  cellars,  stables,  etc.  The 
side  opposite  the  chief  entrance  was  formed  by  the  private  apart- 
ments of  the  monarch  (M)  and  by  the  great  hall  of  the  palace  —  a 
group  of  chambers  not  presenting  its  chief  front  to  the  first  court  (C), 
with  which  it  was  connected  only  by  subordinate  entrances — but  to 


PALACE  OF  KISR-SARGON.  65 

a  second  enclosure  of  almost  equal  extent  (K),  which  may  be  regard- 
ed as  the  chief  open  space  of  the  royal  dwelling.  An  inclined  ascent 
(R)  led  to  the  right  wing  of  the  inner  terrace,  by  which  the  king,  ap- 
proaching in  a  chariot  or  borne  by  attendants  in  a  sedan-chair,  could 
enter  his  seraglio  without  passing  the  first  court  (C)  or  the  entrance 
to  the  household  offices  (J).  The  encroaching  line  of  the  city  wall 
(P)  made  it  impossible  for  the  portal  to  the  second  court  (S)  to  be 
arranged  in  the  central  axis  of  that  enclosure ;  but  strict  symmetry 
of  plan  was  not  adopted  even  when  there  were  no  such  obstacles. 
The  inner  apartments  of  the  king  were  entered  by  a  magnificent 
triple  gateway  (L)  from  the  court  of  the  seraglio;  these  were,  in 
certain  measure,  regularly  planned,  being  so  grouped  around  a 
smaller  court  ( M )  that  oblong  halls,  as  long  as  this  was  square, 
were  upon  three  of  its  sides.  The  hall  upon  the  south  opens  into  a 
number  of  intricate  chambers,  probably  used  as  baths,  sleeping- 
apartments,  and  rooms  for  the  immediate  body-guards  of  the  king 
and  for  the  temporary  families  of  the  harem.  Upon  the  north  a  wing 
was  added  to  the  building,  projecting  almost  to  the  outer  border  of 
the  terrace,  and  dividing  this  (T)  into  a  northern  and  a  western 
court.  The  addition  was  the  most  richly  ornamented  portion  of  the 
entire  palace ;  it  was  probably  here  that  the  halls  of  reception  were 
placed.  The  walls  of  other  parts  of  the  seraglio  were  reveted  upon 
their  lower  part  with  sculptured  slabs  of  alabaster ;  but  this  treat- 
ment was  not  elsewhere  so  freely  applied,  nor  was  it  as  richly  deco- 
rated as  in  this  northwestern  wing.  In  the  first  hall,  which  is  35  m. 
long  and  10  m.  broad,  the  walls  are  ornamented  with  continuous 
scenes  representing,  as  in  a  procession,  the  homage  and  punishment 
of  prisoners-of-war.  In  other  rooms  and  in  smaller  courts  these 
reliefs,  divided  by  a  band  of  cuneiform  inscriptions,  are  of  smaller 
dimensions  and  less  pretentious  execution,  though  of  marked  inter- 
est as  forming,  with  their  copious  inscriptions,  chronicles  of  histor- 
ical events. 

The  spacious  terrace  at  the  west  has  in  its  centre  an  oblong  hall 
(N),  generally  supposed  to  be  the  temple  or  chapel  of  the  palace, 
but  which  may  with  more  probability  be  considered  as  a  hall  of 
state.  The  scanty  remains  of  this  structure  make  a  sure  determina- 
tion of  its  purpose  impossible.     They  consist  chiefly  of  the  founda- 

5 


(^ 


CHALDiEA,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 


tions  of  solid  unburnt  brick  masonry,  faced  with  slabs  of  black 
basalt.  The  cornice  of  this  substructure  is  of  gray  limestone,  in 
form  much  resembling  the  characteristic  scotia  of  Egyptian  archi- 
tecture.    {Fig-  46.) 

A  small  terraced  pyramid  (O)  at  the  southwest  is  a  more  remark- 
able structure.  Four  of  its  steps,  with  their  facing  of  white,  black, 
orange,  and  blue  enamelled  tiles,  are  still  remaining.  These  lead, 
from  analogy  with  the  pyramid  of  Borsippa,  to  the  assumption 
of  three  further  steps,  tiled  with  the  red,  silver,  and  gold  assigned 
to  the  remaining  planets.  The  vertical  panelling  of  the  sides  is 
somewhat  similar  to  that  of  the  remains  at  Warka ;  it  is  not  here 
restricted  to  the  walls  of  the  lower  terrace,  like  that  upon  the 
ruins  of  Mugheir  and  Borsippa.  The  square  platform  at  the  top  of 
the  terraces,  the  side  of  which  could  have  measured  little  miore  than 
10  m.,  received  either  an  altar  or  a  small  cella,  not  longer  than  6  m. 

Ascent  to  the  top  of  the  pyramid  was 
provided  by  an  inclined  plane,  which 
wound  from  step  to  step  in  a  rectan- 
gular spiral.  The  destination  of  the 
pyramid  as  the  palace  chapel  seems 
reasonably  certain,  from  its  similarity 
to  other  terraced  temples  of  Assyria. 
The  palaces  hitherto  discovered  show 
the  greatest  freedom  of  detailed  arrangement.  The  variations 
among  the  plans  may  be  illustrated  by  a  comparison  of  those  of 
the  northwestern  palace  of  Nimrud  {^Fig.  47),  the  palace  of  Esar- 
haddon  ^Fig.  49),  and  of  that  of  Sennacherib  at  Coyundjic.  The 
methods  of  construction  adopted  for  their  erection  are  more  sim- 
ilar. All  have  walls  built  of  burnt  or  unburnt  brick  and  of 
stamped  clay ;  those  of  the  larger  chambers  are  reveted  in  their  low- 
er half  with  slabs  of  alabaster  or  with  brightly  enamelled  tiles,  and 
ornamented  by  paintings  upon  stucco  above.  All  the  principal 
halls  are  so  narrow  in  proportion  to  their  length  as  to  resemble 
corridors — a  peculiarity  arising  from  technical  difficulties  of  ceiling. 
The  manner  of  lighting  and  roofing  adopted  in  Assyrian  palaces 
is  not  directly  evident  from  the  existing  remains  ;  none  of  the 
walls,  the  highest  of  which  reaches  9  m.  above  the  ground,  showing 


Fig.  46. — Cornice  of  the  Temple 
Substructure  at  Corsabad. 


LIGHTING   OF  THE   PALACES.  67 

traces  of  any  window-like  openings.  Some  authorities  assume  that 
all  the  light  of  the  interior  was  admitted  through  the  doors.  That 
this  may,  in  some  instances,  have  been  barely  possible  is  evident 
from  the  plan  of  Sargon's  palace  at  Corsabad  {Fig.  44),  where  the 
principal  chambers  were  entered  directly  from  the  open  courts,  or, 
in  exceptional  instances,  were  preceded  by  narrow  ante-rooms  which 
could  not  greatly  have  interfered  with  the  light.  But  it  is  plain 
from  the  plan  of  the  northwestern  Palace  of  Nimrud  {Fig.  47)  that 
twelve   chambers   in   such  unfavorable   positions  as   those   shown 


f 'g-  47- — Plan  of  'he  Northwestern  Palace  of  NimniA 

upon  its  eastern  side  could  not  have  received  the  slightest  light 
through  the  two  narrow  passages  leading  from  the  confined  court. 
It  is  futile  to  deny  the  necessity  of  light  and  air  for  the  dwellings 
of  man ;  and  theories  which  suppose  these  enormous  spaces  left  in 
darkness,  or  unventilated  and  lighted  artificially,  are  certainly  un- 
tenable. Other  scholars  are  of  the  opinion  that  light  and  air  were 
procured  through  horizontal  openings  in  the  ceiling  and  roof;  but 
this  imperfect  and  unpractical  arrangement  is  particularly  ill  adapted 
for  inhabited  rooms,  and  is  rendered  extremely  improbable  by  the 


68 


CHALDiEA,  BABYLONIA,  AND   ASSYRIA. 


fact  that  upon  the  pavements  there  did  not  exist  the  slightest  ar- 
rangement for  leading  off  the  water  which  must  have  fallen  upon 
them  had  the  roof  been  an  inefficient  shelter.  The  floors  were  rare- 
ly of  stone  slabs,  like  the  carved  fragments  shown  in  Fig.  45,  and 
in  other  places  the  sun-dried  bricks  would  have  been  rapidly  re- 
duced to  mud  by  the  furious  rain-storms  of  Mesopotamia. 

The  present  condition  of  the  ruins,  the  walls  of  which  nowhere 
rise  to  the  full  height  of  the  chambers,  does  not,  however,  exclude 
the  possibility  of  openings  for  light  having  existed  just  beneath 
the  ceiling.  The  form  of  such  orifices  cannot  surely  be  deter- 
mined ;  high  windows  could  not  have  existed,  and  there  must  have 
been  low  openings  in  the  top  of  the  wall,  separated  by  piers,  be- 
tween which  stood  small  columns, 
as  is  evident  from  a  relief  of  Co- 
yundjic,  given  in  Fig.  48  to  serve 
as  an  argument  for  this  manner  of 
illumination.  Light  and  air  could 
thus  have  been  freely  admitted, 
without  inconvenience  to  the 
dwellers  within.  The  high  posi- 
tion of  the  apertures,  immediate- 
ly under  the  somewhat  projecting 
roof,  prevented  the  entrance  of  rain, 
and  shut  off  the  interior  from  the 
view  of  those  without,  just  as  this 
same  manner  of  lighting  to-day 
protects  the  harems  of  the  East.  The  small  shafts,  which  were 
introduced  as  supports  between  these  windows,  appear  to  have 
been  the  only  representatives  of  columnar  architecture  in  the  As- 
syrian palace.  If  columns  had  been  used,  in  their  customary  func- 
tion, as  upholders  of  the  roof, — as  members  which  bore  an  important 
entablature, — some  traces  of  these  would  certainly  have  been  pre- 
served ;  their  material  could  hardly  have  been  more  perishable  than 
the  sun-dried  brick  of  the  walls.  The  entire  arrangement  of  plan 
shows  that  their  assistance  was  not  relied  upon.  The  chambers 
were  disproportionately  narrow,  plainly  to  render  it  possible  to 
cover  them    without   the    introduction    of  intermediate    supports. 


Fig.  48. — Relief  from  Coyundjic. 


COLUMNAR  ARCHITECTURE.  (5g 

The  beauty  and  fitness  of  the  corridor-like  spaces  were  so  sacrificed  to 
this  narrowness  that  its  universal  appearance  can  be  regarded  only 
as  a  constructive  necessity.  It  is  well  illustrated  by  the  cramped 
principal  hall  of  the  palace  of  Esar-haddon  at  Nimrud  {Fig.  49), 
where  a  greater  width  than  that  permitted  by  the  span  of  ceiling 
timbers  was  only  to  be  obtained  by  the  erection  of  a  division  wall 
to  provide  a  subsidiary  support  for  the  beams.  So  helpless  a  make- 
shift, destroying  the  unity  and  grandeur  of  the  hall,  could  have  been 
adopted  only  in  entire  ignorance  of  the  opening  and  supporting  ele- 
ment of  the  column,  apparently  never  recognized  in  Assyria. 

The  form  of  the  small  columns,  which  stood  in  the  openings  al- 


I'ig-  49- — Plan  of  the  Palace  of  Esar-haddon  at  Nimrud. 

lowed  for  light  in  the  upper  walls,  can  be  approximately  determined 
from  the  representations  upon  reliefs.  The  shafts  were  cylindrical, 
and  probably  without  flutings ;  they  had  a  roundlet,  or  at  least  a 
projecting  fillet,  at  either  end.  The  base  consisted  solely  of  a  high 
tore,  sometimes  notched  upon  the  top,  or  placed  upon  the  back  of 
a  striding  lion.  {Fig.  50.)  The  most  common  form  of  the  capitals 
was  a  peculiar  conjunction  of  two  spiral  scrolls,  similar  to  a  doubled 
Ionic  capital,  with  an  echinos-like  roundlet  beneath  and  a  stepped 
abacus  above.  It  is  hardly  to  be  doubted  that  this  was  the  proto- 
type of  the  Ionic  capital,  although  it  cannot  be  determined  from 
the  reliefs  whether  a  lateral  roll  corresponded  to  the  volute  of  the 
front,  or  whether  the  helix  was  repeated  upon  all  four  sides,  as  is 


^o 


CHALDiEA,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 


the  case  with  the  capitals  of  Persian  columns.  The  small  scale  of 
the  representations  upon  reliefs,  and  their  careless  execution,  do  not 
permit  a  sure  understanding  of  any  part  of  the  capitals.  A  table 
{Fig.  51)  upon  a  relief  of  Coyundjic  better  determines  the  form  of 
the  volutes ;  it  has  distinct  spirals  in  place  of  the  rosettes,  wrongly 
shown  by  Layard's  drawing.*  There  is  reason  to  suppose  that  the 
double  helix  was  not  the  primitive  and  normal  form  of  the  Assyrian 


»iS 


Fig.  50. — Various  Forms  of  Capitals  and  Bases,  from  Assyrian  Reliefs. 

capital,  but  was  rather  an  abbreviation  of  the  leaved  calyx  so  fre- 
quently met  with  in  Phoenicia,  Palestine,  and  Cyprus,  and  that  the 
rolled  ends  of  the  leaves,  shown  by  two  of  the  examples  in  Fig.  50, 
originally  suggested  the  volutes  of  the  capital  and  the  various  spiral 
forms  occurring  upon  carved  Assyrian  furniture,  as  in  Fig.  8i.  The 
question  will  be  considered  more  at  length  in  the  section  upon  Syr- 
ian architecture. 


*  Discoveries,  p.  444. 


ROOFING   AND  VAULTING. 


n 


The  columns  of  Assyria  were  employed  only  in  this  subordi- 
nate position,  and  the  dimensions  and  shape  of  larger  enclosed 
spaces  were  dependent  upon  the  limited  span  of  the  wooden  ceil- 
ing beams.  Assyrian  palaces  were,  in  these  respects,  unable  to  fulfil 
the  demands  of  a  monumental  architecture.  It  can  only  be  sur- 
mised how  roof  and  ceiling  were  constructed  in  detail.  The  beams 
were  naturally  so  placed  as  to  require  the  least  possible  length  to 
span  the  clear  width ;  the  sinking  in  the  middle,  to  which  the  elastic 
trunks  of  palm-trees  so  much  inclined,  and  the  accumulation  of 
water  in  the  hollow  thereby  formed,  were  -r^  r"^  r*^  r^V 
thus  avoided  as  well  as  might  be.    The  con- 


structive details  of  the  roof-platform  are  not 
surely  known  ;  it  is  probable  that  a  layer  of 
clay  and  earth  was  placed  upon  the  beams, 
being  rolled  down  compactly  after  every 
rain.  The  exterior  representation  of  roof 
and  ceiling,  the  wall  entablature,  may  have 
consisted  of  a  painted  wooden  sheathing, 
bearing  ornaments  of  the  character  dis- 
played by  the  pavement.  ^Fig.  45.)  It 
was  divided,  like  the  Egyptian  entablature, 
into  two  parts ;  in  neither  case  was  there  a 
marked  distinction  between  roof  and  ceil- 
ing. The  imitations  of  building-fronts  upon 
reliefs  make  it  probable  that  stepped  battle- 
ments rose  above  the  main  cornice. 

The  fundamental  principles  of  vaulted 
construction,  as  of  columnar  architecture,  were  known  in  Assyria,  but 
neither  the  column  nor  the  arch  was  worthily  recognized  and  devel- 
oped into  an  important  feature  capable  of  exercising  an  influence 
upon  the  extent  or  form  of  the  enclosed  spaces.  The  palace  ter- 
races were  pierced  by  narrow  vaulted  channels,  still  to  be  traced 
among  the  ruins.  This  was  the  case  with  the  most  ancient  struct- 
ure of  Assyria,  the  northwestern  palace  of  Nimrud.  {^Fig.  52.) 
Though  it  cannot  be  proved  that  the  Assyrians  were  the  original 
inventors  of  the  arch  of  wedge-shaped  stones,  there  are  certainly  no 
£arlier  instances  of  t.hi§  manner  of  building  known  than  those  of  that 


Fig.  51. — Table  upon  an 
Assyrian  Relief. 


72 


CHALDyEA,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 


country.  Round  arch  barrel-vaults  were  not  exclusively  used  for 
such  channels ;  an  ogive  appears  upon  the  same  terrace  of  Nimrud, 
in  the  somewhat  later  southeastern  palace.  {Fig.  53.)  Though  the 
key-stone  of  the  latter  is  undeveloped,  the  vault  is  yet  built  upon 
the  principle  of  the  Gothic  pointed  arch.  It  is  not  impossible  that 
this  form  may  have  descended  in  uninterrupted  tradition  from  Mes- 
opotamia to  the  Arabs,  being  brought  by  them  to  Europe,  where,  ef- 
fecting a  change  in  the  round  Romanesque  arch,  it  exercised  a  deci- 
sive influence  in  the  development  of  mediaeval  manners  of  building. 


till" 


-    if-—  m\i"m 


Fig.  52. — Mouth  of  a  Channel  under  the 
Northwestern  Palace,  Nimrud. 


F'g-  53- — Channel  under  the  Southeastern 
Palace,  Nimrud. 


The  bricks  of  these  vaulted  Assyrian  channels  are  carefully  moulds 
ed  to  the  more  or  less  marked  wedge-form  determined  by  the  size 
of  the  arch — a  greater  refinement  than  is  practised  by  modern  ma- 
sons, who  use  only  rectangular  bricks,  effecting  the  curve  by  the 
wedge-shape  of  the  mortar-joint.  Yet,  perfected  as  vaulted  con- 
struction appears  in  these  channels,  its  application  seems  to  have 
been  almost  restricted  to  them  ;  Assyrian  builders  hesitated  to  ap- 
ply vaulted  ceilings  to  spaces  of  much  greater  span  than  gates  and 
window  apertures.     Reliefs  show  arched  portals  alternating  with 


PALACE  ARCHITECTURE.  73 

horizontally  covered  openings ;  and  in  the  fortification  walls  of 
Kisr-Sargon,  the  city  adjoining  the  palace-ruins  of  Corsabad,  traces 
of  a  barrel-vaulted  entrance  have  been  discovered  where  the  arch, 
of  4.5  m.  clear,  rested  upon  the  backs  of  the  winged  monsters  re- 
ferred to  as  the  guardians  of  all  important  gateways.  A  vaulted 
corridor,  considerably  less  in  span,  will  be  noticed  at  the  temple  pyr- 
amid of  Nimrud.  Among  the  numerous  palace  chambers  remain- 
ing, only  a  few  narrow  cells  show  traces  of  vaults ;  the  opinion  of 
some  recent  investigators,  that   the  customary  horizontal  ceilings 


Fig.  S4- — Restoration  of  an  Assyrian  Palace. 

of  smaller  rooms  were  surmounted  by  cupolas  of  beaten  earth,  does 
not  appear  plausible. 

From  the  chief  points  gained  by  this  consideration,  it  is  evident 
that  the  restoration  given  in  Fig.  54,  a  variation  of  the  reconstruc- 
tion by  Layard  and  Fergusson,  cannot  greatly  misrepresent  the 
once  existing  structures.  The  Assyrian  palace  was,  upon  the  whole, 
a  more  satisfactory  building  than  the  Egyptian  temple.  The  out- 
lines and  masses  of  its  composition  were  grand ;  it  was  richly  orna- 
mented, perhaps  even  overladen,  with  sculptured  and  colored  dec- 


74  CHALU^A,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 

oration.  The  massive  and  unpierced  walls  of  the  lower  half  bore  a 
kind  of  open  loggia,  consisting  of  light  columns  between  powerful 
piers  which  were  fully  capable  of  upholding  the  ceiling.  The  entire 
edifice  being  elevated  upon  a  terrace,  upper  stories  were  not  neces- 
sary to  secure  an  imposing  height.  The  existence  of  one  lower  story 
alone  is  indicated  by  the  ruins ;  no  large  staircases,  or  other  means 
of  ascent  to  an  upper  floor,  were  provided.  The  apparent  duplica- 
tion of  the  stories  of  houses  upon  reliefs  is  owing  to  a  fault  of  per- 
spective common  to  the  primitive  representations  of  all  nations : 
things  are  shown  as  above  and  upon,  instead  of  behind  and  beyond, 
one  another.     The  ground-chambers,  of  which  sixty-eight  have  been 


^  Fig.  55. — Terraced  Pyramid.     Relief  from  Coyundjic. 

counted  in  the  Palace  of  Sennacherib  at  Coyundjic,  and  over  two  hun- 
dred in  the  Palace  of  Sargon,  were  surely  ample  in  number  and  extent. 
Though  the  royal  dwellings  of  Assyria  chiefly  attract  attention 
in  considering  the  architecture  of  the  country,  there  are  also  many 
remains  of  sacred  buildings  in  the  lands  of  the  Upper  Tigris.  But 
we  are  acquainted  only  with  those  places  of  worship  which  stood  in 
immediate  connection  with  the  palaces,  no  traces  of  edifices  for  gen- 
eral and  popular  worship  having  been  discovered  up  to  the  present 
time.  Even  were  we  without  knowledge  of  the  ruins,  it  would  be 
^ilatural  to  suppose  the  temples  of  Assyria  similar  to  those  of  Meso- 
potamia ;  that  is  to  say,  pyramidal  terraces,  with  high  lower  stories. 


TERRACED   PYRAMIDS. 


75 


(Compare  Fig.  41.)  A  relief  from  Coyundjic,  the  upper  portion  of 
which  is  unfortunately  destroyed,  confirms  this  view,  showing  a  ter- 
raced structure  of  three  or  four  steps  situated  upon  a  natural  eleva* 
tion.  The  lower  terrace  is  decorated,  like  Chaldzean  works  of  the 
kind,  with  pilasters  in 


low -relief;  before  it 
are  pylon  towers. 
{Fig.  55.)  This  specif- 
ically Mesopotamian 
type  is  to  be  recog- 
nized in  the  most 
prominent  ruins  of 
Assyrian  sacred  ar- 
chitecture —  namely, 
in  the  terraced  pyr- 
amid which  occupied 
one  corner  of  the 
great  palace  platform 
of  Nimrud.  It  is  also 
to  be  observed  in  the 
more  fragmentary  re- 
mains at  Kileh-Sher- 
gat,  which  time  has 
buried  beneath  shape- 
less hills  of  rubbish, 
without  entirely  ob- 
literating the  original 
disposition.  The  ru- 
ins at  this  site  have 
not  been  thoroughly 


c^  tss^af 


^tpl] 


investigated  ;    those  *'•§•  56- — Plan  and  Section  of  the  Terraced  Pyramid  of  Nimrud. 

at    Nimrud    showed  '•  ^*"'''^^"^'^*"''    *•  Modem  shafts.    3.  Revetment  Wall  of  Cut  Stone. 

5.  Solid  Brick  Masonry.     6.  Great  Palace  Ten-ace.     7.  Temple. 

the  lower  part  of  the 

pyramid  at  least  to  have  been  solidly  built  of  bricks,  reveted  with 
a  wall  of  quarried  stones.  {Fig.  56.)  In  the  height  of  the  main 
palace  terrace  was  a  shaft,  the  purpose  of  which  is  uncertain,  as  it 
was  without  entrance,  and  empty ;  it  is  interesting  in  architectural 


76  CHALDiEA,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 

respects  from  the  admirably  executed  barrel-vault  of  brick  masonry 
which  formed  its  ceiling.  The  ruin,  for  the  greater  part  destroyed, 
offered  beyond  this  corridor  but  few  peculiarities.  The  stone  re- 
vetment has  been  almost  entirely  carried  away,  and  every  trace  of 
the  temple  cella  which  must  have  surmounted  these  terraces,  as  it 
did  those  of  Chaldaea,  has  disappeared.  The  better-preserved  but 
much  smaller  terraced  temple  of  the  palace  at  Kisr-Sargon  has  al- 
ready been  mentioned.  Two  interesting  reliefs  show  the  general 
form  of  such  cellas,  though  in  these  instances  the  structures  repre- 
sented are  not  raised  upon  artificial  elevations.  {Figs.  35  and  57.) 
They  are  small  temples  in  antis,  rectangular  buildings,  three  sides  of 
which  are  formed  by  walls ;  while,  in  the  open  fourth,  two  columns 


Fig.  57. — Relief  from  the  Northern  Palace  of  Coyundjic 

support  the  entablature  and  roof.  In  one  case  the  ends  of  the  walls 
upon  each  side  of  the  columns  are  undecorated  ;  in  the  other  the 
pilasters,  though  without  a  base,  are  crowned  with  a  member  similar 
to  the  capitals  of  the  columns.  The  simple  entablature  projects  in 
an  oblique  line;  it  is  terminated  by  stepped  battlements,  in  which 
the  Mesopotamian  type  of  the  terraced  pyramid  is  repeated  in  out- 
line and  adopted  as  a  merely  decorative  detail.  Such  temple  cellas 
were  erected  not  alone  upon  extensive  terraces,  but  in  the  plain  •, 
perhaps,  also,  like  the  similar  structures  of  Phoenicia,  in  the  midst 
of  sacred  lakes.  The  reliefs  given  in  the  cuts  show  the  chapels  to 
have  stood  at  the  foot  of  natural  elevations,  as  well  as  upon  them. 
Another  form  of  sanctuary,  with  gabled  roof  and  lanceolate  acroteria, 
is  represented  upon  a  relief  of  Corsabad.     {Fig.  71.)     The  building 


TEMPLES   AND   OBEUSKS. 


n 


remotely  resembles  a  Hellenic  peripteros.  Its  constructive  pecu- 
liarities cannot  well  be  understood  from  the  relief,  as  these  con- 
siderations were  probably  not  clear  to  the  sculptor  himself.  It  is 
possible  that  the  architectural  form  was  one  foreign  to  the  coun- 
try,—  perhaps  the  imitation  of  a  temple  in  Southern  Asia  Minor. 
Another  variety  of  these  palace  chapels  appears  upon  the  terrace 
of  Nimrud,  the  forms  there  differing  but  slightly  from  those  of  the 
dwelling -chambers;    the   sacred  cellas  are  distinguished   only  by 


Fig.  58. — Entrance  to  one  of  the  so-called  Temples,  Nimrud. 

the  exclusively  mythological  character  of  the  reliefs,  and  by  the 
altars  and  offerings  placed  at  the  entrance.  {Fig.  58.)  It  is  possi- 
ble, however,  that  these  spaces  were  used  as  the  dwellings  of  priests 
rather  than  as  sanctuaries,  especially  as  the  two  examples  known  are 
situated  near  the  base  of  the  great  temple  of  Nimrud,  being  in  this 
respect  admirably  adapted  to  the  uses  of  the  sacerdotal  officers  in 
the  royal  household. 

The  forms  of  Assyrian  altars  are  illustrated  by  reliefs.)^    {Pigs. 


78 


CHALD^A,  BABYLONIA,  AND   ASSYRIA. 


35  and  57.)  The  rectangular  shaft,  at  times  furrowed,  rests  upon  a 
plinth,  and  bears  a  projecting  slab,  bordered  by  stepped  battlements. 
A  tripod  was  found  before  the  entrance  to  the  so-called  Temple  of 
Nimrud  {Fig.  58);  and  upon  reliefs  are  represented  fire-altars,  up- 
holding by  a  single  support  a  basin  for  burnt  sacrifices.  These 
altars  and  the  bronze  tables  for  offerings  were  not  treated  as  archi- 
tectural details,  but  more  resembled  the  chairs  and  thrones  various- 
ly represented  upon  reliefs. 

The  Assyrian  obelisks  were  of  greater  importance ;  though  they 
cannot  be  compared  to  the  gigantic  wonders  of  Egyptian  mechani- 
cal skill,  they  yet  represent  the  typical  forms  of  Assyrian  art  as  char- 
acteristically as  do  the  Egyptian 
shafts  the  architecture  of  that  land- 
A  small  specimen  carved  in  black 
basalt,  2. 1  m.  high  and  0.6  m.  broad 
at  base,  was  discovered  in  Nimrud 
and  has  been  transported  to  the 
British  Museum.  {Fig.  59.)  The 
gently  diminished  pier  is  crown- 
ed with  a  terraced  pyramid,  thus 
giving  the  principal  monumental 
form  of  Mesopotomia,  on  a  small 
scale,  as  distinctly  as  the  termi- 
nation of  Egyptian  obelisks  does 
the  more  strictly  geometrical  pyra- 
mid of  the  Nile  land.  The  steps 
and  part  of  the  shaft  are  carved  with  cuneiform  inscriptions,  and 
with  reliefs  which  represent  an  act  of  homage— the  presentation  to 
the  king  of  various  gifts,  animals,  etc. 

Rich  as  are  the  results  of  scientific  investigations  in  regard  to 
the  palaces  of  Assyria,  they  are  deficient  in  everything  concerning 
the  cities,  which  could  have  been  but  mean  and  insignificant  in  com- 
parison with  the  royal  dwellings.  Only  scanty  traces  of  the  fortifica- 
tion walls  around  Coyundjic,  Corsabad,  and  Nimrud  have  been  pre- 
served. From  reliefs  these  appear  to  have  been  provided  with  pro- 
jecting galleries  for  defence,  with  square  or  circular  loop-holes,  and 
with  battlements  of  rectangular  or  oblique  outline.     As  before  men- 


Fig.  59. — Obelisk  from  Nimrud. 


DOMESTIC   ARCHITECTURE.  jg 

tioned,  there  have  been  preserved  at  Kisr-Sargon  (Corsabad)  the 
remains  of  a  round-arched  city  gate,  flanked  with  winged  lions.  (A 
skilful  restoration  of  this  is  given  by  Viollet-le-Duc  in  his  Entre- 
tiens.)  The  small  hills  of  rubbish  within  the  city  did  not  tempt 
the  closer  investigation  of  excavators,  who  found  such  inexhausti- 
ble rewards  for  their  labors  at  the  palace  terraces.  Private  dwell- 
ings, which  were  not,  like  the  chambers  of  the  kings,  constructed 
with  hewn  and  sculptured  stones  as  a  revetment  of  the  weak  ma- 
sonry of  unburnt  bricks,  are  now  in  so  complete  a  state  of  destruc- 
tion that  an  understanding  of  their  original  form  is  hardly  possible. 
The  known  reliefs  are  not  adequate  to  convey  satisfactory  informa- 


Fig.  6a — Assjrrian  Dwellings.     Relief  from  Coyundjic 

tion  in  regard  to  them.  Among  the  clearest  of  these  is  a  relief  of  Co- 
yundjic {Fig.  60),  which  shows  buildings  with  hemispherical  and  oval 
cupolas,  much  like  those  still  customary  in  some  parts  of  Syria. 
The  openings  for  light  and  air  are  distinctly  indicated  in  the  summit 
of  the  vaults.  On  the  other  hand,  dwellings  like  that  shown  in  Fig. 
61,  which  often  occur  in  great  numbers  within  the  enclosure  of  forti- 
fication walls,  are  of  most  perplexing  construction,  unless  assumed  to 
be  tents.  Some  interior  views  indicate  this  character,  and  the  sur- 
rounding walls  might  accordingly  be  considered  the  fortifications  of 
an  encampment.  The  plan-like  illustrations  of  walled  towns,  where 
the  houses  are  repeated  in  conventionalized  forms,  give  no  definite 


8o 


CHALDiEA,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 


information  concerning  the  peculiarities  of  Assyrian  domestic  archi- 
tecture. {Fig-  62.)  They  remind  us  rather  of  the  topographical 
usage  prevalent  during  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  of 
our  era,  when,  in  similar  manner,  approxirnate  representations  of 
houses  and  cottages  were  typically  employed  to  designate  a  village, 
a  town,  or  a  city,  upon  maps  from  which  no  conception  of  the  nat- 
ure of  the  structures  could  be  obtained.  But  it  may  be  concluded 
from  these  views  that  a  majority  of  the  dwellings  consisted  of  a 
higher  and  a  lower  division,  each  being  provided  with  an  indepen- 
dent platform. 

The  character  of  Egyptian   architecture  was  essentially  influ- 
enced by  the  rich  colored  ornamentation  which  covered  and  en- 


Fig.  61. — Tent-like  Dwelling.     Relief  from  Coyundjic. 

livened  so  much  of  the  wall-surface  with  the  coilanaglyphic  paint- 
ings peculiar  to  that  country.  Upon  the  palace  buildings  of  Mesopo- 
tamia painting  and  sculpture  were  something  more  than  mere  dec- 
orative adjuncts  to  the  architectural  construction.  They  may  even 
be  said  to  have  predominated.  The  brick  walls  of  Nineveh,  instead 
of  bearing  ornamental  slabs,  were  themselves  upheld  by  the  richly 
sculptured  revetment.  The  works  of  the  sculptor  and  the  painter 
take  a  more  important  place  in  the  history  of  Assyrian  art  than  do 
those  of  the  architect.  This,  however,  was  not  the  case  in  the  earli- 
est ages  of  the  Chaldaean  empire,  for  monuments  like  the  Temple  of 
the  Moon  at  Ur  (Mugheir),  and  like  the  remains  at  Warka,  appear 
to  have  been  almost  destitute  of  carved,  if  not  of  painted,  ornamen- 


BABYLONIAN   SCULPTURE. 


8i 


tation.  The  simple  treatment  of  wall-surfaces  with  glazed  and  col- 
ored tiles,  even  when  laid  in  the  variegated  patterns  of  the  Chaldaean 
buildings,  can  hardly  be  spoken  of  as  painting ;  and  in  that  country 
no  surely  attested  remains  of  sculpture  have  been  discovered.  Nor 
could  the  carving  of  stone  flourish  in  the  later  Babylonian  period. 
The  remoteness  from  mountains  and  quarries  of  the  great  cities,  and 
especially  of  the  capital  itself,  which  stood  in  the  midst  of  an  ex- 
tended alluvion,  was  too  great  to  allow  stone  material  to  be  readi- 
ly procured  even  for  the  revetment  of  walls.  Only  one  fragment 
of  a  larger  relief  was  found  by  Layard  among  the  ruins  of  Baby- 
lon,* and  this  was  so  entirely  similar  to  the  Assyrian  sculptures 
that  it  would,  without  further  question,  have  been  regarded  as  tht 


Fig.  6a. — Susa.     Assyrian  Relief  from  Co3rundjic 

work  of  Nineveh  had  not  the  Babylonian  character  of  the  cunei- 
form inscriptions  indicated  its  origin.  A  colossal  statue  of  black 
basalt,  representing  a  lion  standing  upon  a  human  being,  a  work 
known  to  travellers  for  over  a  century,  still  lies  in  position,  half 
buried  in  the  earth ;  it  might  convey  an  adequate  idea  of  the  sculpt- 
ure of  Babylon  were  it  not  so  weathered  and  imperfect  as  not  to  be 
considered  worth  removal.  The  most  numerous  examples  of  the 
stone-carving  of  Southern  Mesopotamia — that  is  to  say,  of  Baby- 
lonia— are  given  by  the  cylindrical  seals  of  syenite,  basalt,  agate,  car- 
nelian,  etc.     These  stones  generally  measure  about  0.03  m.  in  length 


•  Nineveh  and  Babylon,  p.  508. 

6 


82 


CHALD^A,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 


and  o.oi  m.  in  diameter;  they  are  perforated  in  the  line  of  their 
axis,  to  allow  of  their  being  strung  upon  a  cord  or  fixed  upon  a 
metal  wire,  by  which,  if  held  as  a  handle,  the  seal  could  be  rolled 
over  some  soft  substance,  such  as  wax,  thus  leaving  the  impression 
of  the  figures  engraved  upon  it.  {Fig.  63.)  The  great  variance  be- 
tween the  style  of  these  cylinders  and  that  of  Mesopotamian  re- 
liefs is  mainly  due  to  the  totally  different  technical  peculiarities  of 
intaglio  and  relief-cutting,     The  seals  of  Babylonia  and  Assyria  are 

usually  so  much  alike  that 
J  they  are  to  be  distinguish- 
llillm  M\  ed  only  by  the  character  of 
the  cuneiform  inscriptions, 
or,  in  some  instances,  by 
the  mythological  subjects 
represented.  The  origin  of 
many  of  the  carved  cylin- 
ders which  lack  such  in- 
dications cannot  be  deter- 
mined, the  place  of  their 
discovery  being  of  slight 
importance  in  the  case  of 
objects  so  easily  transport- 
able. Numbers  of  these 
seals  exist  in  all  large 
European  museums,  being 
picked  up  by  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Hillah  after  tor- 


Fig-  63. — Babylonian  Seal  in  the  British 
Museum,  and  its  Impression. 


rents  of  rain  have  furrowed  the  earth  in  which  they  lie  concealed. 

The  Babylonians  made  up  for  this  national  lack  of  monu- 
mental works  of  sculpture,  due,  as  has  been  seen,  to  the  difficul- 
ty of  obtaining  suitable  material,  by  the  development  of  another 
branch  of  decorative  art.  Favored  by  the  clayey  earth  of  the  Chal- 
daean  alluvion,  they  did  not  content  themselves  with  the  manufact- 
ure of  admirable  bricks,  or  with  exact  and  durable  masonry  of  this 
material,  but  developed  a  glazed  decoration  of  their  outer  surfaces. 
The  walls  of  chambers  seem  generally  to  have  been  prepared  with  a 
coating  of  plaster  and  then  painted.     Naturally,  no  traces  of  this 


ENAMELLED   TILES.  83 

process  exist,  but  passages  in  the  books  of  the  Biblical  prophets 
indicate  it  to  have  been  customary.  Exterior  walls,  which,  on  ac- 
ount  of  climatic  influences,  could  not  thus  be  treated,  were  orna- 
mented with  enamelled  and  variously  colored  tiles.  Upon  the 
steps  of  temple  terraces  this  was  effected  by  glazing  the  outer 
sides  of  all  the  bricks  with  a  single  color,  but  for  palace  walls 
entire  compositions  were  so  formed  that  each  separate  tile  was 
drawn  and  colored  in  reference  to  the  entire  representation..  {Fig. 
64.)  Remains  show  the  glazing  to  have  been  quite  thick ;  the  col- 
ors, chiefly  bright  blue,  red,  dark  yellow,  white,  and  black,  have 


Fig.  64. — Wall  Decoration  of  Enamelled  Tiles. 

been  perfectly  preserved.  A  French  traveller  of  the  last  century 
relates  that  a  chamber  with  walls  of  colored  tiles,  representing, 
among  other  objects,  the  sun,  moon,  and  a  cow,  was  unearthed 
from  the  hill  of  Mudjelibeh,  one  of  the  mounds  of  ruins  formed  by 
the  overthrow  of  the  Babylonian  palaces.  An  account  given  by  Dio- 
doros,  who  describes  a  great  hunting  scene  upon  the  innermost  city 
wall,  shows  how  extended  this  enamel  painting  must  have  been. 
Among  many  figures  the  queen,  Semiramis,  took  a  prominent  part 
in  the  action,  throwing  a  spear  at  a  panther  from  her  position 
on  horseback,  while  the  lance  of  the  king  transfixed  a  lion. 
The    general    character    of  the    composition    can    be    understood 


84  CHALDiEA,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 

from  the  analogy  of  similar  scenes  represented   upon  reliefs  from 
Nineveh. 

The  palace  decorations  naturally  developed  in  an  entirely  dif- 
ferent manner  in  Northern  Mesopotamia  —  Assyria.  The  spurs  of 
neighboring  mountains  advanced  from  all  sides  close  upon  Nineveh, 
and  good  building-stones,  notably  the  most  beautiful  alabaster,  are 


Fig.  65. — Statue  of  a  King,  from  Nimrud.     (British  Museum.) 

found  in  the  plain,  under  the  shallow  strata  of  alluvial  earth.  The 
flat  colored  decoration  of  the  walls  with  glazed  bricks  was  super- 
seded by  a  carved  revetment  of  lavish  richness,  which  so  generally 
covered  the  lower  half  of  larger  palace  chambers  with  reliefs  that 
an  almost  inexhaustible  material  is  presented  for  elucidation  of  the 
style  by  the  fragments  discovered  during  the  short  period  of  twenty 
years. 


SCULPTURAL   FORMS. 


8! 


Fig.  66. — Winged  Lion  from  Nimrud. 
Museum.) 


(British 


Sculpture  so  concentrated  itself  upon  this  decorative  field  of 
revetment  reliefs  that  it  appears  rarely  to  have  ventured  the  execu- 
tion of  independent  works.  Statues  in  the  full  round  are  extremely 
rare,  and  the  few  known  are  nearly  as  similar  to  each  other  as 
are  those  of  Egypt.  The  best-preserved  figure  was  found  in  the  so- 
called  temple  at  the  foot 
of  the  terraced  pyramid 
of  Nimrud,  and  has  been 
carried  to  the  British  Mu- 
seum. {Fig^.6$.)  It  is  about 
I  m.  in  height,  hewn  from 
a  hard  limestone,  and  rep- 
resents a  king  in  the  garb 
of  a  priest.  The  round 
head  is  covered  with  long 
thick  hair,  which,  falling 
somewhat  over  the  fore- 
head, is  not  parted,  but  di> 
vided  into  wavy  horizon- 
tal rows ;  it  cads  upon  t4ie 
shoulders  In  a  straight  sec- 
tion of  closely  and  regu- 
larly arranged  spiral  curls. 
The  imposing  beard  is 
still  more  conventional- 
ized ;  beginning  in  thick 
curls,  it  is  arranged  in  al- 
ternate courses  of  rope-like 
twists  and  rows  of  small 
coils.  The  ends  of  the 
mustache  curl  into  mark- 
ed spirals.  The  large  eyes,  of  rather  oblique  position,  are  situated 
too  low,  and  are  consequently  without  expression.  Their  strap-like 
lids  do  not  sufficiently  protrude,  while  the  thick  eyebrows,  exces- 
sively curved  upward  and  meeting  above  the  bridge  of  the  nose,  so 
interfere  with  the  natural  form  of  the  forehead  as  to  give  to  the  face 
a  gloomy  and  almost  bestial  expression.    The  curved  Semitic  nose  is 


Fig.  67. — Winged  Bull  from  Nimrud- 
Museum.) 


(British 


86 


CHALD^A,  BABYLONIA,  AND   ASSYRIA. 


broad  and  fleshy,  as  are  all  the  features,  which,  though  not  appear- 
ing puffy,  have  a  decided  tendency  to  fatness.  The  well-formed  ear 
is  placed  lower  than  is  that  of  Egyptian  statues,  and  is  ornament- 
ed with  large  rings.  The  thick  and  short  neck  disappears  behind 
under  the  full  locks  of  hair ;  the  round  shoulders  make  the  back  ap- 
pear broader  than  the  breast,  but  are  more  correctly  modelled  than 
those  of  Egyptian  figures.  The  long  priestly  garment,  thickly 
fringed,  covers  one  of  the  fleshy  arms  up  to  the  wrist,  and  falls 
without  folds  or  indication  of  the  lower  body  beneath  it,  being  gird- 


Fig.  68. — Lion  from  Nimrud.     (British  Museum.) 

ed  around  the  stout  waist  by  a  twisted  sash ;  it  leaves  only  the  toes 
visible.  The  right  hand  holds  an  instrument  formed  like  an  augur's 
crook,  probably  of  some  sacred  significance  ;  the  left  grasps  the 
sceptre.  Arms  and  hands  have  broad  muscles,  blunt,  rounded  out- 
lines, and  the  short  and  thick  proportions  peculiar  to  the  entire 
body.  With  the  exception  of  the  face,  the  sculptor  made  few  ab- 
solute misrepresentations  of  nature,  though  evidently  more  skilled 
in  relief-carving,  and  paying  but  little  attention  to  the  side  view. 
An  inscription  upon  the  breast  designates  the  statue  as  that  of 
King  Ashurakbal,  the  builder  of  the  northwestern   palace  and  of 


CHEKUBIMS.  g^ 

the  so-called  temple  of  Nimrud,  "  the  conqueror  of  the  upper  valley 
of  the  Tigris  to  Lebanon  and  the  great  sea,  who  brought  under  his 
power  all  the  lands,  from  the  rising  to  the  setting  of  the  sun." 

The  monsters  mentioned  above  form  a  peculiar  transitional 
step  between  the  full  round  and  relief  sculpture.  {Fi^s.  66  and  67.) 
Winged  bulls,  or,  more  rarely,  lions,  with  human  heads  and  ani- 
mal ears,  flanked  the  larger  portals  as  sacred  guardians  of  the  en- 
trance. On  the  sides  of  the  passage  they  were  executed  in  relief  up 
to  the  heads,  which  were  worked  almost  entirely  free,  and  project, 
with  the  royal  or  divine  tiara,  from  the  main  block.  In  the  front 
view,  the  breast  and  fore  legs,  as  well  as  the  head,  appear  in  the 
round.  This  combination  of  round  and  relief  carving  resulted  in  two 
abnormities.  In  the  first  place,  the  animals  have  five  legs,  as  the 
side  was  allowed  four,  while  the  front,  besides  the  support  which  it 
had  in  common  with  the  side,  demanded  another,  that  it  might  not 
appear  one-legged.  F'urther,  the  monsters  seem,  in  the  relief,  to  be 
striding  and  advancing,  but  in  the  front  view  to  be  firmly  standing. 
These  cherubims — for  thus  the  commentators  of  the  Bible  call  such 
"  forms  having  a  human  head,  the  body  of  a  lion  or  bull,  and  the 
wings  of  an  eagle " — are  among  the  most  characteristic  works  of 
Mesopotamian  sculpture.  They  were  imposing  symbols  of  guar- 
dian deities ;  the  hair  of  the  head  and  beard  curled  tightly,  as  did 
that  of  breast,  abdomen,  and  the  end  of  the  tail ;  the  feathers  of 
the  powerful  wings  were  almost  straight,  the  legs  hard  and  muscu- 
lar, the  expression  of  the  face  severe  and  majestic.  Lions  of  nor- 
mal formation,  exceptionally  occurring  in  the  place  of  these  cher- 
ubims, show  so  masterly  an  understanding  of  nature  and  such  wise 
conventionalization  that,  with  the  sphinx-like  lions  of  Egypt  (com- 
pare Fi^.  31),  they  rank  among  the  most  successful  representations 
of  animals  in  any  period  of  sculpture.  Prominent  among  the  sub- 
jects shown  by  the  reliefs,  serving  the  purposes  of  mural  decora- 
tion, is  the  so-called  tree  of  life,  a  symbol  not  adequately  explained, 
a  plant  form  woven  in  ribbons  and  anthemions  to  an  ornamental 
play  of  lines,  before  which  stand  sacrificing  figures  or  winged  genii 
with  eagle-heads,  holding  in  the  one  hand  a  basket,  in  the  other  a 
species  of  pine-cone,  or  in  the  one  a  lotos-flower  or  a  scourge,  and 
in  the  other  a  gazelle  or  a  small  lion.     Upon  this  follow  the  long 


88  CHALDiEA,  BABYLONIA,  AND   ASSYRIA. 

processions  advancing  in  homage  before  the  king,  which  so  fittingly 
covered  the  walls  of  the  courts.  The  monarch  stands  to  receive  his 
vizier,  who  is  followed  by  several  warriors.  {Fig-  69.)  Behind  stand 
eunuchs — one  holding  a  sun-shade,  another  a  fan  for  flies,  a  third  a 
handkerchief,  a  fourth  drinking-vessels,  a  fifth  jugs  with  bottoms 
formed  like  the  jaws  of  a  lion  (used  to  dip  out  wine  from  the  large 


Fig.  69. — Relief  from  Corsabad.     (Louvre.) 

cooling-vessels),  a  sixth  a  wine-skin  ;  the  two  following  have  a  large 
platter  with  food  and  the  stand  belonging  thereto ;  another  comes 
with  two  models  of  cities,  perhaps  to  be  explained  as  dishes ;  then 
two  with  a  throne,  the  next  with  a  table,  those  following  with  a 
bench;  others,  again,  with  a  magnificent  chariot,  the  tongue  of  which 
is  carved  as  a  horse's  head  and  the  cross-pieces  as  the  heads  of  ga- 


CEREMONIAL  RELIEFS.  gg 

zelles,  while  the  rich  back  of  the  seat  is  supported  by  human  figures; 
two  helmeted  warriors  follow  this,  with  a  less  elaborate  war-chariot, 
and  others  lead  four  horses  to  the  scene.  A  similar  representation 
shows  subjects  bringirrj  gifts  to  the  king.  Some  lead  horses  ;  num- 
bers of  others  present  flowers  and  fruits,  among  which  apples,  pome- 
granates, grapes,  pineapples,  figs,  etc.,  may  be  distinguished ;  those 
following  offer  cakes,  locusts  strung  upon  sticks,  hares,  birds,  and 
the  like.  The  figures  upon  these  ceremonial  reliefs,  generally  over 
life-size,  are  carefully  executed  to  the  smallest  detail.  Little  can 
be  said  concerning  their  peculiarities  of  feature  beyond  that  stated 


Fig.  7a — Fragments  of  Reliefs  fi-om  NimruA     (British  Museum.) 


above,  in  the  consideration  of  the  statue  of  King  Ashurakbal.  In 
opposition  to  the  wiry  toughness  of  the  Egyptian  type,  the  vo- 
luptuous and  vigorous  fulness  of  the  Assyrian  appears  distinctly  in 
the  full  cheeks,  the  thick  eyelids  and  brows,  the  widely  opened  eyes 
with  curved  and  projecting  balls,  the  energetic  aquiline  nose,  the 
pouting  lips,  and  the  imposing  growth  of  hair  and  beard,  so  neg- 
lected in  Egyptian  sculptures.  Eunuchs  are  characterized  by  a  lack 
of  beard ;  the  usual  fulness  degenerates  into  mere  obesity  in  all  the 
features,  but  especially  in  the  heavy  and  hanging  under-jaw,  and  the 
weak,  fleshy  arms,  the  only  parts  of  the  body  not  hidden  by  the  gar- 
ments.    The  fragments  illustrated  by  Fig.  70,  when  compared  with 


90 


CHALD^A,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 


Egyptian  heads  from  reliefs  {Fig.  28),  will  convey  an  idea  of  the  en- 
tire difference  of  race  and  artistic  style  in  the  lands  of  the  Tigris  and 
of  the  Nile. 

In  the  works  of  Assyria,  as  in  those  of  Egypt,  the  breast  is  usu- 
ally presented  in  front  view,  for  the  reasons  already  set  forth,  but 
the  attempt  to  show  this  part  of  the  body  in  true  profile  is  more 
common  in  the  former  country ;  an  instance  may  be  observed  in  the 
vizier  of  Fig.  69.  The  wrists,  like  the  arms,  are  muscular  and  stout ; 
the  hands  broad,  coarse,  and  awkwardly  stiff.  Bracelets,  closing 
firmly  by  means  of  a  spiral  spring,  are  placed  upon  the  wrists  and 
above  the  elbows.  The  magnificence  of  these  and  similar  orna- 
ments, which  have  frequently  been  copied  by  modern  jewellers,  and 


-^-MWiU*)"— 


Fig.  71. — Temple.     Relief  from  Corsabad. 

also  the  dignity  of  the  swords  and  other  accoutrements,  strictly  de- 
pend upon  the  rank  of  the  wearer,  being  graded  from  the  king  and 
vizier  to  the  warrior  and  eunuch.  The  most  customary  garment  in 
time  of  peace  reached  from  the  neck  to  the  ankles,  and  was  often 
edged  with  a  fringe  of  tassels  and  a  double  or  fourfold  border  of 
pearls.  The  underdress  is  smooth  and  white,  that  of  the  king  alone 
being' richly  patterned.  The  overgarment  seems  to  have  consisted 
almost  wholly  of  fringes,  leaving  the  right  arm  free.  The  royal 
mantle  was  also  in  this  respect  an  exception,  having  two  sleeves  and 
covering  the  shoulders,  besides  being  ornamented  with  rosettes  or 
embroidered  with  mythological  representations.  The  feet  in  As- 
syrian reliefs  are  long  and  powerful,  more  supple  and  true  to  nature 


SCULPTURAL  TYPES.  pi 

than  the  hands,  though  the  toes  lie  too  closely  upon  the  ground. 
The  monarch  and  his  escort  have  rings  upon  the  great  toe  of  each 
foot ;  they  wear  a  kind  of  sandal  which  covers  only  the  heel,  in  wise 
recognition  of  the  fact  that  a  complete  sole  disturbs  in  some  meas- 
ure the  natural  elastic  action  of  the  ball  of  the  foot  and  the  toes. 
When  the  underdress  is  short,  as  is  the  case  in  hunting  and  warlike 
costumes,  the  leg  below  the  knee  is  correctly  but  rather  stiffly  mod- 
elled ;  the  muscles  protrude  like  hard  bands,  without  giving  to  the 
limb  the  vigorous  force  peculiar  to  Egyptian  works.  Yet  the  whole 
composition,  as  well  as  every  detail  of  Assyrian  sculpture,  displays 
more  direct  study  of  nature  than  was  to  be  found  in  Egypt,  where 
the  figures  were  created  upon  an  abstract  model, — a  canon  founded 
more  upon  convention  than  upon  observation  of  life.     Instead  of 


Fig.  72. — Relief  from  Nimrud. 

remaining  behind  reality,  as  did  the  Egyptian,  the  Assyrian  sculptor 
went  beyond  natural  truth,  exaggerating  and  coarsening.  There 
the  figures  were  without  flesh  and  blood,  ghost-like,  as  if  their  slim 
trunks  and  extremities  were  not  fitted  for  earthly  nourishment;  here 
the  material  existence  was  expressed  in  the  most  positive  manner. 
A  voluptuous  fulness  was  chosen  as  a  type  of  the  luxurious  and  con- 
templative Mesopotamian,  in  the  same  way  as  the  elastic  leanness 
of  the  Egyptian  figure  characterized  the  sinewy  Fellah,  emaciated 
from  scanty  nourishment  and  fatiguing  exertion  in  his  dry  climate. 
More  than  three  quarters  of  the  historical  reliefs  are  warlike 
scenes,  mostly  on  a  small  scale,  with  figures  less  than  half  a  meter 
high.  Cities  are  surrounded,  set  on  fire,  and  plundered  ;  when  the 
fortress  is  situated  upon  a  height,  the  besiegers  build  ramparts  of 


92 


CHALDyEA,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 


fascines,  and,  sheltered  by  these,  attack  the  walls  with  battering-rams 
similar  to  those  used  by  the  Romans.  The  defenders  attempt  to 
burn  these  offensive  machines  with  torches  and  to  cripple  them  with 
chains,  the  latter  being  warded  off  from  below  with  hooks  and  poles. 
It  is  also  shown  how  warfare  was  carried  on  in  the  open  field,  upon 
wooded  mountains,  in  swamps,  and  on  the  marshy  banks  of  rivers, 
with  the  aid  of  lances,  slings,  and  bows.  The  archers  are  sometimes 
protected  by  a  kind  of  chain  mail.  It  is  represented  with  great  clear- 
ness and  fulness  how  the  defeated  enemies  seek  to  save  themselves 
by  flight  to  a  swamp,  how  friends  and  foes  swim  rivers  supported 
upon  inflated  skins,  while  the  king  is  transported  in  his  chariot  upon 


Fig.  73. — Wounded  Lioness,  from  Coyundjic. 

a  ferry-boat.  Some  battle-fields  are  covered  with  the  slain,  whose  sev- 
ered heads  are  piled  up  to  form  a  trophy  of  victory  truly  Oriental. 
At  times  the  male  prisoners  of  war  are  shown  suffering  death  by 
torture ;  they  are  stripped  to  the  skin  and  beaten  with  clubs,  or  are 
impaled  and  flayed  alive  in  great  numbers.  The  tongues  and  ears 
of  others  are  cut  off;  while  prisoners  of  higher  rank  are  dragged  by 
rings  through  the  under-lip  before  the  victorious  king,  who  languid- 
ly deigns  to  blind  them  with  a  lance.  At  the  same  time,  the  mon- 
arch receives  homage  from  kneeling  subjects ;  players  of  stringed 
instruments  celebrate  his  victory,  while  eunuchs  record  the  amount 
of  booty  brought  before  him.     The  spoil  is  shown  with  great  cir- 


HISTORICAL   RELIEFS. 


93 


cumstantiality ;  female  captives,  holding  children  by  the  hand  and 
infants  at  the  breast,  advance  on  foot  or  are  borne  upon  carts,  and 
all  manner  of  utensils  and  provisions  are  carried  upon  beasts  of  bur- 
den and  drays.  The  captured  herds — beeves,  sheep,  and  camels — are 
given  with  wonderful  truth  to  nature ;  like  the  animal  types  occur- 
ring in  the  act  of  homage  upon  the  obelisk  of  Nimrud  already  men- 
tioned, they  are  of  masterly  characterization  —  the  peculiarities  of 
the  lion,  antelope,  buffalo,  rhinoceros,  elephant,  and  ape  being  care- 
fully observed  and  admirably  rendered.  The  same  understanding 
of  animal  forms  is  shown  in  the  often-repeated  hunting  scenes :  the 
conception  of  the  wounded  beasts  is  truly  wonderful.  {Fig.  73.)  Be- 
sides the  capture  of  gigantic  lions  and  buffaloes,  the  snaring  of  small 


Fig.  74. — Transport  of  Stone.     Relief  from  Coyundjic. 


game,  hares  and  birds,  is  shown.  Even  the  various  species  of  fish 
can  be  distinguished  in  the  reliefs,  which  show  net  and  rod  fishing. 
Many  industrial  occupations  are  also  represented.  Trees  are 
felled,  the  trunks  of  which  are  floated  upon  the  river  as  rafts,  or  are 
dragged  behind  boats,  for  the  building  of  a  royal  palace ;  terraced 
mounds  are  heaped  up  by  enslaved  laborers  with  baskets  of  earth. 
Larger  masses  of  building -stone,  and  the  cherubims  already  de- 
scribed, are  brought  down  stream  from  the  quarries  by  means  of 
rafts,  the  buoyancy  of  which  is  increased  by  inflated  skins  bound 
beneath  them.  {Fig.  74.)  The  statues  are  carried  to  the  terrace 
platforms  by  inclined  planes,  up  which  they  are  drawn  by  hosts  of 
workmen,  who  pull  upon  the  cordage  attached  to  the  sledge,  which 


94 


CHALD^A,  BABYLOxVIA,  AiND  ASSYRIA. 


slides  over  rollers,  and  are  driven  forward  by  blows  from  the  over- 
seers.    {Fig-  75.) 

Religious  representations  are  much  rarer  than  in  theocratic 
Egypt.  The  kings  of  despotic  Mesopotamia  arrogated  to  them- 
selves the  supremacy  allowed  in  Egypt  to  the  gods,  who  in  the  latter 
country  had  been  placed  by  the  priests  in  relation  with  every  human 
action,  and  whose  ceremonial  scenes  were  so  predominant.  The 
typical  winged  figure  described  above  occurs  continually  in  small  re- 
liefs, and  even  in  diminutive  ornaments.  In  rare  instances  a  griffin 
or  a  kind  of  Pegasos  is  employed  in  its  place  upon  purely  decorative 


Fig.  75. — Transport  of  a  Cherubim. 

works.  The  sacred  symbol  of  the  tree  of  life,  or  that  of  the  great 
god  Ashur — the  winged  and  encircled  figure  already  mentioned — is 
worshipped  by  standing  or  kneeling  human  beings  and  by  inferior 
deities.  Processions  are  represented  bearing  images  upon  thrones, 
and  the  sacrifice  of  lambs  is  shown,  the  animals  being  slaughtered 
and  burned  piecemeal.  These  purely  ceremonial  reliefs  differ  funda- 
mentally from  the  historical  scenes.  In  the  former  the  figures  are 
over  life-size ;  they  are  carved  with  great  attention  to  detail,  and  are 
never  grouped,  but  placed  at  regular  distances :  in  the  latter  the  hu- 
man beings  do  not  receive  the  attention  devoted  to  the  inanimate 
objects  occurring  in  the  pictured  story,  and  especially  to  the  indi- 


BRONZES   AND   IVORY   CARVINGS.  05 

cations  of  its  locality.  The  fortifications  of  besieged  towns  are 
mapped  out  with  scrupulous  exactness,  and  are  easily  understood 
when  it  is  borne  in  mind  that  the  effect  of  distance,  from  the  lack  of 
perspective  in  this  primitive  art,  is  expressed  by  piling  things  upon 
one  another  which  were  in  reality  behind  one  another.  Buildings 
are  shown  by  reliefs  like  those  given  in  Figs.  35  and  57,  with  a  more 
or  less  successful  attempt  to  clearly  illustrate  constructive  details. 

The  landscape  is  conventionalized  in  a  peculiar  manner.  Fields 
of  grain  upon  regularly  rolling  hills  are  designated  by  wavy  lines; 
the  trees  are  usually  suggestive  of  the  carved  toys  accompanying 
the  well-known  Noah's  ark  of  our  children — this  impression  being 
heightened  by  the  trunks  radially  diverging  from  the  hill,  that  they 
may  be  the  more  closely  grouped  together.  The  childlike  art  of  the 
Assyrians  here  expressed  a  common  error  of  childhood — that  more 
trees  can  grow  upon  the  increased  surface  of  a  hill  than  upon  a  plain 
with  an  area  equal  to  the  base  of  the  hill -cone.  At  times,  when 
necessary  for  the  characterization  of  a  locality,  palms,  grape-vines, 
figs,  and  other  plants  are  indicated  by  a  detailed  imitation  of  leaves 
and  fruit.  Lakes,  rivers  {Fig.  74),  and  swamps  are  carefully  drawn 
in  wavy  parallel  lines  with  spirally  conventionalized  ripples;  they 
are  bordered  with  reeds  and  sedges,  and  inhabited  by  aquatic  ani- 
mals easily  recognized  by  the  naturalist.  The  events  are  represent- 
ed in  a  simple  and  straightforward  manner ;  unimportant  figures  are 
diminutive  and  less  carefully  carved,  while  the  chief  actors  in  a  scene 
not  only  tower  above  their  fellow-beings,  but  even  above  trees  and 
fortifications.  As  the  only  intention  of  the  artist  was  to  represent 
a  locality  and  an  occurrence,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  give  a  city  such 
proportions  that  the  defenders  upon  its  battlements  could  never 
have  passed  through  its  gates,  and,  standing  upon  the  ground,  would 
have  overtopped  the  towers. 

These  conventionalized  types  do  not  appear  in  the  bronzes, 
sheathings  of  thin  wood-work,  bowls,  and  other  vessels,  or  in  the 
rarer  remains  of  ivory  carvings.  A  number  of  objects  of  this  kind, 
discovered  during  the  excavations  of  Nineveh,  are  deposited  in  the 
British  Museum.  The  better  preserved  and  more  easily  recogniz- 
able among  the  ivory  carvings  are  of  Egyptian  style,  and  even  in 
some  instances  represent  Egyptian  religious  ceremonies.     This  is 


^  CHALD^A,  BABYLONIA,  AND  ASSYRIA. 

also,  in  a  measure,  the  case  with  the  bronzes,  which  are  composed 
of  ten  parts  of  copper  and  one  of  tin ;  though  a  majority  of  these 
show  thicker  and  heavier  forms,  especially  in  the  animals,  and  strike 
ingly  remind  one  of  similar  utensils  discovered  in  Phoenicia  and> 
Cyprus.  These  articles  must  be  considered  either  to  have  been.^di- 
rectly  imported,  or  so  slavishly  copied  from  foreign  originals  that 
they  are  at  present  not  surely  distinguishable.  There  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  native  place  of  the  bronze  vessels  was  Phoenicia, 
and  not  Egypt.  The  former  country,  as  proved  by  the  repeated 
allusions  of  Homer  and  other  early  authors,  was  famed  in  the  pre- 
historic ages  of  Greece  for  the  manufacture  of  metal  utensils,  and 
especially  for  an  extended  employment  of  the  bronze  supplied  by 
the  copper-mines  of  Cyprus  and  the  tin  trade  with  England.  When 
considered  in  connection  with  the  well-known  extent  of  Phoenician 
commerce,  this  derivation  of  the  metal  remains  found  at  Nineveh  is 
rendered  more  than  probable. 

The  few  and  unimportant  vestiges  of  Assyrian  painting  add 
little  material  to  the  history  of  art.  It  has  already  been  men- 
tioned that  the  palace  walls  were  covered  with  a  colored  facing, 
shown  by  fragments  found  among  the  ruins  to  have  been  of  painted 
stucco  and  glazed  tiles.  It  consisted  of  bands  of  ornament,  rows 
of  rosettes  and  anthemions,  woven  strap -work,  conventionalized 
mythical  animals,  and  other  forms  arranged  in  set  regularity.  This 
treatment  was  adopted  especially  for  the  exterior  and  for  the  courts, 
where  imposing  ceremonial  reliefs  with  colossal  figures  covered  the 
lower  surface  of  the  wall.  Animals  the  size  of  life  are  given  in 
yellow  upon  a  blue  ground,  such  mosaic  mural  decorations  being 
formed  of  tiles  drawn  and  colored  with  reference  to  their  ultimate 
position.  {Fig.  64.)  There  are  also  paintings  corresponding  to 
the  reliefs  of  alabaster  common  upon  the  lower  half  of  important 
walls.  With  figures  somewhat  over  0.2  m.  high,  they  represent 
scenes  which  appear  to  have  stood  in  some  relation  to  the  carved 
ornaments  of  interior  chambers.  The  most  important  of  the  frag- 
ments preserved  shows  a  king,  who,  returning  from  battle  or  the 
hunt,  is  about  to  place  to  his  lips  a  bowl  handed  him  by  a  servant. 
{Fig.  76.)  The  bow  which  he  holds  in  his  left  hand  rests  upon  the 
earth  ;  a  sword  hangs  by  his  side.      A  eunuch  with  bow,  quiver, 


PAINTING.  ^7 

and  sword,  and  a  warrior  in  short  dress,  with  lance  and  pointed  hel- 
met, follow  him.  The  garments  are  outlined  by  a  broad  band  of  yel- 
'  ^w  color,  somewhat  similar  in  effect  to  the  heavy  leading  of  mediae- 
val stained  glass-work,  which  increases  the  impression  of  flat  stiff- 
nefe  peculiar  to  the  Assyrian  costumes  of  baggy  cloth  without  folds. 
The  head,  arms,  and  legs  are  drawn  in  simple  lines.  A  dark-yellow 
border  separates  the  green  dress  from  the  red  background,  and  the 
brownish  color  of  the  exposed  flesh.     White  is  intermingled  with 


Red.  Brown.  Green.  Yellow. 

Fig.  76. — Glazed  Terra-cotta,  from  NimruA 


Black. 


yellow  in  the  rosettes,  fringes,  swords,  etc. ;  the  hair,  beard,  sandals, 
and  the  pupils  of  the  eyes  are  black.  Other  fragments  illustrated 
by  Layard  have  a  green  background,  yellow  flesh,  blue  garments, 
horses,  fishes,  etc.,  all  drawn  with  a  heavy  white,  or,  in  rare  in- 
stances, brown,  outline.  It  would  be  difficult  to  determine  wheth- 
er these  pigments  have  preserved  their  original  color,  and  whether, 
indeed,  some  tints  are  not  entirely  lost.  Chemical  analysis  has 
demonstrated  that  several  metallic  preparations  were  known  to  the 
Assyrians.     The  yellow  is  that  preparation  of  antimony  and  lead 

7 


98  CHALD^A,  BABYLONIA,  AND   ASSYRIA. 

which,  under  the  name  of  Naples  yellow,  has  been  supposed  a  mod- 
ern invention ;  the  blue  is  a  combination  of  copper  and  lead,  also 
praised  as  a  device  of  recent  date  in  its  application  as  a  flux  for 
glazing.  The  white  is  an  enamel  of  oxidized  tin,  commonly  held 
to  have  been  first  employed  by  the  Arabs  of  Northern  Africa  in  the 
eighth  or  ninth  Christian  century ;  the  red  is  a  suboxide  of  copper. 
In  regard  to  the  style  of  these  paintings,  little  can  be  added  to 
that  already  stated  in  the  consideration  of  Assyrian  sculpture.  The 
figures  are  somewhat  more  slender,  and  seem  at  times  to  betray 
a  slight  Egyptian  influence.  As  in  that  country,  the  tones  of  color 
within  the  firm  outlines  are  without  modulation,  differing  only  in 
the  hues  of  the  substances  they  represent.  The  composition  is, 
perhaps,  more  picturesque,  the  figures  frequently  covering  each 
other  with  varied  position  and  action.  The  carved  slabs  which 
served  as  a  revetment  of  the  lower  wall  -  surfaces  were  brought 
into  harmony  with  the  paintings  above  them  by  the  addition  of 
color  to  the  reliefs.  The  hair,  beard,  and  the  pupils  of  the  eyes 
were  black  ;  some  parts  of  the  dress,  as  the  ribbons  of  the  tiara,  the 
sandals,  etc.,  red.  There  is  no  doubt  that  other  tints,  not  now  rec- 
ognizable, were  added  to  the  sculptures ;  but  it  must  not  be  held 
that  this  painting  was  so  brilliant  and  decided  as  some  restorations 
represent.  If  the  uniform  effect  of  a  completely  painted  wall-sur- 
face had  been  desired,  the  carving  would  largely  have  been  given 
up.  The  best  ornamental  treatment  of  the  architecturally  bare 
surface  was  given  by  the  marked  division  of  its  height.  If  the 
light  openings  of  columns  and  pilasters,  just  under  the  ceiling,  be 
assumed  to  have  existed  above  the  high  and  unpierced  wall,  as  a 
distinct  horizontal  member  crowning  the  enclosing  mass,  we  can 
but  admire  this  combination,  in  the  Assyrian  palace,  of  superposed 
courses  of  sculptured,  painted,  and  architectural  works. 


Fig-  77- — Restoration  of  the  Palace  of  Darius,  Persepolis. 


PERSIA. 


THE  fall  of  Nineveh,  instead  of  being  despicable  —  according 
to  the  common  legend  —  from  the  weakness  of  Sardanapalus, 
the  last  Assyrian  king,  deserves  rather,  from  the  heroic  ruin  of 
the  monarch  with  his  city,  to  be  compared  to  the  fall  of  Carthage 
or  of  Jerusalem.  It  removed  for  some  time  the  centre  of  West- 
ern Asiatic  power  farther  to  the  east,  beyond  the  Mesopotamian 
streams:  first  to  mountainous  Media,  whose  inhabitants,  through 
want  of  culture,  were  better  fitted  to  destroy  than  to  build,  and 
who,  therefore,  play  almost  no  part  in  the  history  of  art.  As  the 
short  reign  of  Median  greatness  passed  away,  political  power  tend- 
ed to  the  southeast,  to  Persia,  which  raised  its  world  -  renowned 
kingdom  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Median,  and  stretched  the  bounda- 
ries of  the  new  empire  far  beyond  any  former  compass  of  Western 


100  PERSIA. 

Asiatic  sovereignty.  Cyrus,  the  first  historical  monarch  of  Persia, 
not  only  conquered  all  resistance,  notably  that  of  Nebuchadnezzar 
and  his  Babylonian  dominion,  and  of  the  Lydian  king  Croesus  (by  no 
means  remarkable  solely  on  account  of  his  great  riches),  but  carried 
his  victorious  arms  even  to  the  ^gean  Sea ;  so  that  Asia,  in  so  far  as 
it  was  known  to  Europe,  was  synonymous  with  Persia.  Cambyses, 
successor  to  Cyrus,  crushed  the  oldest  power  of  the  world,  that  of 
the  Pharaohs ;  and  the  third  Persian  king  crossed  the  Bosporos, 
that  he  might  embody  in  the  colossal  Persian  empire  the  eastern 
lands  of  Europe  and  the  borders  of  the  Pontos.  Persia,  by  the 
personal  greatness  of  some  of.  its  rulers,  by  the  healthy  force  of  its 
original  inhabitants,  as  well  as  by  marked  good  -  fortune,  thus  at- 
tained a  position  in  the  history  of  the  world  hitherto  equalled  by 
no  other  country ;  and  it  was  by  no  means  wanting  in  a  correspond- 
ing monumental  expression  of  this  advance. 

The  chief  cities  of  the  land — Susa,  Pasargadae,  and  Persepolis,  for 
which  latter,  a  name  known  through  Greek  historians,  we  might 
substitute  New  Metropolis  of  the  Persians — strove,  at  least  in  their 
royal  palaces,  to  surpass  the  cities  of  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians. 
Diodoros  speaks  of  Persepolis  as  "  the  world  -  renowned  royal  for- 
tress," imposing  even  to  the  Greeks.  The  thousands  of  years  that 
have  passed  have  yet  left  remains  sufficient  for  an  ideal  reconstruc- 
tion of  the  whole,  and  a  conception  of  the  artistic  ability  of  the  Per- 
sians may  there  be  obtained.  This  is  less  the  case  with  Susa,  more 
destroyed,  and  in  no  wise  thoroughly  examined.  Its  site,  known  by 
the  name  Shush,  which  still  clings  to  the  ruins,  is  revered  by  Moham- 
medan pilgrims  as  that  of  the  tomb  of  Daniel,  in  like  manner  as  the 
location  of  Nineveh  found  traditional  confirmation  among  them  in 
the  Mohammedan  chapel  of  Jonas.  The  remains  of  Pasargadse,  near 
Murgab,  are  somewhat  better  preserved  than  are  those  of  Susa. 
Beside  its  palace  terraces,  among  its  other  tombs,  altars,  etc.,  there 
rises,  nearly  intact,  one  of  the  most  wonderful  monuments  of  the 
world  —  the  tomb  of  the  great  Cyrus.  Most  important,  however, 
and  worthy  of  chief  consideration,  is  New  Pasargadae,  or  Persepolis, 
where  the  nriassive  palace  ruins  near  Istakr,  known  under  the  name 
of  Chehil-Minar  (forty  columns)  or  Takt-i-Jemshid  (throne  of  Jem- 
shid),  have  for  centuries  been  the  wonder  of  travellers. 


PERS£POLIS. 


lOl 


The  Persians,  of  later  development  than  the  Mesopotamians, 
naturally  based  their  art  upon  the  older  culture  of  the  people  con- 
quered by  them.     The  palaces  were  similarly  placed  upon  extensive 


Fig.  78. — Plan  of  Persepolis. 

A.  Grand  Stairway.  B.  Propylaea  of  Xerxes.  C.  Cisterns.  D,  E,  F,  G.  Great  Hall  of  Xerxes. 
H.  Portal  between  the  Palaces  and  Harem.  K.  Palace  of  Darius.  L,  M,  N.  Palace  of 
Xerxes.     O.  Unrecognized  Ruins.    P.  Harem.     Q.  Portal  to  the  Court  of  the  Harem. 

terraces,  which,  like  those  in  Nimrud,  seem  to  have  been  afterwards 
enlarged  to  make  room  for  several  royal  dwellings.     The  palace  ter- 


I02  ;   ,>EEfSIA. 

race  of  Persepolis  {Fig.  78)  is,  as  an  exception,  not  isolated,  but  so 
placed  as  to  employ  a  rocky  plateau,  which,  levelled  partly  by  ex- 
cavation, partly  by  filling,  acquired  architectural  character  by  the 
vertical  revetment  of  its  borders :  it  abutted  with  one  of  its  ob- 
long sides  upon  a  cliff,  this  forming  a  background  of  richly  carved 
tomb-fa9ades.  The  casing  of. the  platform  beneath  the  Palace  of 
Kisr-Sargon  (Corsabad)  consisted  of  a  masonry  formed  of  quite  reg- 
ularly hewn  stones.  At  Persepolis,  on  the  other  hand,  is  employed, 
in  a  similar  position,  a  kind  of  Cyclopean  masonry  with  predomi- 
nant horizontal  lines — a  proof  that  this  wall  does  not  necessarily 
indicate  a  greater  age  than  does  a  facing  of  hewn  stone. 

In  spite  of  the  close  relationship  of  the  architecture  of  Persia 
to  that  of  Assyria,  the  ruins  still  show  in  many  points  such  a  fun- 
damental difference  that  Mr.  Fergusson's  nearly  absolute  identi- 
fication of  the  art  of  the  two  nations  cannot  be  accepted,  and  a 
higher  grade  of  independent  position,  at  least  in  architecture,  must 
be  granted  to  the  Persians.  |_The  Assyrian  ruins  showed  walls  and 
no  columns ;  in  Persia,  on  the  contrary,  we  find  columns  and  no 
walls.  In  view  of  this,  it  is  a  daring  hypothesis  to  assume  that 
chance  has  preserved  here  only  the  one,  there  only  the  other,  con- 
structional member  —  that  the  Persian  ruins  exhibit  the  skeleton, 
as  it  were,  the  Assyrian  the  flesh,  of  one  and  the  same  architectural 
body,  the  totality  of  which  is  only  to  be  understood  and  explained 
by  the  mutual  complement,  the  combination  of  the  two.  For  such 
is  Mr.  Fergusson's  view.  The  inadmissibility  of  transferring  Per- 
sian columns  to  Assyrian  palaces  has  already  been  made  evident. 

The  peculiar  formation  of  plan  recognized  in  the  ruins  of  Nin- 
eveh, the  narrow  and  corridor -like  chambers,  required  no  interior 
supports.  The  clumsy  disproportion  of  the  long  and  cramped  As- 
syrian rooms  seems  rather  to  have  been  decided  by  the  lack  of  such 
constructive  assistance ;  with  it,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Persian  pal- 
ace was  enabled  to  develop  freely.  The  subordinate  shafts  in  the 
windows  of  the  palaces  at  Nineveh  did  not  partake  of  the  true  nat- 
ure of  a  column,  they  did  not  serve  to  enlarge  an  enclosed  space, 
but  were  merely  decorative  substitutes  for  the  piers  which  elsewhere 
separated  the  openings.  It  is  not  possible  to  transfer  the  character- 
istic Persian  details  either  to  these  or  to  the  columns  in  antis  of  the 


^  COLUMNAR   FORMS.  IO3 

Assyrian  temple  cellas./_The  sculptured  reliefs  mentioned  above, 
from  which  alone  the  columns  of  Assyria  are  known,  present  an  en- 
tirely different  class  of  forms.     The  Persians  recognized  the  full  im- 
portance of  columnar  construction   in  opening  and  enlarging  en- 
closed spaces  as  no  other  nation  has  done  except  the  Egyptians. 
It  is  in  this  that  the  artistic  advance  of  the  former  beyond  their 
Chaldaean  and  Babylonian  predecessors  consists?"/ 
-L^The  columns  of  Persia  were  developed  with  a  characteristic  con- 
ventionalization which,  though  not  entirely  without  foreign  prece- 
dents, was  upon  the  whole  original,  and,  at  least  in  the  more  simple 
varieties,  decidedly  artistic ;  the  capital  was  peculiarly  adapted  to 
its  functions.     But  one  small  fragment  has  been  found  of  the  an- 
cient remains  of  Pasargadx,  dating,  according  to  inscriptions,  to  the 
epoch  of  Cyrus.    It  is  a  base,  and  is  fortunately 
characteristic  and  interesting.    {Fig.  79.)    The 
tore   is   similar,  upon   the    one   hand,  to  the 
plinth -mouldings  of  Assyrian  columns;  upon 
the  other,  in  its  detail,  to  the  more  recent  crea- 
tion of  the  Ionic  column,  which  was  not  without 
connection  with  the  art  of  Mesopotamia.     The 
ornamentation  consists  of  shallow  horizontal 
channellings,  with  sharp  arrises  like  those  of  the 
so-called  Proto  -  Doric  shafts  of  Egypt,  and  is    Fig.  79.— Fragment  of  a 
closely  allied  to  the  bases  of^he  most  ancient      ^^  ^'°'°  Pasargadae. 
examples  of  the   Ionic  stylej  The  terrace  of  Persepolis,  with  its 
monuments,  built  during  or  after  the  time  of  Darius,  displays  these 
bases  only  in  the  palaces  built  by  that  king.     The  tore  there  occur- 
ring was  placed  upon  two  square  plinths.     The  later  monuments  of 
Persepolis,  which,  for  the  greater  part,  were  built  by  Xerxes,  show 
the  base  to  have  kept  pace  with  the  further  advance  of  the  shaft, 
and  to  have  consisted  of  multiplied  and  embellished  members.    The 
square  plinth  is  supplanted  by  a  beautifully  curved  calyx,  turned 
downward  and  ornamented  by  two  rows  of  leaves — the  upper  round- 
ed and  heart-shaped,  the  lower  lanceolate.    To  this  is  sometimes  add- 
ed a  wreath  of  anthem  ions,  which  appears  to  have  been  taken  from 
Syrian  or  PhcEnician   models.     The  projecting  moulding  of  these 
more  elaborate  examples  is  diminished  in  size,  and  has  lost  the  hori- 


I04 


PERSIA. 


zontal  grooves.  JThe  shaft,  with  thirty-six  shallow  channels,  sepa- 
ated  by  sharp  arrises  like  those  of  the  primitive  base,  rises  upon  the 
combined  tore  and  plinth  to  a  height  of  nine  times  its  lower  diame- 
ter. It  is  not  inconsiderably  diminished.  The  junction  between 
shaft  and  base  is  effected,  as  in  the  Ionic  style,  by  a  gentle  curve, 
ornamented  by  a  small  roundlet.     The  capital  shows,  instead  of  the 

floral  form  usual  in  other 
countries,  an  animal  com- 
bination, which,  from  the 
analogy  of  certain  gold 
coins  of  Western  Asia,  ap- 
pears to  have  been  a  wide- 
ly known  symbol.  It  con- 
sists of  two  bull's  heads 
and  shoulders,  grown  to- 
gether back  to  back,  with 
the  front  legs  bent  under 
them  in  a  recumbent  posi- 
tion. The  head  is  drawn 
upward,  the  elegantly 
curved  neck  being  orna- 
\fmented  by  a  rich  chaplet. 
Upon  the  common  back 
of  the  two  animals  lies  the 
chief  transverse  beam  of 
the  ceiling.  A  description 
of  the  peculiar  style  of 
carving  will  be  given  in 
the  section  upon  Persian 
sculpture.  It  may  only  be 
here  premised  that  the 
Fig.8o.-Persian  Columns  with  Bull  Capitals.  general    treatment    of  the 

animals  is  quite  similar  to  that  noticed  in  Assyria.  The  capital  is 
particularly  well  adapted  to  receive  and  support  two  ceiling  timbers 
crossing  above  it  at  right  angles ;  the  lower  of  these  shows  its  sec- 
tion upon  the  front  of  the  building,  and  rests  upon  the  back  of  the 
bulls;  while  the  epistyle  beam  upon  it,  which  joins  the  columns  and 


COLUMNAR  FORMS. 


105 


is  seen  in  its  whole  length  upon  the  front,  is  supported  by  the  heads 
and  by  the  main  timber  between  them.  This  method  of  laying  the 
ceiling  beams  was  the  reverse  of  that  followed  by  the  architects  of 
other  nations.  The  timbers  of  the  ceiling,  which  run  at  right  angles, 
are  usually  placed  upon,  and  not  beneath,  the  connecting  epistyle. 

In  the  time  of  Xerxes,  these  simple  bull  capitals  appear  not  to 
have  satisfied  the  increasing  demands  of  luxurious  elegance.  Three 
new  members  were  therefore  placed  below  them,  and  the  entire 
capital  became  almost  as  high  as  the  remainder  of  the  shaft,  which 
was  naturally  much  curtailed  by  this  innovation.  {Fig.  80.)  The 
two  lower  of  these  new  members  may  perhaps  be  counted  as  one 
— the  wreath  of  falling  leaves  being  regarded  as  part  of  the  calyx 


a  b  c  d  e 

Fig.  81. — Spiral  Ornaments  upon  Chairs. 
«.  From  an  Atsymn  Relief.    A.  From  the  Vicinity  of  Miletos.    c.  From  Xanthos.    d,e,/.  From  Paintingt 

upon  Greek  Vases. 

above  it.  These  leaves  are  very  simply  treated  ;  they  do  not  curve, 
and  are  terminated  by  a  semicircle :  between  them  and  the  calyx 
there  is  a  small  egg-and-dart  moulding ;  that  is  to  say,  a  wreath  of 
small  leaves  entirely  bent  over.  As  the  derivation  of  this  charac- 
teristic member  cannot  be  traced  to  Syria,  the  supposition  is  nat- 
ural that  it  was  derived  from  the  Hellenic  architecture  of  Asia 
Minor,  which  had  been  fully  developed  in  its  principal  aspects  since 
the  time  of  Darius.  The  general  form,  as  well  as  the  detailed  dec- 
oration of  the  upright  calyx  by  narrow  bundles  of  lotos -flowers, 
points  so  distinctly  to  an  Egyptian  model  that  it  must,  without  fur- 
ther question,  be  ascribed  to  the  influence  of  that  land,  which  had 
been  subjugated  by  the  Persian  Cambyses.  After  a  repetition  of 
the  egg-and-dart  moulding,  there  follows  above  the  calyx  a  remark- 


io6 


PERSIA. 


able  member  of  sixteen  spiral  rolls,  as  similar  to  the  forms  of  Assyr- 
ian as  to  those  of  Ionic  capitals.  The  spirals  are  so  placed  around 
the  oblong  kernel  of  the  shaft  that  two  touch  upon  each  of  its  an- 
gles— thus  standing  vertically,  and  not  horizontally.    The  derivation 

of  the  form  appears  to 
be  owing  more  to  Assyr- 
ian-Mesopotamian  rem- 
iniscences than  to  any 
influence  of  the  Greek 
Ionic  style.  The  remark- 
able vertical  position  of 
the  volutes  is  better  ex- 
plained by  subordinate 
ornaments  of  the  former 
than  by  architectural 
members  of  the  latter 
land.  The  decorations 
upon  the  legs  of  thrones 
and  other  parts  of  fur- 
'niture,  shown  by  reliefs, 
prove  the  helix  to  have 
been  more  frequently 
used  by  the  Assyrians  as 
the  vertical  ornament 
of  a  shaft  than  as  a  hor- 
izontal coronation  —  a 
capital.  {Fig.  8i.)  That 
the  former  usage  was 
extensive  is  shown  by 
the  similar  occurrence 
of  the  form  upon  Greek 
examples  from  Asia  Mi- 
nor. The  spiral,  with 
concave  or  convex  fluting,  with  ribbed  and  channelled  rolls,  was 
originally  double ;  in  Persia  it  was  transferred  to  a  four-sided  shaft, 
to  serve,  not  as  a  coronation,  but  as  a  vertical  ornament,  as  one  of 
the  three  or  four  distinct  members  of  the  complicated  capital.     The 


Fig.  82. — Columns  from  the  Eastern  Portico  of  the  Hall 
of  Xerxes. 


THE  ENTABLATURE.  IO7 

double-headed  animals  were  placed  upon  it  as  the  termination  of  the 
column.  In  the  mythological  sculptures  of  Mesopotamian  lands, 
lions  and  bulls  shared  equally  the  honors  of  frequent  representation  ; 
and  upon  the  capitals  of  Persepolis  a  horned  and  double-headed  lion 
was  substituted  for  the  double-headed  bull.  This,  however,  was  not 
in  an  important  position,  and  the  change  is  known  by  only  a  single 
example — the  eastern  portico  of  the  Great  Hall  of  Xerxes.  {Fig.  82.) 
The  isolated  attempt  was  the  more  successful  because  no  other  ani- 


Fig.  83. — Rock-cut  Tomb  of  Darius. 

mal  forms  had  been  so  well  conceived  and  characterized  by  the  Orien- 
tals as  the  lion  ;  that  king  of  beasts,  with  open  mouth  and  powerful 
paws,  was  the  favorite  subject  for  decorative  treatment  down  to  the 
latest  times  of  Hellenic  art.  As  the  comparatively  short  fore  legs 
of  the  lion  could  not  be  bent  underneath  the  body,  but  were  neces- 
sarily extended  from  the  shoulder,  the  general  outline  of  the  capital 
was  impaired  by  a  long  and  straight  horizontal  line  just  at  its  junc- 
tion with  the  shaft ;  and  on  this  account  the  lions,  notwithstanding 
their  more  majestic  heads,  could  not  displace  the  traditional  bulls. 


M4 


I08  PERSIA. 

As  the  entablature  was  in  all  probability  entirely  constructed  of 
wood,  and  has  disappeared  without  a  trace,  the  restoration  of  this 
part  of  the  building  is  difficult.  But  the  normal  forms  may  yet  be 
determined  with  greater  correctness  than  is  presented  in  Coste's  res- 
toration {Fig.  82),  which  is  a  tasteful  combination  of  the  scotia  and 
roundlet  cornice  common  to  both  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  architect- 
ure, with  dentils  and  the  leaved  ornaments  found  above  all  the  doors 
and  windows  of  Persian  remains,  and  with  the  decorations  upon  the 
borders  of  staircase  buttresses.  A  number  of  rock-cut  tombs  ap- 
pertaining to  the  early  Persian  kings,  the  Achemenidae,  and  dating 
from  the  time  of  Darius,  represent  the  facades  of  royal  palaces,  and 
give  important  information  concerning  the  exterior  appearance  of 
such  structures.  The  oldest  and  best-preserved  of  these  is  desig- 
nated by  cuneiform  inscriptions  as  the  tomb  of  Darius.  {Fig.  83.) 
It  is  especially  interesting  as  illustrating  the  formation  of  the  en- 
tablature. An  epistyle,  triply  stepped,  like  that  of  the  Ionic  style, 
so  that  each  face  slightly  projects  beyond  the  one  beneath  it,  is 
placed  above  the  transverse  beam,  which  lies  upon  the  backs  of  the 
double-headed  animals  forming  the  capitals  of  the  columns.  The 
multiplication  of  the  faces  of  the  epistyle  is  explained  by  the  weak- 
ness of  the  timber  produced  by  Mesopotamia  and  Persia,  which,  in 
opposition  to  the  single  and  massive  Doric  lintel-block,  required  the 
employment  of  several  beams  to  obtain  the  desired  capability  of 
support.  Upon  it  followed  the  ornaments  known  as  dentils,  repre- 
sentatives of  the  small  and  closely  lying  joists  of  the  horizontal, 
slightly  projecting  roof.  They  are  quite  similar  to  the  dentils  upon 
the  tombs  of  Beni-hassan,  and  to  those  of  the  still  more  naive  imita- 
tions of  wooden  houses  found  in  Lycia,  which  will  be  considered  in 
the  following  section.        n 

In  Persia,  the  proportions  of  the  dentils  and  of  the  distances  be- 
tween them  are  still  characteristic  of  the  original  timbered  construc- 
tion— a  truthfulness  of  imitation  which  was  lost  as  early  as  the  devel- 
opment of  the  Ionic  style.  The  nature  of  the  band  following  above  is 
not  clear ;  it  might  be  natural  to  suppose  in  it  a  representative  of  such 
a  hollow  cornice  with  leaves  as  Coste  has  introduced  upon  his  entabla- 
ture, were  it  not  that  a  frieze-relief  with  ornamental  lions  is  visible 
upon  this  member  in  another  tomb,  and  that  a  remarkable  block  of 


PALACE   OF  DARIUS. 


109 


the  Palace  of  Darius  at  Persepolis  bears  further  testimony  against 
it.  One  of  the  corner  piers  of  the  front  portico  of  that  building  has 
been  preserved  to  such  a  height  that  the  side  bearing  of  the  lintel 
can  be  observed.  This  renders  the  projection  and  outline  of  the  en- 
tablature certain.  It  was  six  times  stepped,  and  may  best  be  re- 
constructed, as  in  Fig.  84,  by  a  series  of  narrow  bands,  which  rep- 
resent in  some  measure  the  layers  of  the  horizontal  ceiling  and 
roof.  From  a  comparison  with  the  rock-cut  tomb,  it  is  plain 
that  a  further  cornice,  like  that  over  the  door  and  window-frames, 
was  here  not  possible.  If  a  parapet  had  been  desired  for  the  acces- 
sible platform  of  the  roof,  it  must  have  taken  the  form  of  a  light 
balustrade,  not  that  of  a  heavy  scotia  cornice. 

The  oldest  and,  because  best-preserved,  the  most  intelligible  of 


the  royal  dwellings  upon  the 
terrace  of  Persepolis  is  that 
shown  by  inscriptions  to 
have  been  built  by  Darius. 
i^Fig.  85;  and  K  upon  the 
topographical  plan  of  Per- 
sepolis, Fig.  78.)  It  exhib- 
its a  regular  and  well-con- 
sidered plan,  the  oblong 
form  and  general  disposi- 
tion of  which  are  somewhat 


n 


Fig.  84. — Entablature  of  the  Palace  of  Darius. 
Reconstructed  from  the  Bearing. 


similar  to  the  simpler  Greek  houses.  A  flight  of  steps  led  from  each 
side  to  the  narrow  southeastern  front — a  double  tetrastyle  loggia. 
This  was  flanked  by  two  moderately  large  rooms,  which,  as  they 
could  be  entered  only  from  the  portico  and  had  no  connection  with 
the  interior,  were  probably  intended  for  guards  or  servants.  A 
door,  between  four  windows,  opened  into  the  square  hall,  the  ceiling 
of  which  was  supported  by  sixteen  columns,  standing  in  line  with 
those  of  the  loggia.  This  space  corresponded  to  the  atrium  of  Greek 
and  Roman  houses.  Three  of  its  sides,  that  of  the  front  being  ex- 
cepted, had  access  to  inner  rooms — those  upon  the  right  and  left 
being  small,  while,  opposite  the  entrance,  they  were  more  spacious, 
and  separated  from  the  hall  by  a  corridor.  The  walls  were  en- 
riched by  niches  as  well  as  by  door  and  window  openings.    Through 


no 


PERSIA. 


one  of  the  chambers  upon  the  left  was  a  lateral  entrance,  reached  by 
a  double  flight  of  steps  upon  the  southwest.  Notwithstanding  the 
preservation  of  the  special  foundation  terrace,  of  the  steps,  of  the 
door,  window,  and  niche  frames,  as  well  as  of  some  corner  piers,  the 
ruin  did  not  at  first  glance  make  evident  the  disposition  here  de- 
scribed. All  the  columns  of  the  palace  have  disappeared.  It  is  un- 
certain whether  this  is  because  the  supports  of  the  less  pretentious 
structure  were  of  wood,  or  whether  stone  shafts,  of  the  moderate  di- 
mensions which  must  be  assigned  to  them,  were  carried  away  during 
the  two  thousand  years  in  which  the  ruins  of  the  palace  terrace  have 

served  as  a  quarry  for  neighboring 
towns.  The  square  plinths  upon 
which  the  columns  stood  have,  how- 
ever, remained  in  their  original  po- 
sition, so  that  the  number  and  site 
of  the  supports  may  be  easily  and 
surely  determined.  The  greater 
portion  of  the  walls  has  also  dis- 
appeared. Some  corner  piers  and 
the  marble  frames  of  doors,  win- 
dows, and  niches,  cut  from  immense 
monolithic  blocks,  alone  stand 
erect;  but  their  perfect  state  of 
preservation  and  well-marked  po- 
sition permit  the  nature  of  the  wall 
between  them  to  be  determined 
.  without  difficulty.  It  seems  that 
this  was  of  small  quarried  stones,  or  even  of  brick,  thus  being  easily 
removed,  or,  in  the  latter  case,  reduced  to  dust  by  atmospheric  in- 
fluences; while  the  massive  door  and  window  casings  were  secure 
from  removal  by  man  and  from  the  injuries  of  time.  Their  stepped 
jambs  are  decorated  upon  the  inner  side  with  reliefs;  the  heavy 
lintels  have  a  scotia  cornice,  carved  with  a  triple  row  of  leaves  and 
bordered  below  by  an  astragal.  Of  the  openings  for  providing  light 
to  the  great  hall  no  traces  remain.  If,  as  is  usually  supposed,  the 
windows  now  recognizable  were  all  that  ever  existed,  the  cham- 
bers of  the  palace  would  have  been  most  gloomy,  with  the  excep- 


Fig.  85. — Plan  of  the  Palace  of  Darius  at 
Persepolis. 


PALACE  OF  DARIUS.  HI 

tion  of  the  hall  of  columns,  which  had  four  openings  upon  the  loggia, 
besides  the  door.  The  light  of  the  hall  itself  must  have  been  dim, 
for  it  could  not  enter  directly,  the  windows  and  doors  being  beneath 
the  shade  of  the  deep  portico,  with  its  double  range  of  columns; 
and  when  still  more  impeded  by  the  close-standing  shafts  of  the 
hypostyle,  it  would  have  been  wholly  insufficient  for  the  cham- 
bers. It  is  further  to  be  remarked  that  several  of  the  inner  rooms 
have  no  direct  communication  with  the  hall,  while  if  they  had  de- 
pended on  it  for  light  they  would  certainly  have  been  provided 
with  window-openings  in  place  of  the  blind  niches.  It  is  evident 
from  the  existence  of  a  second  story,  presently  to  be  discussed, 
that  horizontal  apertures  in  the  roof  and  ceiling  could  not  have 
existed ;  this  would  be  even  more  inadmissible  here  than  in  the 
palace  buildings  of  Nineveh.  It  is  necessary,  however,  to  assume 
other  openings  for  illumination  and  ventilation  than  those  now  to 
be  observed  in  the  ruins,  and  windows  were  most  probably  arranged 
in  the  manner  in  which  the  Orientals  still  secure  their  dwellings 
from  the  view  of  the  outer  world  while  admitting  light  and  air — 
the  manner  customary  with  the  Assyrians,  as  well  as  with  the  more 
ancient  Greeks.  The  apertures  were  probably  upon  the  exterior 
walls,  just  under  the  ceiling,  high  above  the  ground.  All  traces  of 
architectural  members  in  such  a  position  must  necessarily  have 
disappeared  when  the  mass  of  masonry  which  supported  them  was 
overthrown.  It  is  possible  that  their  form  was  entirely  plain,  like 
that  given  in  the  restoration  of  the  Palace  of  Darius  at  the  head 
of  this  section  {Fig.  yy),  and  offered  no  carved  details  to  aid  in  their 
recognition. 

A  comparison  of  the  rock-cut  fagade  upon  the  tomb  of  Darius 
with  the  palace  of  that  king  will  aid  in  the  consideration  of  the 
upper  story.  As  the  tomb  represents  the  palace  with  but  slight 
variations,  even  agreeing  tolerably  well  with  its  proportions,  it  may 
be  supposed  that  the  monarch  copied  his  dwelling  upon  the  front  of 
his  grave,  that  he  might,  as  it  were,  inhabit  it  even  after  his  death. 
This  is  not  an  isolated  instance  of  such  a  proceeding  in  the  his- 
tory of  architecture.  The  second  story,  distinctly  recognizable  upon 
the  tomb,  cannot  be  regarded  as  an  insignificant  decoration,  espe- 
cially as  the  Palace  of  Darius  at  Persepolis  seems,  from  its  plan,  to 


112 


PERSIA. 


have  been  thus  arranged.  The  limited  area  covered,  exceeded  by 
many  a  modern  private  house,  renders  an  enlargement  by  a  sec- 
ond story  natural ;  and  this  is  also  made  probable  by  the  hypo- 
style,  which  occupies  a  place  where  an  open  court,  with  full  upper 
light,  would  otherwise  have  been  more  suitable.  Space  for  the 
staircases  was  provided  by  the  two  narrow  corridors  next  the  rear 
chambers.  The  second  story  was  not,  however,  extended  over  the 
entire  ground -plan,  but  seems  to  have  left  the  flat  roof  of  the 
side  chambers  as  an  elevated  veranda,  perhaps  sheltered  from  the 
sun  by  canopies,  as  the  talar,  a  similar  though  smaller  upper  struct- 
ure, stands  as  a  pavilion  upon  the  modern  houses  of  Persia.     The 

walls  of  the  second 
story  could  scarcely 
have  been  placed  else- 
where than  upon  the 
otherwise  unreasona- 
bly thick  partition-en- 
closure of  the  hypo- 
style  hall.  They  could 
not  have  stood  over 
an  intercolumniation, 
as  upon  the  fagade  of 
the  rock-cut  tomb — for 
this  would  have  been 
difficult,  if  not  impos- 
sible of  construction — 
but  in  other  respects  the  upper  part  of  the  palace  may  have  been 
like  that  representation.  Its  corner  supports,  which  are  a  strange 
combination  of  scotias  and  roundlets,  ending  below  in  lion's  paws 
and  above  in  a  one-sided  lion  capital,  have,  at  least,  every  ap- 
pearance of  being  copied  from  an  architectural  model,  and  are 
similar  in  their  lower  half  to  the  legs  of  the  throne  given  in  Fig. 
87.  The  standing  figures,  which,  in  double  row,  support  the  ceil- 
ing, may  have  been  carved  in  relief  or  simply  painted.  That  this 
was  a  common  ornament  is  evident  from  its  repetition  upon  the 
reliefs  of  gateways,  where  such  typical  figures  are  admirably  char- 
acterized as  representatives  of  the  various  nations  subjugated  by  the 


Fig.  86. — Jfersian  Door-casing. 


PALACE  OF  XERXES. 


113 


Persian  power,  they  literally  supporting  the  throne.  The  entrance 
and  the  second-story  windows  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  upon 
the  side  opposite  the  front,  where  the  veranda  was  broadest  and  the 
staircases  led  from  the  lower  floor,  as  otherwise  the  imitation  of  the 
facade  upon  the  rock-cut  tomb  would  have  shown  windows  and 
doors  as  well  as  a  staircase,  which  probably  led  in  double  flight 
to  the  uppermost  roof.  That 
this  house-top  was  flat  and  ac- 
cessible is  evident  from  the  re- 
liefs considered  in  this  connec- 
tion {Figs.  83  and  87),  one  of 
which  represents  the  royal  throne 
shaded  by  a  canopy,  the  other 
one  of  those  fire-altars  which,  ac- 
cording to  Persian  custom, was 
placed  upon  the  highest  level  of 
the  house.  This  altar  upon  the 
summit  of  a  royal  palace  is  men- 
tioned in  the  Bible,  when  Heze- 
kiah,  overthrowing  the  Sabaean 
worship  of  the  sun,  destroyed 
"  the  altar  which  is  upon  the  top 
of  the  upper  rooms  of  Ahaz." 
In  the  restoration  of  the  Palace 
of  Darius  {Fig.  "jf),  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  altar  with  the  royal 
canopy  may  be  considered  as 
more  than  a  mere  decoration  of 
the  design.  This  simplest  and 
best-preserved  ruin  upon  the  ter- 
race of  Persepolis  permits  a  comparatively  trustworthy  understand- 
ing of  the  elements  of  Persian  palace  architecture. 

The  ruin  O  of  the  topographical  plan  {Fig.  78)  shows  the  re- 
mains of  a  similar  structure  of  about  the  same  dimensions,  later,  and 
therefore  of  less  interest,  than  the  Palace  of  Darius.  The  Palace  of 
Xerxes  (L,  M,  N)  was  nearly  double  this  size,  being  provided  with  a 
spacious  terrace  before  its  gates,  and  with  a  colonnade  upon  one 


Fig.  87.— Relief  from  the  Portal  of  the  Hall 
of  Hundred  Columns. 


1 14  PERSIA. 

side,  the  nature  of  which  cannot  readily  be  explained.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  had  no  large  chambers  behind  the  hypostyle,  as  the  rooms 
upon  the  right  and  left  seem,  by  their  more  spacious  proportions,  to 
have  rendered  these  unnecessary.  The  portico  was  hexastyle,  and 
the  square  hall  behind  it  consequently  provided  with  thirty-six  col- 
umns. Two  of  the  side  chambers  were  so  large  that  their  ceilings 
required  the  support  of  four  columns. 

Of  still  greater  dimensions,  more  than  eight  times  the  area  of 
the  Palace  of  Darius,  was  the  Palace  Hall  of  Xerxes  (D,  E,  F,  G) 
which  was  preceded  by  a  magnificent  double  flight  of  steps.  The 
ceiling  of  the  imposing  hypostyle  was  upheld  by  thirty-six  columns 
of  gigantic  size.  There  are  no  traces  of  chambers  having  been 
connected  with  it ;  three  of  its  sides  were  provided  with  hexastyle 
porticos,  which  masked  and  artistically  enlivened  the  dead  enclos- 
ing-walls. The  masonry  has  disappeared,  with  the  exception  of  un- 
important remains  of  the  portal  (G),  which  Coste  has  restored  as  the 
foundations  of  pedestals.  Although  a  similar  ruin  at  Susa,  exam- 
ined by  Loftus,  was  also  without  walls,  it  is  impossible  to  agree 
with  Coste  that  these  were  originally  altogether  lacking,  and  that 
the  columns  of  the  central  space  were  unenclosed — that  the  three 
portals,  provided  with  separate  roofs,  were  grouped  around  this 
without  any  connection.  While  we  agree  with  Fergusson  in  as  far 
as  regards  the  completion  of  the  wall  line  and  the  unity  of  the 
whole  under  a  common  roof,  we  must  yet  discredit  his  further 
assumption  that  this  building  was  provided,  like  the  Palace  of 
Darius,  with  an  upper  story ;  all  the  requisite  conditions  for  this 
were  lacking.  PThe  ruin  is  remarkable  from  the  remains  of  the  co- 
lossal columns  being  in  the  comparatively  best  state  of  preserva- 
tion. They  represent  the  three  orders  described  above :  those  of 
the  western  portico  having  the  double-headed  bull ;  those  of  the 
eastern  the  double-headed  lion,  and  the  others  the  form  of  shaft 
coronation  combined  of  three  or  four  members^  The  destination  of 
this  building  was  not  that  of  a  dwelling,  but,  without  doubt,  that  of 
a  festive  hall  for  the  audiences  and  ceremonies  of  the  vainest  and 
most  magnificent  of  despotic  monarchs.  To  this  end  it  was  fitting- 
ly placed  next  to  the  entrance-gate  of  the  palace  terrace.  It  is  one 
of  the  most  enormous  buildings  of  the  world;  the  area  covered  by 


THE   I'ALACE  OF   XERXES. 


"5 


its  plan,  about  10,500  sq.  m.,  nearly  equals  that  of  the  Cathedral 
of  Milan,  and  surpassc^  that  of  the  Cologne  cathedral  by  about 
2350  sq.  m. 

The  imposing  portal  next  to  it.  B,  proved  by  inscriptions  to  have 
also  been  erected  by  Xerxes,  remains  upright  in  the  grand  masses 
shown  by  Fig,  88.  An  adequate  explanation  of  its  nature  is  not 
possible.  It  is  only  clear  that  its  principal  disposition,  like  that  of 
the  similar  portal,  H,  of  the  terrace,  was  determined  by  the  inter- 
section of  passages,  the  crossing  being  marked  by  four  columns, 
while  the  parallel  walls  were  of  sculptured  marble  blocks.     In  a  for- 


Fig.  88. — Propylaea  of  Xerxes  at  Persepolis. 

mer  work  upon  the  history  of  ancient  architecture,*  the  author  has 
expressed  the  supposition  that  side  walls  were  built  in  the  directions 
marked  by  dotted  lines  upon  the  topographical  plan  {Fig.  78),  con- 
necting the  portal  with  the  ascending  staircase.  The  gate  would 
thus  receive  the  character  of  a  fortification,  a  termination  of  the 
palace  terrace,  instead  of  being  the  useless  structure,  easily  to  be 
circumvented,  which  it  is  commonly  considered.  It  is  probable  that 
these  side  walls  existed  also  at  the  chief  portals  of  the  Assyrian 
palaces,  as  otherwise  the  entrances,  especially  that  of  the  harem. 


*  "Geschichte  der  Baukunst  im  Alterthum."     Franz  Reber.     Leipzig,  1864-1866. 


Il6  PERSIA. 

would  have  been  too  much  exposed.  These  masses  of  masonry 
have  disappeared  from  the  ruins  of  Nineveh,  because  of  the  crum- 
bling of  the  terrace  borders,  and  in  PersepoHs,  where  all  walls  have 
been  overthrown  and  carried  away,  their  extent  is  not  marked  by 
the  more  durable  door  and  window  frames,  which  alone  remain  of 
the  palace  enclosures. 

The  assumption  of  similar  communicating  walls  in  connection 
with  the  other  portal  structures  of  the  palace  terrace  (H  and  Q)  not 
only  renders  to  these  their  full  importance,  but  throws  light  upon  a 
building  of  enormous  extent  (C),  the  destination  of  which  has  hith- 
erto been  problematical.  This  edifice  has  been  called,  in  lack  of  a 
better  name,  the  Hall  of  a  Hundred  Columns.  It  is  an  extended 
enclosure  of  square  plan,  within  which  stood  columns,  traceable 
by  the  remains  of  six  of  their  number.  Upon  the  front  was  a  por- 
tico, not  decastyle,  like  the  interior,  but  octastyle ;  two  bases  re- 
maining in  situ  determine  its  arrangement  and  dimensions.  The 
columns  may  be  calculated,  from  their  lower  diameter,  to  have  been 
about  7  m.  high.  The  enclosure  of  the  hall,  determined  in  extent  by 
the  remains  of  all  the  portals  and  niches,  measured  68  m.  upon  each 
side.  According  to  general  acceptance,  the  building  was  restricted 
to  the  area  now  covered  by  its  ruins,  and  served  as  a  second  great 
hall  for  ceremonies.  Fergusson  terms  it  a  coronation  hall.  But, 
apart  from  the  fact  that  the  Hall  of  Xerxes  must  have  been  far  bet- 
ter fitted  by  its  imposing  proportions  for  such  a  purpose  than  this 
low  and  broad  space,  where  the  forest  of  columns  would  have  im- 
peded the  view,  it  is  hardly  possible  that  two  such  extensive  build- 
ings would  have  been  provided  upon  the  terrace  for  the  same  use. 
But  some  adequate  space  is  yet  to  be  assigned  to  that  important 
necessity  of  Oriental  custom,  the  harem,  which  tradition  particularly 
asserts  to  have  existed  among  the  Persian  palaces.  If  the  ruin  is 
examined  in  its  relation  to  the  other  palace  structures  of  PersepoHs, 
it  becomes  plain  that  it  can  be  nothing  else  than  the  central  hall  of 
a  similar,  but  more  extended,  series  of  chambers,  of  which,  as  is 
also  the  case  with  the  ruined  remains  at  O,  hypostyle  and  portico 
have  alone  been  preserved,  while  the  walls  of  all  the  outer  rooms 
have  disappeared.  Only  the  doors  and  windows  of  any  wall  upon 
the  terrace  now  exist ;  and  as  the  entrances  were  naturally  small 


THE   PALACE  OF  DARIUS,  117 

and  the  openings  for  light  high  above  the  ground,  in  the  enclosure 
of  the  harem,  it  is  not  surprising  that  this  masonry  has  disappeared 
in  almost  its  entire  extent.  Two  principal  portals,  perhaps  the  only 
ones  of  the  outermost  walls,  have  been  preserved,  however,  and 
mark  the  outline  of  the  building.  These  are  the  gateways  H  and 
Q  of  the  topographical  plan :  the  first  of  these  even  shows  some 
trace  of  the  enclosing  wall ;  it  is  the  entrance  from  the  palaces  K, 
L,  M,  N,  and  O ;  the  second  probably  led  to  an  open  court,  to  which 
access  must  have  been  allowed  the  fair  prisoners.  The  space  be- 
tween the  hypostyle  and  the  exterior  wall,  indicated  upon  the  plan 
by  dotted  lines,  must  have  been  occupied  by  the  numerous  small 
rooms  which  provided  dwellings  for  the  three  hundred  girls  of  the 
harem.  The  low  and  broad  central  hall  served  as  a  place  of  as- 
semblage ;  the  great  number  of  its  columns  and  the  excessive  low- 
ness  of  the  ceiling  exclude  the  idea  of  its  having  been  used  for  pub- 
lic ceremonies,  but  render  it  particularly  fitted  for  this  purpose,  the 
many  shafts  separating  the  groups  of  intimate  conversers.  The  dim 
twilight  of  the  room  was,  at  these  evening  assemblies,  enlivened  by 
the  many-colored  lamps  of  the  East.  The  harem  upon  the  terrace 
thus  received  a  development  analogous  to  that  of  the  royal  dwell- 
ings, and  its  necessarily  great  extent  was  provided  for  in  a  becom- 
ing place.  By  the  assumption  that  the  remains  at  P  are  those  of 
the  harem,  an  integral  part  of  the  Oriental  palace  is  recognized,  and 
a  large  tract  of  the  terrace  area  is  occupied,  the  use  of  which  could 
not  otherwise  be  designated  upon  the  topographical  plan. 

The  disposition  of  the  terrace  under  Darius  appears  to  have  dif- 
fered considerably  from  that  under  his  successors.  It  is  not  known 
whether  its  extent  has  since  been  increased ;  to  establish  this  point, 
extensive  excavations  would  be  required.  It  is  probable  that  the 
northwestern  side  of  the  plateau  has  been  built  out  by  adding  earth 
to  the  natural  rock ;  the  buildings  upon  the  southern  half  appear 
the  more  primitive :  it  is  certain,  however,  that  the  position  of  the 
ascent  was  changed  during  the  great  reconstruction  completed  by 
Xerxes,  and  possibly  commenced  during  the  latter  part  of  the  reign 
of  Darius.  The  orientation  of  the  Palace  of  Darius,  which,  of  all 
the  buildings  at  Persepolis,  alone  faces  the  south,  shows  the  great 
staircase  to  have  been  originally  upon  the  southern  end  of  the  ter- 


ii8 


PERSIA. 


race.  Enormous  dowelled  blocks  of  stone  assured  the  stability  and 
preservation  of  the  newer  parts  of  the  substructure.  The  broad 
and  gently  rising  flights  of  steps  remain  in  so  good  a  condition  that 
it  is  even  to-day  possible  to  ascend  them  upon  horseback. 

Among  the  remaining  monuments  of  Persian  architecture  there 
are  no  temples ;  it  would  be  vain  to  seek  such  structures ;  the  wor- 
ship of  the  land  did  not  demand  closed  rooms,  requiring  only  sacri- 
fice and  prayer  upon  the  summits  of  mountains  or  artificial  eleva- 
tions. Herodotos  relates  that  the  Persians  not  only  scorned  tem- 
ples, but  did  not  erect  images  of  their  deities,  nor  even  altars.  This 
last  point  is  certainly  incorrect ;  the  worship  of  fire  particularly 
called  for  altars,  and  these  are  represented  upon  the  ornamented 
facades  of  the  rock-cut  tombs.     {Fig.  83.)     It  is  probable  that  two 

pedestals,  standing 
near  each  other  upon 
the  palace  terrace  of 
Pasargadae,  are  ancient 
Persian.  They  are 
cubes,  each  about  3 
m.  high;  one  is  ter- 
minated by  steps,  and 
has  upon  one  side  a 
straight  line  of  as- 
Fig.89.-Altar  Pedestals  at  Pasargadae.  cending     Stairs;      the 

platform  at  the  summit  was  sufficiently  large  to  receive  an  altar,  or 
may  perhaps  itself  have  been  used  as  a  receptacle  for  fire  and  sacri- 
fices. They  are  similar  to  the  altar  upon  the  upper  story  of  the 
Palace  of  Darius,  used  for  religious  devotion.  The  supposition  may 
be  ventured  that  these  two  altars,  in  such  vicinity,  point  to  the  du- 
alism of  the  Persian  worship  of  Ormuzd  and  Ahriman. 

Other  large  monuments  of  the  land  may  have  had  something 
to  do  with  religious  observances;  but  as  they  lack  any  character- 
istic form,  this  cannot  be  proved.  Such  is  the  case  with  the  cone 
of  Darabgerd,  known  as  Kella  Darab,  apparently  an  imitation  of 
a  natural  mound.  It  is  surrounded  by  a  circular  wall,  perforated 
in  eight  equidistant  places,  and  rises,  in  two  rings  of  masonry,  to  a 
height  of  48  m.     A  similar  structure  is  the  massive  tower  of  Firuz- 


THE  TOMB  OF  CYRUS. 


119 


Abad,  a  rectangular  obelisk  27  m.  high,  measuring  8.5  m.  upon  each 
side  of  its  base.  Near  it  is  an  enormous  platform,  with  broad  but- 
tresses upon  the  four  sides,  which  are  directed  to  the  cardinal  points 
of  the  compass;  the  foundation  of  the  mass  measures  61  by  78  m. 
The  masonry  is  of  carefully  hewn  stone,  of  a  workmanship  not  found 
in  the  country  after  the  advent  of  the  Christian  era ;  the  swallow- 
tail dowelling  of  the  blocks  is  similar  to  that  upon  the  pavement 
of  the  terrace  at  Persepolis. 


Fig.  90. — Tomb  of  Cyrus. 

To  the  consideration  of  these  structures  must  be  added  that  of 
the  semi-sacred  tombs.  Though  few  other  monuments  can  be  traced 
back  to  the  age  of  the  founder  of  the  Persian  sovereignty,  the  heroic 
Cyrus,  fortune  appears  to  have  preserved  his  tomb  almost  entirely 
intact  in  architectural  respects.  The  description  of  it  by  Arrian  is 
not  precise,  but  his  account  may  still  be  identified  with  an  interest- 
ing and  evidently  ancient  Persian  monument,  now  known  as  Med- 
shed  Mader-i-Suleiman,  the  tomb  of  the  mother  of  Solomon.  Its  sit- 
uation is  in  Murgab,  not  distant  from  the  ruins  of  Pasargadae,  which 


I20  PERSIA. 

contain  inscriptions  with  the  name  of  Cyrus,  and  reHefs  commem- 
orating his  exploits.  The  monument  consists  of  a  terrace  seven 
times  stepped,  covering  a  ground  surface  of  12.5  by  13.5  m. ;  it  is 
built  of  enormous  blocks  carefully  joined,  and  bears  a  cella  with  ga- 
bled roof.  The  simple  and  gently  curved  mouldings  of  the  cornice 
and  base  of  the  cella  do  not  betray  Greek  influence,  but  it  is  possi- 
ble that  the  form  of  the  roof,  rare  in  the  Orient,  may  be  attributed 
to  reminiscences  of  Hellenic  construction  observed  during  the  cam- 
paigns of  Cyrus  in  Asia  Minor.  The  entrance,  described  by  Arrian 
as  very  small,  is  0.9  m.  broad  and  1.2  m.  high;  the  exterior  of  the 
cella  is  5.2  m.  broad  and  6.3  m.  long;  the  chamber  itself  only  3  m. 
long  and  2.1  m.  broad  and  high.  There  is  naturally  no  longer  any 
trace  of  the  objects  once  within  the  interior — the  table,  coffin,  and 
bier  of  solid  gold ;  the  garments  of  royal  purple.  The  inscriptions 
have,  unfortunately,  also  disappeared.  The  blocks  of  the  chamber 
floor  are  swallow-tailed  into  each  other  with  great  exactness ;  to 
which  circumstance,  and  to  the  exact  jointing  of  all  the  massive  ma- 
sonry, this  exceptionally  fine  state  of  the  building's  preservation  is 
to  be  ascribed.  The  whole  structure  gives  the  impression  of  a  ter- 
raced Chaldaean  temple.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  Tomb  of 
Cyrus  received  this  sacred  form  because  the  character  of  a  hero  of 
Western  Asia  was  attributed  to  the  king  soon  after  his  death.  A 
colonnade  appears  to  have  enclosed  the  sombre  pile ;  several  drums 
of  its  columns  still  project  above  the  ground.  The  accounts  of 
Greek  authors  refer  to  buildings  erected  for  the  priests  to  whose 
care  the  monument  was  intrusted ;  these  are  believed  to  have  been 
recognized  in  the  remains  of  a  neighboring  caravansary. 

The  tombs  of  later  Persian  kings,  which,  during  the  entire  dy- 
nasty of  the  Achaemenidae,  were  almost  alike,  are  of  a  totally  differ- 
ent nature  from  that  of  Cyrus,  being  cut  in  and  upon  the  face  of  the 
rock.  Upon  the  steep  cliff"  of  Naksh-i-Rustam  and  Persepolis  there 
are  seven  of  these  facades,  which  form  an  imposing  feature  of  the 
landscape,  whether  viewed  in  the  vicinity  or  from  afar.  All  follow 
the  type  of  the  Tomb  of  Darius  described  above,  giving  a  rep- 
resentation of  the  royal  dwelling  upon  the  wall  before  the  grave- 
chamber.  {Fig.  83.)  Only  the  lower  half  of  the  door  is  used  as  an 
entrance,  the  upper  part  being  closed  by  an  imitation  of  slat-work. 


ROCKCUT  TOMBS.  I2i 

It  leads  to  a  corridor  running  parallel  to  the  face  of  the  cliff;  in  the 
Tomb  of  Darius  this  extends  to  the  left,  beyond  the  breadth  of  the 
facade,  to  three  chambers,  each  of  which  is  arranged  for  three  cof- 
fins. All  these  graves  had  been  plundered  when  investigated  by 
Coste  and  Flandin.  A  rock-cut  tomb  at  Serpul-Zohab  is  of  still 
simpler  disposition ;  originally  it  had  two  columns  upon  the  front, 
but  was  not  further  decorated ;  the  interior  consisted  of  a  small 
chamber,  providing  only  sufficient  space  for  two  sarcophagi.  It  is 
not  certain  whether  other  monuments  in  the  vicinity  of  Naksh-i- 
Rustam  and  of  Pasargadse  should  be  regarded  as  tombs.  They  re- 
semble towers ;  their  corners  are  strengthened  by  pilasters,  and  they 
have  oblong  niches  upon  each  side,  the  frames  of  which  are  triply 
stepped.  Of  the  tombs  of  Persian  subjects  nothing  whatever  is 
known ;  it  may  be  possible  that  the  people  of  that  nation  were  ac- 
customed formerly,  as  at  present,  to  carry  down  their  dead  from  the 
highlands  to  the  Necropolis  of  Chaldxa,  where  millions  of  graves 
still  await  scientific  investigation. 

As  little  is  known  of  Persian  domestic  architecture.  No  ves- 
tiges of  private  houses  have  been  found  which  belong  to  an  his- 
torical period  earlier  than  that  of  the  Roman  emperors.  The  habi- 
tations of  subjects  were  not  to  be  compared  with  the  magnificent 
palaces  of  their  despotic  rulers,  and  must  have  been  built  of  the 
most  destructible  materials.  We  may  imagine  the  Persian  house 
somewhat  to  have  resembled,  in  disposition  of  plan,  the  royal  dwell- 
ings, though  of  course  greatly  simplified  by  the  substitution  of  an 
open  court  for  the  hypostyle  hall,  by  the  omission  of  terraces,  col- 
umns, and  carvings,  and  by  the  reduction  of  all  spaces  and  dimen- 
sions to  a  minimum. 

/-..^The  Persians  developed  far  less  independence  in  sculpture  than 
in  architecture.  They  showed  themselves,  in  their  carvings,  to  be 
but  meanly  endowed  scholars  of  the  Assyrians,  and  gained  little  by 
subjecting  themselves  to  the  influence  of  other  nations,  the  spirit 
of  which  they  did  not  comprehend  or  employ  towards  any  possible 
improvement  of  Assyrian  traditions.  The  Mesopotamians  were,  in 
their  artistic  development,  thrown  upon  their  own  resources ;  they 
therefore  looked  earnestly  to  the  fountain-head  of  nature  as  the 
model  of  their  sculptured  work  ;   but  the  Persians,  in  the  wider 


122  PERSIA. 

extent  of  their  kingdom,  instead  of  profiting  by  the  study  of 
nature,  so  requisite  to  true  progress,  depended  upon  forms  and 
methods  inherited  from  the  Assyrians,  upon  which  they  engrafted 
certain  peculiarities  borrowed  from  the  Egyptians,  and  also,  in  still 
greater  measure,  from  the  higher  art  practised  among  the  Greeks 
of  Asia  Minor  in  the  time  of  Darius  and  Xerxes.  In  this  adoption 
of  foreign  properties,  in  this  mingling  of  Mesopotamian,  Egyptian, 
and  Hellenic  manners  of  expression,  they  utterly  sacrificed  origi- 
nality and  simplicity  of  style,  and  made  of  their  sculpture  a  repul- 
sive hybrid  of  inharmonious  elements.  It  may  well  be  conceived 
that  with  this  lifeless  imitation  the  creative  impulse  languished,  and 
art  became  more  and  more  limited,  until  it  shrank  at  last  into  mere 
ornamental  handiwork.  The  Persians  could  the  more  easily  forego 
the  revetment  of  their  walls  with  carved  slabs,  after  the  Assyrian 
fashion,  as  their  architecture  itself,  far  more  than  that  of  Mesopota- 
mia, fulfilled  its  own  aim, — accomplished  witlvjts  own  means  what 
was  elsewhere  effected  by  sculpture  and  paintingrl  --.^^^^ 
/_With  Persian  statu'es  in  the  full  round  we  have  no  acquaintance. 
Several  examples  remain  of  colossal  monsters  in  the  half  round,  like 
those  met  with  in  Assyrian  sculpture.  In  conception  and  in  detail, 
in  proportion  and  in  situation,  they  scarcely  differ  from  those  of 
Assyria  :  they  are  only  somewhat  stiffer ;  their  strap-like  sinews  and 
veins,  their  muscles  and  hair,  are  conventionalized  almost  to  pure 
ornament ;  they  have  entirely  lost  the  life-like  natural  truth  of  the 
works  of  Nineveh,  ^he  tendency  towards  decoration  is  well  ex- 
pressed in  the  wings  of  these  monsters.  The  rectilinear  feathers 
of  the  models  upon  the  Tigris  were  in  Persia  transformed  into  the 
graceful  but  unnatural  curves  seen  also  in  the  griffins  of  Greek 
architecture.  This  Colossus  is  found  in  the  best  state  of  preserva- 
tion at  the  Propylaea  of  Xerxes  near  the  ascent  of  the  terrace  of 
Persepolis.  On  the  front  are  perfect  bulls,  with  proportionately 
small  heads ;  on  the  back  are  the  cherubim  already  mentioned, 
with  long-bearded,  tiara-crowned  human  heads.  These  purely  As- 
syrian monsters  of  the  gateway  may  perhaps  be  regarded  as  tro- 
phies from  Mesopotamia,  which,  in  the  course  of  time,  had  become 
naturalized  into  the  Persian  practice  of  palace  architecture. 

If  the  masonry,  probably  of  brick,  had  received  a  richly  sculpt- 


SCULPTURE.  123 

ured  stone  revetment,  like  that  which  covered  the  Assyrian  walls, 
some  remains  of  this  would  certainly  have  been  found.  It  seems, 
however,  that  the  wall  surfaces  were  ornamented  only  with  paint- 
ings. In  proportion  as  carved  decoration  was  diminished,  the  archi- 
tectural treatment  of  the  enclosing  masses  was  increased,  by  doors, 
windows,  and  niches,  and  by  the  repeatedly  stepped  epistyle  beams 
and  its  crowning  scotia,  richly  ornamented  with  leaves  over  the  lin- 
tels. Only  the  inner  surfaces  of  the  door-jambs  were  used  for  represen- 
tations in  relief,  the  subjects  being  partly  mythological,  partly  cere- 
monial. The  ruins  of  Pasargadx  show  such  a  mythological  figure,  in 
long,  close-lying  garments  without  folds,  according  to  the  Assyrian 
tradition,  though  of  somewhat  lighter  proportion.  It  has  a  less  pro- 
nounced Semitic  profile,  Egyptianized  by  long  twisted  ram's  horns 
upon  the  head,  and  with  the  irrelevant  ornaments  of  the  Nile  situla, 
disks,  and  uraeos-serpents ;  the  greater  part  of  it  is  so  destroyed  that 

only  the  outline  is  recognizable. ^Upon  the  terrace  of  Persepolis 

there  is  repeated  a  kingly  or  divine  being  lifth^  a  lion  into  the  air 
while  strangling  it,  such  as  appears  in  more  vigorous  design  upon 
the  reliefs  of  Nineveh  ;  or  this  figure  pierces  iwith  a.  short  sword  a 
bull,  lion,  or  griffin  standing  upright  upon  its  hinder  legs.  One  of 
these  peculiar  mythological  representations  is  given  in  Fig.gi.^  The 
head  of  the  male  figure,  ornamented  with  a  diadem,  is  distinguished 
from  the  Assyrian  type  only  by  a  longer  and  less  protruding  nose, 
and  by  some  diminution  of  the  luxuriant  hair  and  beard.  The  ex- 
posed limbs,  the  arms  and  legs,  have  more  slender  proportions ;  with 
a  softer  and  somewhat  Hellenized  swing  of  the  outlines,  there  is  less 
modelling  than  was  found  upon  the  Tigris.  The  expression  of  great 
muscular  power,  of  striking  and  healthy  energy  of  action,  peculiar  to 
the  Assyrians,  is  lost  in  Persia.  The  garments  are  not  sack-like  and 
close-fitting ;  with  the  richly  patterned  treatment  of  surfaces,  there 
is  an  attempt,  not  altogether  fortunate,  to  indicate  the  folds  of  dra- 
pery and  the  free  flow  of  cloth.  It  is  possible  to  recognize  in  this 
respect  the  influence  of  Asiatic  Hellas,  falling,  indeed,  upon  rather 
sterile  ground,  and  received  with  little  understandingtTThe  strapped 
shoes  take  from  the  cramped  foot  its  true  form,  being  curved  in  the 
sole  even  more  than  is  the  case  with  the  naked  instep.  The  power, 
long  since  acquired  by  the  Greeks,  of  so  raising  the  hinder  foot  of 


124 


PERSIA. 


a  moving  figure  that  only  the  toes  touch  the  ground,  was  as  far 
from  being  possessed  by  the  Persians  as  was  the  power  of  causing 
the  whole  body  to  take  part  in  an  action  —  carrying  forward  the 
momentary  position.  The  human  being  is  apparently  able  neither 
to  turn  the  animal  away  from  himself,  nor,  by  additional  exertion,  to 
give  the  death-blow.  The  opposing  griffin  is  similarly  petrified ;  it 
here  appears  with  eagle's  head  and  feathered  tail,  occurring  in  other 


Fig.  91. — Relief  for  a  Portal  of  Persepolis.    (See  Fig.  86.) 

representations  with  lion's  head  and  scorpion's  tail.  Both  paw. 
of  the  fore  feet,  and  one  of  the  eagle's  claws  of  the  hind  feet,  are  in 
the  position  of  attack ;  one  paw  grasps  the  right  arm,  as  it  reaches 
towards  the  head  of  the  monster;  the  other  is  laid  upon  the  left, 
which  pierces  its  body  with  a  broad  and  pointed  dagger.  At  the 
same  time,  one  of  the  bird-like  hinder  legs  touches  the  front  knee 
of  the  human  figure.     But  nowhere  is  there  the  energetic  movement 


BAS-RELIEFS.  ,25 

of  seizing  or  pressure  found  upon  Assyrian  sculptures ;  there  is  a 
posture,  but  no  action  ;  and  thus  the  lion-eagle  monster  has  no 
frightful  power  —  only  something  hatefully  comical  in  figure  and 
bearing.  Nor  has  the  bull  or  lion,  which  occasionally  takes  the 
place  of  the  griffin,  anything  of  the  Assyrian  force  ;  the  scene  might 
be  considered  as  a  harmless  play  of  the  man  with  the  animal,  were 
it  not  for  the  sword  half  buried  in  the  body. 

The  most  accessible  subjects  for  such  an  art  were  naturally  mere 
ceremonial  representations,  where  the  action,  reduced  to  a  minimum, 
was  naturally  neither  momentary  nor  energetic.  There  are  the 
promenades  of  the  king,  with  staff  and  lotos-flower  in  his  hands,  fol- 
lowed by  eunuchs,  one  third  of  his  size,  who  carry  his  handkerchief 
and  sunshade,  and  cool  him  with  a  fan  of  peacock's  feathers.  It  is 
worthy  of  curious  notice  that,  upon  a  door  at  the  back  of  the  palace, 
the  sunshade  is  omitted  from  the  relief,  as  being  of  use  only  in  going 
out.  A  casual  observation  of  Persian  sculpture  may  be  deceptive, 
and  we  may  seem  to  recognize  quiet  dignity  in  what  is  mere  want 
of  all  expression.  It  is  thus  with  the  frequently  repeated  ceremo- 
nial scenes,  the  architectural  employment  of  which  has  been  men- 
tioned above.  {Fig.  87.)  The  canopied  throne  appears  raised  upon 
an  elevation ;  the  king  sits  with  his  feet  resting  upon  a  footstool, 
his  retinue  before  him  with  censers.  Three  superposed  rows  of  men 
stand  as  supporters  of  the  throne,  with  outstretched  arms  bearing 
the  platform.  The  figures  are  placed  in  such  regular  position  that 
the  effect  is  purely  ornamental ;  but  are  individually  interesting,. in 
so  far  as  they  are  intended  to  represent,  in  feature  and  costume,  the 
different  nationalities  of  the  Persian  empire.  Notwithstanding  the 
celebrated  description  of  the  review  of  the  Persian  army  upon  the 
banks  of  the  Hellespont  given  by  Herodotos,  it  would  be  hopeless 
to  attempt  to  recognize  among  the  figures  the  types  of  known 
tribes.  Of  a  similar  kind  are  the  upper  parts  of  the  rock-cut  reliefs 
upon  the  tombs  of  the  Achaemenidae,  the  architectural  peculiarities  of 
which  have  already  been  mentioned.  Because  of  the  sacred  char- 
acter of  these  graves,  the  kings  are  not  represented  enthroned,  but 
standing  upon  a  stepped  platform  before  an  altar,  over  which  floats 
the  winged  and  encircled  deity,  near  the  disk  of  the  sun  or  moon. 
A  consideration  of  the  exterior  treatment  of  the  upper  story  of  the 


126  PERSIA. 

palaces  would  here  be  in  place  if  it  could  be  shown  that  the  orna- 
mentation was  indeed  carved. 

S  Persian  sculpture  received  its  most  extensive  application  upon 
the  buttresses  of  the  steps  placed  before  every  palace.  Here  are 
found  the  ceremonial  scenes  of  the  Assyrian  courts  in  a  feeble  ren- 
dering, far  removed  from  the  sharp  and  careful  cutting  of  the  de- 
tails, and  the  naturalistic  modelling  of  the  bodies,  peculiar  to  the 
works  of  Mesopotamia.  Long  processions  of  men  represent  differ- 
ent nationalities,  characterized  by  their  costumes  and  by  the  treats 
ment  of  hair  and  beard  ;  by  their  various  feather-caps,  hoods,  capu- 
chins, pointed  hats ;  short  skirts,  with  wide  pantaloons ;  long  gar- 
ments, with  great  fulness  at  the  bottom,  and  sleeves  falling  in  mul- 
tiplied folds ;  by  the  skins  of  animals  worn  as  mantles ;  by  girdles, 
sword-belts  and  swords,  bows  and  quivers ;  by  peculiar  sandals,  shoes, 
boots,  and  the  like./  These  subjects  bring  to  the  monarch  most 
manifold  gifts — horses,  dromedaries,  musk-oxen,  rams,  goats,  a  wag- 
on, elephants'  tusks,  stuffs,  garments  (among  which  various  kinds 
of  stockings  are  even  distinguishable),  swords,  double-headed  ham- 
mers, bracelets  for  the  arms  ;  censers,  with  vessels  for  incense  ;  salve, 
in  little  bowls,  borne  upon  trays  which  hang  like  scales ;  wine-skins, 
goblets,  globular  and  flat  cake-like  loaves  of  food,  carried  in  the  palm 
of  the  hand  ;  carved  cups  and  saucers  ;  little  bags,  etc.  Others  bear 
only  lotos-flowers  and  pomegranates.  jThey  are  slim,  narrow-chest- 
ed figures;  the  short  upper  body  is  given  in  profile,  without  ana- 
tomical truth  in  general  form  or  detail ;  not  only  without  motion, 
but  apparently  incapable  of  it.  At  times  the  position  of  the  arms 
shows,  not,  indeed,  a  gesture,  but  some  attempt  of  varied  position ; 
the  hands  lie  upon  one  another,  or  touch  the  mouth,  the  end  of 
the  beard,  the  hilt  of  the  sword  hanging  at  the  side,  or  the  quiver, 
or  are  extended  so  as  to  rest  upon  the  shoulders  of  the  preceding 
figure  in  the  procession. 

Lifeless  as  these  appear,  they  are  still  superior  to  the  guards,  arrti- 
ed  with  a  lance,  who  march  towards  each  other  from  opposite  sides, 
in  long  processions.  {Fig.  92.)  The  heads  differ  from  the  Assyrian 
type  only  in  the  pointed  chin-beard ;  the  bodies  alternate  between 
uniforms  of  two  fixed  patterns.  One  of  these  is  without  a  shield,  in 
a  closely  fitting  leathern  garment,  with  awkward  pantaloons  bound 


SCULPTUUE. 


127 


at  the  ankles,  and  a  globular  cap  of  surpassing  clumsiness.  The  oth- 
er, distinguished  by  shield  and  plumes,  with  a  long  robe  drawn  up 
at  the  hips,  and  with  wide  sleeves  hanging  in  folds,  is  more  tolera- 
ble. The  elliptical  shields,  like  those  of  Boeotia,  have  a  round  cut 
upon  both  sides,  in  which  the  lance  was  probably  placed ;  they  are 
strengthened  by  a  circular  plate  riveted  to  the  centre.  Upon  the 
terrace  stairs,  in  the  triangles  formed  by  the  ascending  steps,  are 


Fig.  92. — Relief  from  the  Stairs  of  the  Palace  of  Darius. 


groups  of  animals — lions  seizing  bulls  from  behind.  Though  the 
forms  are  rendered  with  but  little  understanding  of  detail,  the  en- 
tire composition  is  well  fitted  to  the  triangular  space  allowed  it,  and 
thus  has  a  certain  decorative  and  architectural  value.  The  parapet 
of  the  staircase  terrace  is  decorated  with  rows  of  highly  convention- 
alized lotos-flowers  upon  leafy  stems ;  in  its  centre  is  the  winged  di- 
vinity of  the  disk  between  crouching  lions.  These  carvings  upon 
the  staircase  buttress, though  monotonous,  were  still  so  rich  that  they 


128  PERSIA. 

gave  to  this  member  much  the  same  distinction  as  that  of  the  gable 
in  Greek  architecture,  to  which  it  is  somewhat  similar  in  outline, 
the  ascent  from  each  side  forming  a  triangle.  The  representations 
upon  it  are,  in  their  subjects,  suited  to  the  palace  fronts,  where 
guards  were  in  place,  as  well  as  gift-bearing  deputies  from  tributary 
nations.  Though  the  division  of  the  surface  into  several  horizontal 
stripes  by  rows  of  figures,  one  over  another,  is  not  artistically  beau- 
tiful, it  still  has  the  advantage  that  the  standard  of  proportion  is  not 
infringed  upon,  as  is  so  often  the  case  when  colossal  statues  are 
placed  before  buildings ;  the  disadvantage  may  perhaps  be  less 
when  life-sized  figures,  like  these,  are  dwarfed  by  being  brought 
into  comparison  with  enormous  edifices. 

Only  one  important  historical  scene  is  known — the  rock-cut  re- 
lief of  Bi-Sueton.  A  king,  followed  by  guardsmen,  sets  his  foot  and 
bow  upon  a  victim  lying  backwards  on  the  ground,  who  stretches 
up  his  hands  in  a  beseeching  manner,  while  a  procession  of  nine 
prisoners  approaches,  their  hands  tied  behind  them,  and  bound  one 
to  the  other.  Above  is  the  winged  deity.  The  proud  bearing  of 
the  king,  and  the  stooping  of  the  helpless  enemies,  show  a  slightly 
superior  artistic  ability.  Though  Persian  sculpture  was  successful 
in  some  rare  instances,  the  conviction  must  still  remain  that,  in 
comparison  with  the  art  of  Assyria,  it  was  not  only  a  dependent  im- 
itation, but  failed  to  attain  any  of  the  superiorities  of  its  model. 
That  which  was  borrowed  from  other  lands  than  Mesopotamia  was 
superficially  carried  into  execution  in  unimportant  details.  Strictly 
speaking,  we  can  hardly  acknowledge  the  existence  of  the  art  of 
sculpture  in  Persia,  as  it  was  without  either  independent  founda- 
tion or  any  progress  of  its  own. 

Of  Persian  painting  there  are  no  remains  or  information.  The 
walls  were  without  doubt  plastered  and  colored.  If  there  had  been 
a  revetment  of  glazed  tiles,  according  to  the  Mesopotamian  prac- 
tice, some  fragments  of  this  almost  indestructible  material  would 
surely  have  been  found.  From  analogy  of  the  carvings,  it  is  proba- 
ble that  paintings  upon  the  walls  were  chiefly  ornamental  and  of 
subordinate  importance.  Upon  the  principal  front  of  the  buildings 
there  remained  but  little  space  where  painted  decorations  could  be 
employed ;  the  facade  of  the  Tomb  of  Darius  was  largely  covered 


SCULPTURE.  129 

with  inscriptions.  On  the  other  hand,  the  restoration  of  the  Palace 
of  Darius,  at  the  head  of  this  chapter  {Fig.  77),  shows  that  the  aid 
of  color  was  particularly  needed  upon  the  other  sides,  which  would 
have  been  bare  and  monotonous  without  painted  ornaments.  We 
may  suppose  that  the  Persians  felt  this  need,  and  that  decorative 
painting  was  extensively  employed ;  they  were  led  to  it  by  familiarity 
with  the  methods  of  Assyrian  art,  and  with  the  colored  mural  deco- 
rations universal  in  Egypt,  both  which  lands  they  considered  their 
tributary  provinces.  Though  we  cannot  speak  of  monumental  inde- 
pendence in  Persian  sculpture  and  painting — of  which,  indeed,  no  an- 
cient Orientals  had  any  conception — the  art  of  the  land  had  at  least 
the  superiority  that  its  three  branches,  in  their  application,  stood"  ip 
true  relations  to  each  other,  inasmuch  as  architecture  employed  and 
brought  forward  the  sister  arts  as  secondary,  decorative  aid ;  paint- 
ing and  sculpture  did  not  predominate  in  the  excessive  degree  char- 
acteristic of  the  older  nations  of  the  East.  The  Egyptians,  whose 
architecture,  otherwise  so  richly  developed,  was  chiefly  restricted  to 
the  interior,  made  excessive  use  of  painting  and  coilanaglyphics  to 
enliven  the  dead  masses  of  exterior  walls.  The  Assyrians  needed 
sculptured  revetment  and  painted  stucco  to  support  and  hide  the 
weakness  of  their  masonry,  and  its  incapacity  for  architectural  treat- 
ment, within  and  without.  Merely  decorative  art  thus  gained  an 
undue  supremacy  in  both  countries.  Among  the  Persians,  on  the 
other  hand,  architecture  attained  its  full  rights  by  important  and 
harmonious  advances,  while  decorative  sculpture  and  painting  with- 
drew to  their  proper  subordinate  positions. 

9 


F'g-  93- — Rock-cut  Tombs  of  Myra. 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND  ASIA   MINOR. 

THE  primitive  tradition  which  makes  the  valley  of  the  Euphra- 
tes and  Tigris  the  centre  of  the  most  advanced  culture  of  the 
earth  is  illustrated  by  the  extraordinary  expanse  of  Mesopotamian 
influence  in  both  time  and  space.  Extending  eastwards  even  to  the 
Ganges,  in  a  westerly  direction  passing  beyond  the  Adriatic,  bound- 
ed on  the  north  only  by  inhospitable  Scythia  (Siberia),  and  on  the 
south  by  the  Indian  Ocean,  its  roots,  long  after  the  advent  of  the 
Christian  era,  sent  forth  fresh  shoots  into  Western  Asia,  recogniza- 
ble in  the  monuments  of  the  Sassanidae  and  in  the  works  of  the 
world-conquering  Arabians.  The  spring  of  native  civilization  was 
not  entirely  exhausted,  although,  after  the  fall  of  the  Persian  em- 


%£.' 


HISTORY.  131 

pire  and  the  foundation  of  a  Greek  Asiatic  monarchy  by  Alexander 
the  Great,  Hellenism  had  expanded  itself  over  Western  Asia  for  five 
centuries, — first  among  the  luxurious  Seleucida;,  who  had  attached  to 
themselves  the  Asiatic  half  of  the  Macedonian  empire,  and  in  later 
times  under  the  strict  military  power  of  the  imperial  Roman  period. 
Nor  could  the  barbarism  of  the  Parthians  wholly  obliterate  from 
the  land  the  reminiscences  of  ancient  Persian  and  Mesopotamian 
culture.  These  influences  appear  again  when  the  Persian  Ardshir 
— boasting  a  direct  descent  from  the  Achaemenidae,  and  therefore 
called  Artaxerxes  by  the  Byzantine  Greeks — shook  off  the  yoke  of 
the  barbaric  Parthians  in  the  year  226  after  Christ,  as  his  forefather 
Cyrus,  eight  centuries  previously,  had  founded  his  empire  upon  that 
of  the  Medes.  Ardshir  was  the  first  ruler  of  a  new  national  Per- 
sian dynasty,  named  after  his  father,  Sassan, — a  race  under  whose 
sway  the  land  east  of  the  Tigris  was  raised  to  a  glory  and  impor- 
tance which  made  itself  felt  even  in  distant  and  powerful  Rome. 
One  Roman  emperor,  the  unhappy  Valerian,  was  even  forced  to  lan- 
guish during  the  last  ten  years  of  his  life  in  a  Persian  prison,  the 
Romans  not  venturing  to  free  him  from  the  despicable  slavery  of 
the  Sassanian  Shahpur  I.,  who  meanwhile  took  care  to  hand  down 
to  posterity  that  world-renowned  result  of  Persian  bravery  and  cun- 
ning by  numerous  monuments  and  rock-carved  reliefs,  which  testify, 
as  a  leaf  of  authentic  history,  to  an  event  so  humiliating  to  Rome. 

The  Palace  of  Ctesiphon, — the  Sassanian  representative  of  the 
Hellenic  Seleucia  upon  the  Tigris,  a  city  of  the  Diadochi  which 
had  itself  taken  the  place  of  the  Chaldaean  Babylon  on  the  Euphra- 
tes,— the  dwellings  of  Sarbistan  and  Firuz-Abad,  with  many  other 
buildings  and  monuments  sculptured  upon  the  face  of  cliffs,  give 
evidence  of  the  artistic  ability  of  the  new  Persian  kingdom,  which 
continued  to  flourish  until  the  foundation  of  the  Mohammedan  pow- 
er in  Mesopotamia,  641  A.D.  Much  was  certainly  lost,  and  the  ar- 
tistic ornamentation  of  architecture,  as  illustrated  by  the  columns 
and  pilasters  of  Sarbistan,  which  are  without  capital  or  base,  sank 
again  to  the  rudeness  of  the  ancient  monuments  of  Chaldaea  ;  but, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  constructive  gain  was  not  inconsiderable, 
notably  in  the  greater  development  of  gateways,  windows,  and  nich- 
es, as  well  as  in  the  appearance  of  immense  arches,  cylindrical  vaults, 


^ 


132  PHCENICIA,    PALESTINE,    AND    ASIA    MINOR. 

and  cupolas,  which  received  peculiar  forms  of  parabolic  Hues,  though 
not  excluding  the  round  arch.  The  later  Persians  had  marked  influ- 
ence upon  the  conquering  Arabs,  who,  with  few  native  traditions, 
were  readily  receptive :  this  is  illustrated  by  the  horse-shoe  arch,  so 
characteristic  of  Moorish  architecture,  which  may  be  traced  in  the 
works  of  the  Sassanidae  from  the  Palace  of  Ctesiphon  to  the  Monu- 
ment of  Tak-i-Gero.  Chronological  considerations  and  the  increas- 
ing influence  of  Greek  and  Roman  elements  seem,  however,  to  for- 
bid the  treatment  of  Sassanian  architecture  in  this  sequence.  Indian 
art  is  omitted  chiefly  upon  the  ground  that  the  best  work  of  the  Far- 
ther East  does  not  appertain  to  a  history  of  antiquity  at  all;  the 
remains  antedating  the  Christian  era,  such  as  the  columns  of  Asoka, 
are  too  undeveloped  and  wanting  in  independence  to  deserve  sepa- 
rate consideration.  This  would  be  even  less  the  place  for  a  review 
of  Sassanian  sculpture,  because  in  this,  in  spite  of  the  recurrence  of 
ancient  Mesopotamian  figures  and  details,  and  notwithstanding  the 
national  peculiarities  observable  in  the  modelling  of  muscles  and 
draperies,  the  Hellenic  and  Roman  influences  are  too  great  to  allow 
of  a  proper  treatment  of  the  subject  apart  from  the  artistic  develop- 
ment of  Greece  and  Italy.  Sassanian  and  Indian  art,  though  stand- 
ing in  a  certain  relation  to  the  civilization  of  antiquity,  may  re- 
ceive a  more  just  historical  treatment  if  considered  immediately  be- 
fore the  advent  of  Mohammedan  methods  of  building, — upon  the 
threshold  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

The  chief  currents  of  culture  and  intellectual  development  have 
ever  flowed  steadily  towards  the  West;  such  was  the  course  of  the 
wide-spreading  artistic  influence  of  Mesopotamia.  The  valley  of  the 
Euphrates  and  Tigris  is  divided  from  the  shores  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean" by  desert  tracts  which  did  not  allow  Assyrian  traditions,  though 
directed  and  furthered  by  the  important  trade-roads,  to  take  imme- 
diate and  undisputed  possession  of  the  strip  of  Phoenician  coast. 
Egypt  lay  too  near  for  this;  its  influence  could  not  remain  unfelt 
by  the  seafaring  inhabitants  of  the  Syrian  lands.  Indefinite  theories 
have  been  prevalent  for  some  time  concerning  the  meeting  and 
blending  of  the  peculiar  civilizations  of  the  lands  of  the  Nile  and 
the  Tigris,  but  until  recently  Phoenicia  was  the  least-known  country 
of  the  ancient  world.     The  Syrian  expedition  of  the  French  under 


CITIES.  133 

the  auspices  of  Napoleon  III.,  like  the  Egyptian  under  Napoleon  I., 
presented  the  possibility  of  a  thorough  and  systematic  exploration 
of  Phoenician  remains.  The  difficulties  of  prosecuting  the  investi- 
gations were  not  less  than  they  had  been  in  Chald.nea.  "  The  land," 
says  Renan,  who  was  commissioned  to  conduct  the  explorations, "  is 
now  completely  deserted.  The  destruction  of  the  forests  has  every- 
where done  its  evil  work  ;  the  soil,  year  after  year  carried  off  by 
the  inhabitants  of  the  villages  or  washed  away  by  the  torrents  of 
winter  rain,  has  disappeared  from  the  native  rock ;  the  flow  of  water 
from  the  springs,  more  and  more  exhausted,  has  become  too  weak 
to  find  its  way  to  the  sea  against  the  many  hinderances ;  hemmed 
in  by  dunes  and  alluvial  formations,  it  fills  the  plain  with  the  poi- 
sonous exhalations  of  swamps,  so  that  the  once  blooming  and  pop- 
ulous land  has  become  a  pestilent  desert,  where  for  miles  there  is 
scarcely  a  hut  to  be  seen." 

The  remaining  monuments  are  chiefly  grouped  around  the  five 
principal  trading  towns  of  the  coast, — Ruad  (Aradus),  Amrith  (Mar- 
athus),  Jebeil  (Byblus),  Saida  (Sidon),  and  Sur  (Tyre), — which  follow 
one  another  from  north  to  south  in  the  given  succession.  Still  far- 
ther to  the  south  are  isolated  ruins  near  Gabr-Hiram  and  Um-el- 
Auamid.  Beyrout,  now  the  most  important  city  of  all  the  original 
Phoenician  territory,  has  the  fewest  remains  of  antiquity ;  the  great- 
er number  are  at  the  totally  deserted  site  of  Marathus,  where  the 
neighboring  brook,  Nahr-el-Amrith,  alone  retains  a  trace  of  the  city's 
anciently  celebrated  name.  The  city  Aradus,  frequently  mentioned 
in  the  Mosaic  Scriptures,  founded  Marathus,  its  most  important  col- 
ony, as  well  as  Paltus,  Balaneia,  Carnek,  and  Enhydra.  Of  Aradus 
itself  little  exists  beyond  a  few  enormous  blocks  of  hewn  stone  ;  the 
fanaticism  of  the  present  inhabitants  of  Ruad  prevented  an  ade- 
quate examination  of  the  site.  All  these  cities  lost  their  impor- 
tance in  the  Roman  period,  with  the  ascendency  of  Antaradus,  the 
mediaeval  Tortosa. 

The  remains  at  Amrith  are  barely  sufficient  to  give  a  conception 
of  the  temple  buildings  and  monumental  tombs  of  the  Phoenicians. 
One  fane,  in  an  exceptionally  good  state  of  preservation,  is  still  called 
by  the  inhabitants  El-Maabed  (the  temple).  It  consists  of  a  rectan- 
gular area,  the  temenos,  48  m.  broad  and  55  m.  long,  sunk  into  the 


134 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND  ASIA  MINOR. 


native  rock,  so  that  three  of  its  sides  are  formed  by  the  perpendic- 
ular cut,  and  reach  the  height  of  5  m.  Upon  the  north,  the  en- 
trance, the  enclosure  was  completed  by  a  wall,  which  was  also  con- 
tinued around  the  other  three  sides,  and  there  heightened  the  boun- 
dary. Two  piers,  in  the  southeastern  and  southwestern  corners,  stand- 
ing 3.5  m.  from  the  edge  of  the  rock,  and  numerous  sockets  for  the 
ends  of  the  beams,  plainly  visible  in  the  walls,  lead  to  the  supposi- 
tion that  a  gallery  was  carried  partially  or  entirely  around  the  space. 
The  whole  sunken  area  formed  the  court  of  a  temple,  perhaps  a  sa- 
cred lake,  as  many  traces  of  paved  springs  in  the  interior  seem  to 


Fig.  94.— Temple  Cella  (El-Maabed)  of  Amrith. 

indicate.  The  small  cella,  which  rises  exactly  in  the  centre  of  the 
quadrangle,  thus  became  an  unapproachable  sanctuary.  {Fig.  94.) 
It  is  formed  of  only  five  stones.  The  socle  is  hewn  from  the  solid 
rock,  3  m.  high  and  5.5  m.  square,  with  traces  of  a  stairway  upon  the 
right  side.  The  three-walled  cella,  open  to  the  north,  is  5  m.  high ; 
its  ceiling  is  monolithic,  while  the  walls  consist  of  three  superposed 
blocks  cut  to  the  plan  of  the  chamber.  The  roof,  chiselled  within  to 
the  form  of  a  flat-arched  vault,  juts  forward  over  the  opening ;  its 
projection  may  have  been  supported  by  light  columns  of  metal,  the 
probable  form  of  which  will  be  considered  in  connection  with  the 


SANCTUARIES.  I35 

rock-cut  reliefs  of  Mashnaka.  Upon  the  side-walls,  which  stand 
2.34  in.  apart,  there  are  two  low  benches,  leaving  a  ground-space 
of  only  0.8  m.  between  them.  The  architectural  decoration  of  this 
shrine  is  limited  to  a  cornice  of  scotia  and  roundlet ;  though  this 
appears  also  in  Assyria  and  Persia,  it  still  gives  an  Egyptian  charac- 
ter to  the  cella  exterior,  which  in  plan  and  general  disposition  is  very 
similar  to  the  Mesopotamian  chapels  represented  upon  Assyrian  re- 
liefs {Fi^s.  35  and  57),  and  to  such  structures  as  appear  to  have  ex- 
isted upon  the  terraced  pyramids  of  Chaldxa.  In  this  cella  we  pos- 
sess the  oldest  and  the  only  Semitic  temple  known,  still  in  admira- 
ble preservation,  although  the  downfall  of  the  crumbling  mass  is 
predicted  by  the  authorities  who  accompanied  the  Phoenician  ex- 
pedition. Of  two  similar  structures,  which  stood  near  the  city  of 
Marathus,  Renan  could  discover  only  overthrown  blocks  buried  in 
the  swamp  of  Ain-el-Hayat  (fountain  of  the  serpents)  and  hidden 
by  oleander-bushes.  They  stood  at  a  distance  of  10  m.,  their  open 
sides  turned  towards  each  other.  The  remains  of  the  better-pre- 
served cella  show  it  to  have  been  entirely  monolithic.  It  stood 
upon  a  double  substructure,  of  which,  strange  to  say,  the  lower  part 
is  considerably  smaller  than  the  upper.  It  betrays  still  closer  rela- 
tionship with  Egyptian  works  of  the  kind  by  rows  of  uraeos-serpents 
over  the  cornice  scotia  and  the  winged  disk  upon  the  inner  ceiling. 
From  their  plan,  they  appear  to  have  had  no  columnar  supports, 
and  resemble,  in  the  careful  restoration  made  by  Mr.  Thobois,  the 
monolithic  cellas  of  Philae  preserved  in  Leyden  and  in  the  Louvre. 
Traces  of  three  other  sanctuaries,  or  at  least  of  their  temenos  en- 
closure, which  is  partly  cut  in  the  rock  and  partly  built,  exist  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  Stadion  of  Amrith,  now  known  as  El-Meklaa  (the 
quarry),  and  designated  by  Renan,  upon  insufficient  grounds,  as 
itself  ancient  Phcenician. 

The  monumental  tombs  of  Amrith  are  not  less  important  than 
these  places  of  worship ;  the  ruins  known  under  the  name  EUAuamid- 
el-Meghazil  (the  spindle-columns)  are  truly  majestic.  (Fz^.  95.)  The 
first  rises  in  three  cylindrical  steps  upon  a  square  platform  little  ele- 
vated above  the  ground.  The  lower  part,  2.5  m.  in  height  and  5.15  m. 
in  diameter,  built  of  two  stones,  is  ornamented  over  the  corners  of  the 
platform  with  engaged  lions,  which  are  among  the  most  prominent 


136 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND  ASIA  MINOR. 


works  of  Phoenician  sculpture  known,  and  will  be  considered  at 
greater  length  below.  Upon  this  first  cylindrical  step  rests  a  block 
7  m.  high,  ornamented  at  the  base  with  delicately  curved  moulding, 
and  at  the  summit  with  dentils  and  battlements.  These  latter  are 
found  also  upon  fragments  from  Jebeil  in  conjunction  with  squares 


Fig.  95. — The  Monuments  El-Meghazil  of  Amrith. 

and  rosettes  and  a  particularly  characteristic  frieze  of  straight-lined 
laurel  branches;  they  show  great  similarity  to  Mesopotamian  re- 
main?. In  the  circular  plan  of  the  structure  there  is  no  reminis- 
cence of  Egyptian  methods  of  art ;  an  hemispherical  termination 
lends  to  the  whole  so  marked  an  individuality  that,  although  its 


MONUMENTAL  TOMBS.  1 37 

form  seems  not  to  have  been  universal,  or  even  the  most  common, 
upon  the  Syrian  coasts,  there  yet  may  be  recognized  in  this  monu- 
ment a  truly  original  Phoenician  type.  In  the  development  of  me- 
morial stones  a  cultured  people  generally  expresses  its  fundamental 
artistic  conceptions,  as  is  the  case  with  the  pyramidal  termination  of 
Egyptian  obelisks,  and  with  the  Assyrian  piers  terminated  by  a  step- 
ped terrace,  in  both  of  which  are  embodied  the  lines  predominant 
in  the  architecture  of  those  nations.  A  stairway  hewn  in  the  rock 
leads  to  the  subterranean  burial  chambers ;  its  entrance  is  at  some 
little  distance  from  the  monument,  as  shown  in  the  section  Fig.  95. 
Only  6  m.  removed  from  this  rises  a  second  pile,  which,  from  a 
certain  parallelism  of  position,  seems  to  belong  with  it.  It  is  sim- 
pler than  the  first,  consisting  of  a  cube  measuring  3  m.  upon  the 
side,  so  roughly  hewn  that  it  appears  a  block  taken  just  as  it  was 
quarried ;  upon  it  is  a  monolithic  cylinder  4  m.  high  and  3.7  m.  in 
diameter,  terminated  by  a  five-sided  pyramid  of  steep  inclination. 
Somewhat  removed  from  these  are  two  similar  monuments,  of  which 
the  better  preserved  stands  upon  steps  and  rises  in  two  cubes,  sep- 
arated by  a  cornice  of  wavy  outline,  the  upper  block  terminating  in 
a  four-sided  pyramid,  now  almost  entirely  overthrown.  It  is  re- 
markable for  the  monolithic  horizontal  covering  of  the  entrance  to 
the  grave  chambers,  which  is  again  a  little  distant  from  the  base. 
Of  the  pyramidal  termination  of  its  neighbor,  only  traces  remain. 
All  these  monuments  were  in  part  cut  from  the  native  rock  and 
in  part  composed  of  enormous  monoliths ;  a  fifth,  of  considerably 
greater  dimensions,  was  built  of  quarried  stones.  Of  this  latter, 
the  commanding  mausoleum  known  under  the  name  of  Burdj-el- 
Bezzak  (Tower  of  the  Snails),  little  remains  beyond  the  platform, 
which  measures  11  m.  in  height  and  9  m.  in  the  square  plan.  The 
four-sided  pyramid,  of  obtuse  inclination,  placed  upon  this  eleva- 
tion, is  now  entirely  overthrown.  The  blocks,  5  m.  long,  are  hewn 
only  upon  the  joints,  and  left  with  a  rough  face.  A  cornice  of 
curved  profile  ran  around  the  platform ;  within  it  are  two  cham- 
bers, each  lighted  by  a  small  window,  the  existence  of  which  ren- 
dered the  otherwise  customary  grotto  beneath  the  pile  superfluous. 
Grotto  tombs,  with  a  decorated  entrance  cut  upon  the  rock  wall, 
seem  to  have  been  most  generally  employed  in  Central  Phoenicia. 


138 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND   ASIA   MINOR. 


They  are  exemplified  by  the  numerous  remains  of  this  kind  at  Saida 
(Sidon)  and  Jebeil  (Byblus).  A  tomb  at  the  latter  place  shows  a  sim- 
ple but  interesting  facade ;  its  ornamentation,  by  the  heavy  gable  and 
ring-formed  acroterium,  is  strikingly  similar  to  forms  occurring  in 
Central  Asia  Minor  (Phrygia).  {Fig.  96.)  Its  flat  border  and  plain  five- 
leaved  rosette  in  the  tympanon  triangle  give  no  evidence  of  Hellenic 
influence.  The  interior  of  these  tombs  is  generally  a  large  room, 
with  curved  ceiling  and  niches  upon  three  of  its  sides,  sunk  into  the 
rock,  one  above  another,  like  those  of  the  Catacombs,  to  hold  the 
rows  of  coffins.  The  finest  of  the  sarcophagi  of  Jebeil  is  deco- 
rated with  festoons,  wreaths,  single  leaves  and  branches,  in  a  naive 

style  of  ornament  betraying  no 
knowledge  of  Greek  sculpture. 
In  Southern  Phoenicia  a  monu- 
mental development  of  the  sar- 
cophagus seems  to  have  been 
chiefly  favored.  The  tomb 
known  as  that  of  Hiram  (Gabr-- 
hiram),  south  of  Sur  (Tyre),  is  an 
immense  coffer,  3  m.  high,  with 
a  heavy  arched  cover,  raised 
upon  a  plinth  built  of  hewn 
blocks  4.24  m.  long,  2.64  m. 
broad,  and  3  m.  high,  the  upper 
Fig.  96.-Fa9adeofa  Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Jebeil.    p^^    of  which    is    formed    by  a 

monolithic  slab  almost  one  meter  in  thickness.  Not  far  from  this 
site,  at  Um-el-Auamid,  is  a  large  sarcophagus,  2.40  m.  long  and  1.24 
m.  broad,  with  a  gable-shaped  lid  decorated  by  clumsy  corner  acro- 
terias.  Against  one  of  its  sides  stands  a  small  altar,  remarkable  for 
the  corners  of  its  battlemented  termination,  which  must  be  similar 
to  the  horns  of  the  altar  which  stood  in  the  tabernacle  of  Solomon's 
Temple. 

Of  the  domestic  architecture  of  Phoenicia  can  be  mentioned  only 
an  entirely  unornamented  house,  hewn  from  the  rock,  in  Amrith, 
and  a  portal  at  Um-el-Auamid,  where  the  middle  block  of  the 
triple  lintel  is  decorated  with  the  Egyptian  disk  and  uraeos-serpents 
upon  either  side.    The  materials  employed  by  the  Phoenician  archi- 


'^ilitii-Ui^;. 


SCULPTURE.  I3Q 

tccts  seem  generally  to  have  been  the  cedars  of  Lebanon  and  the 
various  metals  of  transmarine  commerce ;  it  is  on  this  account  that 
the  preserved  monuments  are  so  few,  and  their  remains  so  bare  of 
carved  decoration. 

This  explains  also  the  lack  of  examples  illustrating  the  sculpture 
and  extended  industrial  art  of  the  country.  The  Homeric  epics 
constantly  point  to  the  Syrian  coast  as  the  home  of  all  contempo- 
rary skill  in  metal-work,  pottery,  and  weaving.  Stone  statues  were 
rare ;  metal  was  the  favorite  material  of  Phoenician  sculpture,  al- 
though it  was  but  seldom,  as  in  the  columns  before  the  Temple  of 
Jerusalem,  employed  for  casting.  The  usual  proceeding  of  the  artif- 
icer was  to  make  a  core  of  wood  for  the  work,  whether  this  were  to 
be  in  relief  or  in  the  full  round ;  upon  it  sheets  of  metal  were  se- 
cured, and  these  finally  beaten  with  the  hammer  to  the  modelling 
of  the  carved  wood  beneath,  thus  forming  a  so-called  sphyrelaton. 
The  sculptures  of  Solomon's  Temple  illustrate  this  process,  and,  ac- 
cording to  the  Biblical  account,  may  unhesitatingly  be  ascribed  to 
Phoenician  artists.  In  some  instances  the  beaten  metal  was  gold, 
this  being  the  case  with  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem  and  with  a  small 
temple  at  Carthage,  which  contained  an  image  similarly  overlaid. 
Silver  was  more  rarely  thus  employed,  though  it  is  known  that  from 
the  earliest  times  the  Spanish  silver- mines  were  worked  by  the 
Phoenicians.  The  metal  was  perhaps  more  frequently  devoted  to 
utensils  like  the  twelve  silver  vessels  discovered  upon  Cyprus,  of 
which  those  now  in  the  Louvre  show  a  workmanship  nearly  akin  to 
that  of  the  before -mentioned  Assyrian  bronzes.  It  has  been  re- 
marked in  the  section  upon  A.ssyria  that  this  style  was  neither 
purely  Mesopotamian  nor  Egyptian,  but  rather  a  mixture  of  both, 
the  latter  predominating.  This  points  to  the  Phoenician  origin  of 
such  works,  and  these  silver  vessels  of  Cyprus  lend  a  striking  con- 
firmation to  the  supposition.  The  beaten  metal  was  usually  a 
bronze,  the  copper  in  its  composition  being  derived  from  the  Phoe- 
nician island  Cyprus,  the  tin  an  article  of  commerce  brought  from 
England.  It  is  natural  that  the  Phoenicians,  to  whom  alone  these 
metals  were  accessible,  should  be  regarded  as  the  inventors  of  that 
amalgamation  of  ten  parts  of  copper  with  one  of  tin  known  as 
bronze,  of  so  great  importance  in  casting.     Homer's  mention  of 


I40  PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND   ASIA  MINOR. 

vessels  and  utensils  from  Sidon,  and  the  discovery  of  Phoenician 
bronzes  in  the  ruins  of  Nineveh,  prove  a  most  ancient  and  extended 
trade  in  objects  formed  of  that  metal. 

The  carved  wooden  form  covered  with  sheets  of  metal,  the  sphy- 
relaton,  is  a  peculiarly  Phoenician  product.  Such  beaten  reliefs  were 
generally  of  copper,  pure,  or  with  a  small  percentage  of  tin ;  gold, 
silver,  and  even  tin  were,  however,  similarly  employed,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  mosaics  of  precious  stones,  ivory,  and  notably  with  amber, 
a  substance  greatly  prized  in  early  antiquity,  and  brought  by  the 
enterprising  Phoenicians  from  the  coasts  of  the  North  Sea.  A  cer- 
tain effect  of  color  was  thus  obtained.  In  the  decoration  of  weap- 
ons, a  ground  of  metal  served  instead  of  the  wood  as  a  foundation. 
This  inlaid  work  was  known  to  the  Greeks  of  the  Homeric  age. 
It  stood  in  the  same  relation  to  primitive  monumental  painting 
as  the  mosaic  of  the  Byzantines  did  to  the  decline  of  the  art, 
its  greatest  height  of  development  being  reached  by  the  so-called 
chryselephantine  sculpture,  where  a  combination  of  carving  and  in- 
laying was  effected  with  gold  and  ivory  upon  a  wooden  kernel. 
The  throne  of  Solomon  was  an  example  of  this,  the  lions  carved 
upon  its  arms  rendering  it  the  work  rather  of  a  sculptor  than  of  an 
artisan.  Carvings  entirely  of  ivory  are  mentioned  by  Hezekiah  as 
frequently  existing  in  the  sanctuaries  of  Tyre,  and  in  Nineveh  there 
have  been  found  many  fragments,  apparently  Egyptian,  which  may, 
without  doubt,  be  attributed  to  the  Phoenicians.  The  Biblical 
prophets  speak  of  great  works  in  Tyre  composed  of  precious  stones, 
and  Theophrastos  mentions  an  entire  obelisk  of  emerald  as  existing 
in  the  Temple  of  Melkarth  of  that  city,  which  is  explained  to  have 
been  of  a  colored  glass  {plastna  di  smeraldo).  Glass  itself,  assumed 
to  have  been  invented  by  the  Phoenicians,  but  common  in  Egypt 
before  the  fifteenth  century  B.C.,  appears  to  have  been  made  only 
in  colored,  and  generally  opaque,  masses.  The  most  ancient  piece 
of  white  transparent  glass  known  is  described  by  Layard  as  a  cup 
whereupon  is  cut  the  name  of  King  Sargon  in  cuneiform  charac- 
ters— consequently  an  Assyrian  work  from  the  end  of  the  seventh 
century  B.C. 

Phoenician  sculpture  is  almost  exclusively  represented  by  metal- 
work,  and,  as  this  was  mostly  beaten,  it  is  natural  that  it  should  as- 


SCULPTURE. 


141 


sume  that  peculiar  style  of  conventionalization  which,  even  in  works 
of  stone,  reminds  us  of  empaistic  prototypes, — that  is  to  say,  of  the 
characteristic  forms  and  modes  of  conception  originally  decided  by 
the  properties  of  beaten  metal.  This  style  is  shown  by  the  Phceni- 
:ian  leaved  ornaments  upon  architectural  details,  and  is  especially 
striking  in  the  representations  of  animal  forms.  Upon  a  frieze  at 
Saida  {ftj;^.  97),  for  example,  is  a  remarkable  illustration  of  the  Phoe- 
nician sphyrelaton,  which  enables  us  to  understand  the  form  of 
the  bulls  upon  the  brazen  laver  in  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem.  The 
half-lions  upon  the  monument  of  Amrith,  also,  although  carelessly 
carved  and  much  weathered,  are  still  more  interesting  in  this  re- 


Fig.  97.— From  a  keiiei  ot  Saida. 


Fig.  9& — From  the  Monument  El- 
Meghazil  of  Amrith. 


gard.  (Figs.  95  and  98.)  Besides  their  peculiarities  as  imitations 
of  empaistic  work,  especially  recc^;nizable  in  the  primitive  legs, 
they  show  some  reminiscences  of  Egjptian  granite  forms  and  of 
a  Mesopotamian  conception  of  animal  nature,  marked  also  upon 
the  buU's-head  by  the  strap-like  formation  of  the  sinews.  Less 
direct  insight  can  be  gained  from  other  Phoenician  sculptures  be- 
cause of  their  more  advanced  state  of  destruction.  The  rock-cut 
reliefs  of  Gineh  and  of  Mashnaka,  however,  well  deserve  to  be 
mentioned.  The  first  shows  upon  one  side  an  animal,  apparently 
a  bear,  leaping  upon  a  man,  while  at  the  right,  in  a  sunken  rectan- 
gular frame,  is  an  enthroned  figure,  and  in  another  a  man  in  front 


142 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND   ASIA    MINOR. 


view,  with  two  dogs,  which  are  scarcely  recognizable.  Enough  is  still 
preserved  to  show  that  the  work  is  not  of  Egyptian  origin,  but  may 
more  justly  be  compared  to  Assyrian  sculptures,  though  without  the 
stifif  character  of  courtly  ceremonial  peculiar  to  the  works  of  Nine- 
veh. The  two  rock-cut  reliefs  of  a  mountain -pass  near  Mashnaka 
{Fig.  99)  are  more  important  to  the  history  of  the  architecture  than 
to  that  of  the  sculpture  of  Western  Asia,  because  of  the  remarkable 
forms  of  the  capitals  represented  upon  them  ;  they  will  be  consid- 
ered in  connection  with  Solomon's  Temple.     The  smaller,  movable 


F'g-  99- — Rock-cut  Relief  of  Mashnaka. 


sculptures  found  in  Phoenicia,  which  were  possibly  not  the  work  of 
the  country,  are  of  less  interest ;  they  usually  exhibit  decided  Egyp- 
tian influence.  Numerous  marble  sarcophagi  found  in  Saida  are 
characterized  by  the  confusion  of  style  peculiar  to  Phoenicia.  The 
covers  are  imitated  from  the  swathed  human  forms  represented 
upon  the  lids  of  Egyptian  mummy -coffins;  the  heads  betray  in 
some  measure  the  influence  of  Greece,  and  render  it  probable  that 
they  were  executed  in  the  time  of  the  Seleucidae. 

As  might  be  expected  from  the  position  of  the  country,  lying 
between  Egypt  and  Chaldaea,  and  from  the  national  commerce  and 


THE   TAHERNACLE. 


143 


manufactures,  which  attracted  the  products  of  both  countries,  the 
artistic  style  of  Phoenicia  was  a  mixture  of  Egyptian  and  Meso- 
potamian  elements.  This  was,  of  course,  also  the  case  with  that  of 
the  Jews,  who,  in  their  architecture  and  sculpture,  were  as  dependent 
upon  the  Phoenicians  as  were  the  primitive  Romans  upon  the  Etrus- 
cans. The  influence  of  Egypt  was  felt  in  Palestine  in  a  greater  de- 
gree than  in  Phoenicia,  because  the  Israelites  had  grown  to  a  people 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  and  without  doubt  transplanted  many 
artistic  conceptions,  as  well  as  methods  and  details,  to  the  Promised 


30     '  *o 

Fig.  100. — The  Mosaic  Tabernacle. 


Land.  This  is  noticeable  in  the  tabernacle  and  in  the  temple,  the 
latter,  as  is  well  known,  receiving  its  general  disposition  from  its  re- 
lation to  that  former  encampment.  The  tabernacle  {Ft^.  100)  is  in 
fundamental  character  a  repetition  in  movable  tents  of  the  triple 
Egyptian  temple  system  of  court,  hall,  and  cella.  At  the  time  of 
the  emigration  of  the  Jews  from  their  long  sojourn  in  Goshen,  they 
could  have  been  familiar  only  with  Egyptian  forms ;  we  cannot  mis- 
take if  we  suppose  them,  before  their  intercourse  with  the  Phceni- 
cians,  to  have  supplied  all  their  artistic  needs  from  Egyptian  prec- 
edents. 


144  PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND  ASIA  MINOR. 

The  simple  enclosure  of  the  tabernacle  formed  a  court,  with  a 
front  of  fifty  cubits,  and  twice  as  long  as  it  was  broad.  There  were 
twenty-one  columns,  like  tent-poles,  upon  the  sides,  and  eleven  upon 
the  front;  those  of  the  corners  being  counted  twice.  These  sup- 
ports were  five  cubits  high,  ornamented  with  silver  capitals,  and 
standing  in  sockets  of  bronze  ;  they  must  have  been  entirely  simi- 
lar to  the  shafts  represented  upon  Egyptian  wall-paintings.  They 
appear  not  to  have  been  joined  by  cross-bars.  White  immovable 
hangings  were  fastened  between  them,  beneath  their  capitals,  v/ith 
the  exception  of  the  four  central  intercolumniations  of  the  eastern 
front,  where  hung  movable  curtains  of  blue,  purple,  and  scarlet  Hnen. 
The  tabernacle  itself,  b,  did  not  stand  in  the  centre  of  this  enclosure, 
but  nearer  the  western  end,  probably  so  that  a  square  of  fifty  cubits 
was  left  before  its  entrance,  in  which  space  there  stood  the  altar,  c, 
of  earth  and  wooden  sheathing  for  burnt-offerings,  five  cubits  square 
and  three  cubits  high,  and  the  laver  of  brass,  d.  There  thus  re- 
mained upon  the  three  other  sides  a  space  of  twenty  cubits  between 
the  tabernacle  and  the  enclosure.  This  disposition  is  not  expressly 
affirmed,  but  may  naturally  be  assumed  from  the  indications  pre- 
sented by  the  dimensions  of  the  tabernacle,  which  was  thirty  cubits 
long  and  ten  broad.  Except  in  the  front,  e,  where  were  five  col- 
umns, it  was  formed  of  forty-eight  boards  overlaid  with  sheet-gold. 
These  boards,  like  the  poles  of  the  enclosure,  were  not  rammed 
into  the  earth,  but  stood  upon  double  sockets  of  silver ;  they  were 
fastened  together  by  tenons  and  by  bars,  which  were  pushed  through 
projecting  golden  rings.  The  arrangement  of  the  five  columns  of 
the  front,  also  overlaid  with  gold,  is  not  certain.  It  is  hardly  pos- 
sible that  they  were  placed  in  antis ;  for,  although  the  shafts  were 
but  thin  poles,  the  six  intercolumniations  thus  formed  would  have 
had  a  width  of  only  one  and  a  half  cubits  each — too  narrow  for  pas- 
sage. The  two  outermost  columns  may,  from  this  consideration,  be 
assumed  to  have  stood  before  the  ends  of  the  boarded  wall,  in  pro- 
style arrangement,  or  close  upon  this,  as  indicated  in  the  plan  at  e\ 
a  method  of  avoiding  the  narrowing  of  the  space  by  the  two  exte- 
rior intercolumniations  which  was  adopted  in  much  later  times  upon 
the  so-called  tombs  of  Absalom  and  Zachariah,  to  be  considered  be- 
low, where  the  forms  may  have  been  in  some  measure  decided  by 


THE  TABERNACLE.  I45 

reminiscences  of  these  primitive  constructions.  If  the  ten  cubits 
of  the  tabernacle  front  were  divided  into  four  parts  instead  of  six, 
passage  would  have  been  easy. 

There  is  no  information  concerning  the  appearance  of  these 
shafts.  Their  sockets  of  bronze  may  have  been  similar  to  the  high 
bases  of  Moorish  columns,  and  to  those  which  support  the  canopy- 
poles  of  our  churches.  If  the  shafts  were  neither  connected  by 
cross-braces  nor  rammed  into  the  earth,  they  must  have  been  pro- 
vided with  a  footing  even  broader  than  that  of  either  of  the  in- 
stances mentioned,  and  have  resembled  the  wide-spreading  plinths 
of  Egyptian  lotos  columns.  That  the  columns  were  disproportion- 
ately slim  is  evident  from  the  consideration  that  five  shafts  of  nor- 
mal Egyptian,  or  Greek  Doric,  proportions,  ten  cubits  high,  would 
have  entirely  occupied  the  narrow  front  of  the  tabernacle,  and  have 
left  no  space  for  the  intercolumniations.  Mere  tent -poles  would 
have  been  sufficient,  as  the  building  was  provided  with  no  fixed  roof, 
but  was  covered,  like  the  tents  of  Bedouins,  with  colored  linen,  cloths 
of  goat-hair,  and  the  skins  of  rams  and  seals.  As  this  covering  re- 
ceived its  chief  support  from  the  side  walls,  a  light  epistyle  of  wood 
was  sufficient  to  unite  the  summits  of  the  front  columns.  It  cannot 
be  said  that  there  was  any  entablature,  in  the  proper  sense  of  the 
word. 

The  proportions  of  the  tabernacle,  three  times  as  long  as  it  was 
broad,  were  like  those  of  the  Egyptian  temple.  It  was  divided  into 
two  unequal  compartments,  the  front,/",  being  twice  the  depth  of 
the  innermost  holy  of  holies,  g.  The  altar  for  incense,  h,  one  cubit 
square  in  plan  and  two  cubits  high,  probably  stood  in  the  centre  of 
the  first  space;  it  was  of  acacia -wood,  covered  with  beaten  gold. 
Like  the  altar  for  burnt-sacrifices,  its  corners  were  ornamented  with 
"  horns,"  the  nature  of  which  has  been  variously  explained,  but 
which  could  have  been  nothing  else  than  corner  acroteria,  like  those 
upon  the  monuments,  sarcophagi,  etc.,  of  Asia  Minor,  and  those  of 
the  small  altar  found  at  Um-el-Auamid,  in  Phoenicia.  Such  acrote- 
ria— which  do,  indeed,  somewhat  resemble  upright  horns — were  not 
merely  for  ornament,  but  served  to  hold  the  golden  lattice-work 
{zer)  surrounding  the  top  of  the  altar,  to  prevent  the  scattering  of 
coals.     Next  to  the  northern  side-wall  stood  the  table  for  shew- 

10 


146 


PHOENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND    ASIA    MINOR. 


bread,/;  in  the  southwestern  corner  of  the  space  the  seven-armed 
candlestick,  k,  was  so  obliquely  placed  that,  to  a  person  entering, 
its  flames  were  in  a  line.  The  form  of  the  candlestick  is  known 
from  the  representation  upon  the  Arch  of  Titus,  which,  though  pos- 
sibly not  copied  from  the  original — ^as  Josephus  relates  that  only  an 
imitation  was  paraded  during  the  triumph  of  Titus — yet  agrees  with 
the  main  points  of  the  Biblical  description.  The  seven  arms  consist- 
ed of  three  concentrical  semicircles  and  a  vertical  staff,  all  of  which 
ended  at  the  same  height.  The  base  was  polygonal,  and  ornament- 
ed with  sculptures,  the  support  decorated  with  leaves,  the  arms  rep- 
resented branches  with  buds  and  blossoms,  ending  in  the  open  ca- 
lyxes of  the  flowers  which  bore  the  lamps.     Its  importance,  as  was 

the  case  with  all  the  appurte- 
nances of  Jewish  worship,  was 
considerably  greater  in  material 
than  in  artistic  respects  ;  the  can- 
dlestick was  without  doubt  solid, 
and  was  made  of  a  talent  of  gold 
— worth  more  than  four  hundred 
pounds  sterling.  A  relief  of  Tha. 
barieh,  probably  older  than  the? 
Christian  era,  shows  its  genera? 
form ;  it  is  given  in  Fig.  loi  as 
further  illustrative  of  the  pecul- 
iar metallic  style  of  the  Phoenician-Israelitic  art  of  stone-cutting. 

The  holy  of  holies,  a  cubical  space  of  ten  cubits  on  the  side,  was 
separated  from  the  larger  antechamber  by  four  columns,  /,  which  were 
also  covered  with  gold,  and  stood  upon  silver  sockets ;  they  bore  a 
second  curtain  of  four  colors.  This  cella  contained  the  palladium  of 
the  people,  the  ark  of  the  covenant,  m,  a  coffer  of  acacia-wood,  two 
cubits  and  a  half  long  and  a  cubit,  and  a  half  high,  borne  upon  poles 
fixed  in  golden  rings.  Upon  the  lid,  the  so-called  mercy-seat,  were 
the  figures  of  two  cherubim,  monstrous  combinations  of  bulls,  lions, 
eagles,  and  human  bodies;  or,  at  least,  of  three  of  these  —  the  body 
of  either  the  lion  or  the  bull  being  adopted.  Though  De  Saulcy  and 
Layard  do  not  doubt  that  these  cherubim  were  perfectly  similar  to 
the  symbolical  monsters  before  the  portals  of  the  palaces  of  Nine- 


Fig,  loi. — Relief  of  Thabarieh. 


SULOMON'S  TEMPLE.  I47 

veh,  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  the  Jews  were,  at  this  period  of 
their  wanderings,  so  completely  influenced  by  Egyptian  conceptions 
of  art  that  peculiarly  Assyrian  forms  could  not  have  existed  in  the 
tabernacle.  The  cherubim  must  rather  have  been  Egyptian — en- 
tirely similar  to  the  sphinxes,  which,  as  has  been  seen,  frequently 
presented  this  same  combination  of  human  head  and  breast,  with 
the  body  of  a  lion.  Neumann  considers  the  cherubim  to  resemble 
the  animals  upon  an  Assyrian  ornament,  with  sunken  head  and  bent 
fore-legs ;  but  it  is  more  probable  that  they  were  crouched  like  a 
sphinx,  or  were,  perhaps,  sitting  upon  their  hinder  quarters,  like  the 
figures  of  a  Phoenician  throne  of  rather  later  period  published  by  Re- 
nan.  They  were  carved  in  wood  and  overlaid  with  thin  sheets  of 
gold,  as  was  also  the  golden  calf  with  which  the  Israelites  in  the 
desert  sought  to  imitate  the  Egyptian  idolatry  of  animals.  This  is 
all  that  can  be  said  of  the  Jewish  sculpture  of  the  period ;  the  Sec- 
ond Commandment  entirely  prevented  any  independent  development 
of  art. 

The  form  and  arrangement  of  the  tabernacle  are  in  the  main 
clear.  This  is  not  the  case  with  the  monumental  temple  which  Sol- 
omon, according  to  the  plan  of  his  great  predecessor,  erected  to 
take  its  place,  after  King  David  had  recovered,  and  brought  to  the 
plateau  of  Moriah  (at  present  known  as  Haram-el-Sherif )  the  ark  of 
the  covenant,  which  had  for  some  time  been  held  as  booty  in  the 
hands  of  enemies.  The  Biblical  accounts  enlarge,  after  the  well- 
known  manner  of  the  Jews,  principally  upon  the  great  cost  of  the 
materials,  and  are  thus  rather  archaeological  notices  than  artistic 
descriptions.  As  might  be  expected  from  writers  ignorant  of  art, 
the  statements  are,  for  the  greater  part,  vague  and  confused.  The 
conditions  of  Jewish  architecture  and  sculpture  appear  radically 
changed  since  the  time  of  Moses.  Immediately  after  the  exodus, 
Egyptian  conceptions  and  manners  of  work  were  dominant ;  but, 
as  time  advanced  without  further  direct  communication  between 
the  two  countries,  these  became  more  and  more  outgrown,  and  at 
last  completely  changed  to  a  dependency  upon  the  civilization  and 
art  of  Phoenicia.  The  Egyptian  element,  however,  by  no  means 
disappears,  for,  as  has  been  seen,  it  existed  in  Phoenicia  itself,  as 
might  be  expected  from  its  geographical  position  between  Meso- 


148  PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND  ASIA    MINOR. 

potamia  and  Egypt.  The  Jews  were  not  so  far  developed  from  a 
nomadic  people  as  to  be  able  themselves  to  create  imposing  ar- 
chitectural works.  These  call  for  centuries  of  practice  in  the  art 
of  building.  The  construction  of  their  temple  was  given  over  to 
their  northern  neighbors,  the  more  readily  as  Solomon  was  in 
friendly  alliance  with  Hiram,  King  of  Tyre.  The  Tyrian  architect 
Hiram  was  sent  with  a  great  number  of  assistants  to  Jerusalem. 
Stone-cutters  of  Byblos  worked,  with  the  aid  of  Jews,  in  the  quar- 
ries of  Jerusalem  ;  the  necessary  timber  was  hewn  in  the  Phoenician 
forests  of  Lebanon  ;  and  upon  the  Jordan,  in  the  vicinity  of  Scvthop- 
olis,  a  mefai-toundry  tor  the  temple  ornaments  was  built  under  Phoe- 
nician direction.  An  understanding  of  the  activity  among  these  ar- 
tisans  during  the  time  of  building  may  be  obtainedtrom  a  consid- 
eration  of  tbejumber  of  workmen  employed :  eighty  thousand  stone- 
cutters  were  assisted  by  seventy  thousand  bearers  of  burdens.  This 
multitude  of  laborers  would  not  have  needed  one  year  to  complete 
the  temple,  far  less  the  seven  years  actually  employed  (  1014  to 
1007  B.C.),  had  it  not  been  for  the  imposing  substructure  of  the 
rocky  plateau, — a  mass  of  masonry  which  may  almost  be  compared 
to  the  Egyptian  pyramids ;  surpassing  the  remains  at  Ruad,  if  not 
in  the  colossal  size  of  the  blocks,  at  least  in  the  exactitude  of  their 
workmanship.  From  the  numbers  said  to  have  labored  in  Jerusalem 
at  one  time,  it  appears  probable  that  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the 
immense  foundations  was  built  under  Solomon,  though  the  support- 
ing vaults  of  the  southeastern  comer  are  known  to  date  from  the 
time  of  Herod,  if  not  even  later.  /  The  erection  of  enormous  terraced 
foundations  plays  a  prominent,  and  at  times  even  the  most  impor- 


tantTpart  in  the  architecture  of  all  the  people  of  Western  Asia. 

The  temple  itseif'OCCupied  but  a  very  small  part  ot  the  oblong 
area,  more  than  1500  m.  in  circumference,  which  was  gained  by  this 
artificial  extension  of  the  rocky  plateau.  This  space  was  provided 
with  gates  upon  all  four_sides^o  some  of  which  access  was  had-by 
arched  bridges ;  it  was  surrounded  by  thick  walls  and  double  ranges 
of  columns,  asserted  by  Josephus  to  have  been  monolithic.  This 
outer  court,  accessible  to  all,  contained  a  smaller  interior  enclosure 
formed  by  other  colonnades,  and  probably  also  by  several  large 
halls ;  four  gateways  with  gilded  bronze  doors  led  to  the  interior,  to 


SOLOMON'S   TEMPLE.  I^n 

which  every  worthy  Jew  had  access.  Infidels  were  debarred  from  far- 
ther advance  by  a  grating  almost  1.5  m.  high,  which  enclosed  the  space 
corresponding  to  the  outer  court  of  the  Mosaic  tabernacle.  The  al- 
tar for  burnt-offerings  had  been  increased  in  plan  to  a  square  of  twen- 
ty cubits,  and  to  a  height  of  ten  cubits ;  an  inclined  ascent  of  consid- 
erable size  was  necessary  to  reach  the  summit.  It  is  believed  that  the 
kernel  of  this  altar  is  the  holy  rock  in  the  present  Mosque  of  Omar. 

The  brazen  laver  (the  kijor)  had  developed  into  the  so-called 
molten  sea, — a  basin  of  ten  cubits  in  diameter,  cast  in  bronze,  and 
supported  at  a  height  of  five  cubits  upon  the  backs  of  twelve  bronze 
oxen.  It  may  be  conceived  as  very  similar  to  the  fountain  of  the 
Court  of  the  Lions  in  the  Alhambra.  The  oxen  were  so  divided  in 
groups  of  three  that  they  faced  the  cardinal  points  of  the  compass, 
"  and  all  their  hinder  parts  were  inward."  These  figures,  so  purely 
Phoenician,  must  have  been  far  more  similar  to  the  productions  of 
Assyria  than  could  have  been  the  case  with  the  Mosaic  cherubim. 
Their  heads  probably  resembled  that  shown  above  {Fig.  97)  upon 
the  relief  of  Saida,  their  legs  those  of  the  primitive  animals  upon  the 
monument  of  Amrith  {Fig.  98),  or  of  the  lions  in  the  court  of  the 
Alhambra.  The  altar  and  the  molten  sea  were  situated  before  the 
front  of  the  temple,  the  axis  of  which  was  turned  east  and  west,  at 
right  angles  to  the  general  direction  of  the  outer  court,  which  ran 
north  and  south. 

The  entrance  to  the  temple  was  ornamented  by  two  bronze  col- 
umns, known  as  Jachin  and  Boaz ;  their  height  is  given  in  different 
passages  as  18  and  35  cubits,  and  here  begins  the  confusion  caused 
by  the  Biblical  contradictions  which  make  it  so  difficult  to  obtain  a 
reliable  understanding  of  the  nature  of  Solomon's  building.  It  can- 
not even  be  decided  whether  these  columns  were  in  the  entrance,  as 
architectural  supports,  or  stood  before  the  gates,  without  a  func- 
tion,— they  being  spoken  of  as  in,  upon,  and  before  the  portico.  If 
they  stood  in  the  entrance  itself,  as  supports  of  its  lintel  (as  assumed 
by  Baehr),  it  is  probable  that  they  did  not  divide  its  width  into 
three  equal  intercolumniations.  The  diameter  of  the  shafts  was 
four  cubits,  and  such  an  arrangement  would  so  have  occupied  the 
total  opening  of  the  portal,  only  fourteen  cubits,  that  but  two  cubits 
would  have  remained  for  each  of  the  three  passages.    It  is  more  prob- 


I50 


PIICENICIA.  PALESTINE.  AND  ASIA   MINOR. 


able  that  they  were  placed  next  to  the  jambs  in  the  manner  assumed 
for  the  front  of  the  tabernacle.  If  the  columns  be  supposed  to  have 
stood  before  the  portico,  without  any  function  of  support,  like  obe- 
lisks, all  difficulty  is  avoided.  In  either  case  it  would  be  important, 
for  an  understanding  of  the  style  of  Solomon's  Temple  and  of  Phoe- 
nician workmanship,  to  comprehend  the  long  description  given  of 
their  capitals.  It  is  only  clear  that  these  were  four  or  five  cubits 
high,  and  had  the  general  form  of  lilies,  probably  that  of  a  calyx, 
as  if  derived  from  the  floral  capitals  of  Egypt.  A  column  discov- 
ered in  the  foundation  vaults  of  the  temple  exhibits  a  peculiarly 

heavy  capital  of  this  kind,  which  is, 
however,  though  evidently  of  primi- 
tive outline  and  proportions,  charac- 
terized by  the  acanthus-like  carving 
as  a  work  influenced  by  the  later  art 
of  Greece.  It  is  to  be  observed  that 
the  normal  Egyptian-bell  calyx,  with- 
out additions,  could  not  be  spoken  of 
as  having  the  form  of  a  hly,  by  which 
name  the  curled  ends  of  leaves  were 
usually  designated  in  the  Orient.  The 
volutes  thus  especially  referred  to 
must  have  been  similar  to  those  upon 
the  Assyrian  capital,  and  notably  to 
those  of  the  rock-cut  relief  in  the  Pass 
of  Mashnaka  {Fig.  99),  which,  situated 
upon  Phoenician  territory,  offer  the  most  striking  analogy.  An  illus- 
tration of  the  extensive  ornamental  employment  of  the  helix  termi- 
nation is  offered  by  the  decoration  of  a  vase  recently  discovered  in 
Cyprus  {Fig.  102),  and  by  pilaster  capitals  in  the  Cesnola  collection. 
{Fig.  107.)  It  is  an  anachronism  to  bring  the  columns,  because  of  their 
channelled  shafts  and  some  minor  peculiarities,  into  connection  with 
the  forms  of  Persian  architecture,  which  could  not  have  been  devel- 
oped so  long  before  the  time  of  Cyrus.  The  additions — wreaths  of 
chains,  nets  of  checker-work,  hanging  pomegranates,  etc. — of  which 
the  Scriptures  render  a  chaotic  account,  cannot,  in  detail,  be  under- 
stood or  explained.     If  the  shafts  are  supposed  to  have  been  united 


Fig.  102. — Vase  Discovered  in  Cy- 
prus. 


SOLOMON'S   TEMPLE. 


151 


by  a  lattice-work  of  metal,  it  is  more  natural  to  seek  a  parallel  in 
the  free-standing  columns  of  an  Assyrian  relief  than  in  the  canopies 
of  Persian  thrones  suggested  by  Julius  Braun.  That  the  chains, 
net-work,  and  the  pomegranates  did  not  hang  upon  the  capitals 
themselves  has  been  argued  by  Vogud,  frofn  the  analogy  of  an  an- 
cient capital  of  the  Mosque  of  Haram,  and  is  made  evident  by 


Fig.  103. — Hypothetical  Plan  and  Section  of  Solomon's  Temple. 

Braun's  question,  how,  indeed,  it  would  be  possible  to  count  two 
hundred  pomegranates  strung  around  a  capital  at  such  a  height 
above  the  ground. 

An  important  portal  stood  before  the  halls  of  the  temple.  With 
a  plan  of  10  cubits  deep  and  20  cubits  broad,  the  astonishing  height 
of  120  cubits  is  attributed  to  this  tower,  a  number  appearing  in  the 
Chronicles,  and  repeated  in  the  Septuagint  and  by  Josephus,  so  that 


152  PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND  ASIA   MINOR. 

it  cannot  be  regarded  as  the  mistake  of  a  transcriber.  But  even  if 
the  first  measures  are  arbitrarily  assumed  to  refer  only  to  a  small 
interior  space  enclosed  by  walls  of  enormous  thickness,  the  con- 
structive impracticability  of  erecting  a  tower  of  such  height  is  evi- 
dent ;  it  appears  impossible  that  the  temple  could  have  been  pre- 
ceded by  a  pile  twice  as  high  as  the  principal  building  was  long,  and 
six  times  as  high  as  this  was  broad  !  We  would  not  venture  to 
present  a  restoration  with  such  proportions,  and  must  agree  with 
Hirt,  Streber,  De  Saulcy,  De  Vogu6,  and  others,  that  the  account  is 
a  Scriptural  exaggeration,  passed  on  from  hand  to  hand.  It  is  hard- 
ly to  be  explained  by  the  suggestions  of  De  Saulcy  and  Streber.  The 
first  of  these  authorities  wishes  to  reduce  the  elevation  by  the  sup- 
position that  one  half  of  the  entire  height  existed  under  the  earth 
as  a  foundation,  so  that  only  60  cubits  remained  visible  above. 
This  is  ludicrous ;  the  solid  rock  beneath  the  temple  rendered  such 
remarkable  foundations  useless  and  impossible  to  execute.  Streber, 
also  seeking  to  uphold  the  Biblical  authority,  would  have  it  that  the 
120  cubits  was  obtained  by  adding  together  the  heights  of  two  py- 
lons. But  this  is  no  less  inadmissible,  apart  from  the  extreme  im- 
probability of  heights  having  been  given  in  so  unwonted  a  manner; 
the  portal  appears,  from  its  narrow  width,  to  have  been  a  single 
tower,  and  not  divided,  like  those  of  Egypt,  into  two  separate  py- 
lons. It  is  at  least  probable,  however,  that  the  structure  rose  above 
the  main  building ;  like  the  pylons  of  Egypt,  it  must  have  had  a 
marked  talus,  and  without  doubt  a  cornice  of  scotia  and  roundlet,  as 
these  forms  appear  upon  the  monumental  tombs  of  Siloam  {Fig.  104) 
— the  oldest  of  Palestine — and  as  this  cornice  was  common  in  Phoe- 
nicia, and  appears  also  in  Assyria,  upon  the  temple  terrace  of  Kisr 
Sargon,  and  in  Persia,  over  door  and  window  openings.  The  en- 
trance, 14  cubits  broad,  was  probably  diminished  as  its  walls  ascend- 
ed, sloping  like  the  outer  angle  of  the  elevation,  so  that  the  con- 
struction of  the  lintel  presents  little  difficulty,  especially  when  we 
consider  the  enormous  stones  employed  in  the  restoration  of  the 
building  by  Herod,  some  of  which  Josephus  relates  to  have  been  5 
and  6  cubits  broad  and  thick,  and  45  (')  cubits  long.  Above  the 
lintel  the  same  principle  of  a  relieving  triangle  seems  to  have  been 
practised,  as  may  be  observed  in  various  parts  of  Egypt  and  in  My- 


SOLOMON'S  TEMPLE.  1 53 

keniE :  the  blocks  over  the  door  did  not  lie  directly  upon  the  lintel, 
but  gradually  approached  from  both  sides  above  the  jambs,  leaving 
between  them  a  gable-shaped  opening,  which  was  closed,  in  order  to 
spare  the  beam  beneath,  by  only  a  slab  of  marble,  as  at  Mykenae,  or 
by  light,  thin  masonry.  This  method  of  construction  is  indicated 
by  the  mention  that  a  golden  candlestick,  dedicated  by  Queen  Hel- 
ena, was  so  placed  over  the  temple  entrance  as  to  be  shone  upon 
by  the  sun ;  and  especially  bv  thr  ri'fftr'fnyf  t^  n  trinngle  rvistin];' 

nver  \he  Hnnr  whirh  nppned  into  the  holv  nf  hnllfiS.      The  first  gate 

had  jambs  of  olive-wood  and  movable  doors  of  cypress,  both  over- 
laid with  gold.  It  led  to  the  larger  hall,  20  cubits  broad,  40  cubits 
long,  and  30  cubits  high ;  to  which  adjoined  the  holy  of  holies,  a 
cubical  space  of  20  cubits  side.  The  access  to  this,  permitted  in 
rare  instances,  was  through  a  richly  carved  door,  overlaid  with  gold 
and  draped  with  a  magnificent  curtain.  The  separating  wall  was 
of  gilded  cedar.  These  two  halls  were  surrounded  upon  all  sides, 
with  the  exception  of  the  front,  by  a  large  number  of  small  cham- 
bers, in  three  stories,  lighted  from  without  by  three  rows  of  win- 
dows. These  secondary  sacristies  were  each  5  cubits  in  height  with- 
in, and,  with  their  ceilings,  must  have  attained  an  altitude  of  20  cu- 
bits. The  holy  of  holies  was  consequently  entirely  surrounded,  and 
must  have  been  without  windows,  and  dark.  The  larger  space  still 
rose  10  cubits  above  this  side  structure,  and  in  this  clerestory  its 
windows,  which  are  especially  mentioned,  must  have  found  place. 
The  flat  roof,  or,  rather,  the  terraces  upon  different  heights  of  which 
it  was  composed,  mounted  from  the  holy  of  holies  to  the  portal 
tower  in  steps  somewhat  more  than  20,  30,  and  perhaps  60  cubits 
high.  According  to  Eupolemo  (Eusebius),  the  covering  was  of  cop- 
per sheathing. 

The  temple  bore  an  upper  story,  explicitly  described  by  Josephus, 
as  it  appeared  after  Herod's  reconstruction  of  the  building,  but 
which  is  only  once  mentioned  before  his  time,  with  the  remark  that 
these  upper  chambers  were  overlaid  with  gold  (2  Chron.  iii.  9).  The 
height  of  this  second  story  is  evident  from  Josephus,  who  gives  60 
cubits  as  the  total  elevation  of  the  building,  while  the  space  be- 
neath it  had  but  30  cubits  in  this  dimension.  In  regard  to  the 
extent  of  its  plan,  it  must  be  assumed  that  it  was  not  built  above  the 


154  PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND   ASIA   MINOR. 

lateral  chambers  or  the  holy  of  holies,  as  the  height  of  the  princi- 
pal  hall  was  far  greater  than  that  of  the  chambers ;  this  would  have 
made  the  upper  story  on  entirely  different  levels,  and  have  required 
staircases  large  enough  to  occupy  the  whole  of  the  space  above  the 
20  square  cubits  of  the  holy  of  holies ;  and  the  height  of  this  cham- 
ber would,  upon  the  exterior,  have  become  thrice  that  of  its  length 
and  breadth — namely,  60  cubits.  Such  deformities,  impracticable  of 
execution,  without  purpose,  and  offending  all  sense  of  fitness  and 
beauty,  may  be  rejected  when  the  authorities  for  them  are  indefinite 
and  contradictory,  or,  as  is  the  case  with  Maimonides  (1190  A.D.), 
are  assuredly  unauthentic.  It  is  probable  that  the  upper  story  was 
built  only  upon  the  ceiling  of  the  larger  hall ;  and  that  it  was  not 
formed  of  the  massive  materials  employed  for  the  walls  of  the  low- 
er temple,  but,  as  is  indicated  by  the  statement  that  these  upper 
chambers  were  overlaid  with  gold,  was  built  lightly  of  wood.  Such 
a  manner  of  construction  would  have  permitted  a  passage  to  be  left 
around  it  in  the  width  of  the  hall  ceiling,  thus  uniting  the  suitabili- 
ty and  the  aesthetic  advantages  of  a  terraced  form,  and  agreeing  with 
Mesopotamian  and  Persian  analogies.  The  suggestion  may  even  be 
ventured  that  it  was  by  a  misunderstanding  connected  with  these 
upper  chambers  that  the  fabulous  height  of  120  cubits  was  origi- 
nally assigned  to  the  portal  tower,  which,  perhaps,  was  regarded  as 
twice  the  height  of  the  principal  hall ;  if  the  elevation  of  the  lower 
hall  and  the  upper  story  had  been  taken  together,  if  60  cubits  had 
been  doubled  in  the  place  of  30,  this  would  account  for  the  120  cu- 
bits taking  the  place  of  the  more  probable  60. 

The  lower  walls  of  the  temple  were  built  of  hewn  blocks  of  white 
marble.  The  remarkable  statement  that  a  layer  of  cypress  or  cedar 
beams  always  followed  upon  one  of  stone  cannot  be  explained  oth- 
erwise than  as  a  reference  to  the  interior  revetment  of  the  masonry 
with  wood.  The  wall  of  the  court,  where  the  beams  are  said  to 
have  followed  three  courses  of  stone,  must  be  considered  as  of  triple 
thickness,  its  quarried  blocks  being  hidden  by  a  sheathing,  like  that 
of  the  temple.  The  statement  that  the  ceiling  joists  of  the  small- 
er surrounding  chambers  were  not  sunk  into  the  stone  wall  itself, 
but  were  borne  upon  the  beams,  now  becomes  intelligible;  they 
rested   upon  the  studding  of  the  wooden  revetment.     The  entire 


SOLOMON'S  TEMPLE.  I^r 

interior  of  the  temple,  exclusive  of  the  passage  through  the  porti- 
co, is  particularly  asserted  to  have  been  provided  with  this  sheath- 
ing. The  partition  between  the  holy  of  holies  and  the  principal 
hall  was  probably  altogether  of  wood,  as  here  only  the  two  revet- 
ments were  visible.  Upon  these  walls  were  sculptured  ornaments 
overlaid  with  beaten  gold.  This  wood-carving,  with  its  surface  of 
sheet-metal,  here  took  the  place  of  the  sculptured  and  painted  dec- 
oration upon  the  walls  of  Nineveh ;  it  is  in  this  point  that  the  chief 
diflerence  between  the  mural  treatment  of  Upper  Mesopotamia  and 
Phoenicia  appears  to  have  consisted.  Quarries  of  alabaster  were 
common  in  Assyria ;  Mount  Lebanon,  on  the  other  hand,  provided 
the  most  beautiful  wood  for  carving,  and  Phoenician  commerce  pro- 
cured the  metals  for  the  characteristic  beaten  work — the  sphyrela- 
ton. 

The  few  notices  preserved  concerning  the  decorations  of  Solo- 
mon's Temple  prove  them  to  have  been  similar,  in  both  subject  and 
design,  to  those  of  Nineveh  ;  they  represented  cherubim,  palms  (the 
so-called  tree  of  life),  and  floral  wreaths.  It  was  only  in  the  cher- 
ubim and  in  the  oxen  bearing  the  molten  sea  that  the  exercise  of 
sculpture  in  the  full  round  was  at  all  permitted,  and  these  subjects 
did  not  greatly  encourage  the  artistic  study  of  nature.  The  cheru- 
bim stood  in  the  holy  of  holies  as  guardians  of  the  ark  of  the  cove- 
nant. They  were  independent  colossal  figures,  carved  of  olive-wood 
and  overlaid  with  beaten  gold.  They  were  no  longer,  as  in  the  Mo- 
saic tabernacle,  upon  the  lid  of  the  ark — the  mercy-seat — in  a  recum- 
bent or  sitting  position,  but  stood  at  either  side  of  the  holy  coffer, 
and  were  without  doubt  greatly  different  in  style  from  their  prede- 
cessors. In  the  consideration  of  the  cherubim  of  the  tabernacle,  the 
similarity  of  these  works  to  Assyrian  parallels  was  denied,  for  the 
Israelites,  immediately  after  the  exodus,  were  naturally  acquainted 
alone  with  the  artistic  traditions  of  Egypt ;  but  this  was  by  no  means 
the  case  in  the  time  of  Solomon,  when  we  have  to  deal  with  Phoeni- 
cian styles, — that  is  to  say,  with  a  combination  of  various  manners 
of  artistic  conception  and  expression.  The  cherubim  of  Solomon 
may  fairly  be  assumed  to  have  in  the  main  resembled  the  mon- 
strous guardians  of  Assyrian  palaces ;  the  chief  deviation  from  the 
cherubim  of  Nineveh  was  that  their  wings  were  not  folded  closely, 


156  PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND   ASIA   MINOR. 

but  were  outstretched  as  if  for  flight,  so  that  the  tips  of  their  feath- 
ers touched  together  over  the  ark  of  the  sanctuary,  and  extended  to 
the  side  walls  of  the  holy  of  holies,  measuring  ten  cubits  in  entire 
span.  The  ark  of  the  covenant  itself  and  the  other  vessels  of  the 
temple  were  either  overlaid  with  gold  or  were  of  the  solid  metal. 
The  altar  of  incense,  the  shew-bread  table,  and  the  seven-armed  can- 
dlestick remained  as  they  had  been  in  the  tabernacle  ;  to  them  were 
added,  besides  many  less  important  utensils,  ten  further  lamp-holders 
of  gold.  As  the  beaten  metal  not  only  extended  over  all  the  carved 
walls  of  wooden  sheathing,  but  even  covered  the  horizontal  ceiling, 
the  eye  saw  nothing  but  gold — a  decoration  which  the  many-flamed 
candlesticks  must  have  rendered  particularly  brilliant,  but  which  was 
eminently  barbaric,  as  the  metal  was  probably  not  enlivened  by  col- 
ored enamels.  It  is  in  questionable  taste,  even  in  the  most  promi- 
nent members  of  an  architectural  composition,  to  outbid  the  artistic 
expression  of  a  work  by  employing  for  it  a  material  of  too  striking 
intrinsic  value ;  but  it  is  wholly  condemnable  to  paralyze  the  con- 
centrating effect,  which  is  always  attained  by  the  moderate  use  of 
a  very  bright  and  valuable  material,  by  its  universal  employment, 
and  thus  to  lose  the  precious  character  of  the  centre  through  the 
attempted  magnificence  of  the  whole. 

As  is  well  known,  Solomon's  Temple  was  destroyed  at  the  com- 
mand of  the  Babylonian  King  Nebuchadnezzar,  in  587  B.C.  The 
attempt  to  rebuild  it  was  not  entirely  successful  until  Cyrus  ended 
the  Babylonian  exile,  and  not  only  permitted  the  building  to  pro- 
ceed, but  even  returned  the  sacred  utensils,  which  had  been  carried 
off  as  booty,  and  kept  in  the  Temple  of  Bel.  This  reconstruction, 
named,  after  the  ruler,  Zerubbabel,  was  not  completed  until  after 
forty-six  years,  when,  under  Darius,  all  the  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  its  prosecution  were  overcome.  There  is  reason  for  supposing 
that  the  influence  of  Persia  made  itself  felt  upon  the  style  of  the 
new  work,  but  nothing  of  importance  to  the  history  of  art  is  directly 
known  concerning  it.  The  magnificent  restoration  of  Herod,  com- 
menced in  16  or  15  B.C.,  was  executed  in  ten  years,  to  be  destroyed 
within  a  century  by  Titus,  so  that,  literally,  not  one  stone  remained 
upon  the  other.  The  remodelled  temple  is  not  important  to  the 
history  of  Phoenician -Israelitic  art;  though  the  original  plan  and 


PALESTINE.  157 

arrangement  were  in  the  main  preserved,  its  style  became  a  debase- 
ment of  the  Greek  and  Roman  orders.  The  gigantic  platform,  the 
site  of  the  building  with  which  so  many  remarkable  events  are  con- 
nected, will  always  continue  to  be  of  peculiar  interest  in  the  history 
of  the  world's  development. 

The  description  of  Solomon's  palace  given  by  the  Scriptures  is  too 
vague  to  convey  any  adequate  conception  of  it.  It  was  a  building 
extended  by  columns  and  provided  with  an  upper  story:  the  shafts 
were  of  cedar-wood  ;  their  form  is  not  mentioned.  The  walls  were 
of  stone,  hewn  rectangularly,  as  might  be  expected  from  the  similar 
masonry  of  the  temple.  The  cedar  beams  of  the  ceiling  must  be 
supposed,  agreeably  to  Solomon's  preference  for  costly  materials,  to 
have  been  overlaid  with  gold.  There  is  nothing  in  these  descrip- 
tions to  suggest  Persian  arrangement  or  details,  which  did  not  de- 
velop from  Assyrian  methods  of  building  until  four  centuries  later. 
As  the  Phoenician  architecture  of  this  epoch  can  be  compared  to 
that  of  no  younger  land  than  Mesopotamia,  and  as  the  plans  of  the 
known  Assyrian  palaces  are  provided  with  no  halls  of  columns,  it  is 
natural  to  seek  for  the  origin  of  the  hypostyle  disposition  in  Egyp- 
tian elements,  which,  in  other  respects,  take  so  important  a  place  in 
the  development  of  Israelitic  art.  Buildings  of  wood  overlaid  with 
metal  are,  on  the  other  hand,  peculiarly  characteristic  of  the  Syrian 
coast. 

All  this  magnificence  has  totally  disappeared,  and  it  would  be 
natural  to  expect  that,  as  in  other  parts  of  Western  Asia,  the  rock- 
cut  tombs  in  the  vicinity  of  Jerusalem,  preserved  by  their  indestruct- 
ibility, would  give  the  most  direct  and  trustworthy  information  con- 
cerning the  Phoenician  -  Israelitic  style.  But  the  more  ancient  of 
these  monuments — those  erected  before  the  time  of  the  Seleucidae — 
are  of  such  extreme  simplicity  that,  from  lack  of  detail,  they  convey 
no  understanding  of  Phoenician  columns  and  entablatures,  nor,  in- 
deed, of  any  characteristic  architectural  forms.  A  simple  stairway 
leads  to  the  smaller  grotto  graves,  which,  excavated  in  the  cliff,  were 
once  closed  by  slabs  of  stones.  Their  plan  is  generally  square,  the 
ceiling  cut  to  the  form  of  a  flat  barrel-vault.  In  the  larger  family 
sepulchres  the  burial-chambers  are  grouped  around  an  antechamber, 
the  bodies  in  them  being  placed  upon  stone  benches  or  pushed  into 


158 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND    ASIA   MINOR. 


coffin-like  niches.  When  the  entrance  is  at  all  architecturally  char- 
acterized upon  the  exterior,  which  is  of  comparatively  rare  occur- 
rence, it  displays  the  heavy  Egyptian  scotia  and  roundlet  {Fig.  104),  or 
a  simple  framing  with  a  gable  and  a  ridge  acroterium  of  double  vo- 
lutes, like  the  rock-cut  tombs  of  Phrygia.  {Fig.  105.)  Where  there  is 
carved  foliage  in  the  gables  and  friezes,  as  upon  the  so-called  tombs 
of  the  judges  and  kings,  these  are  the  conventional  traces  of  a  later 
period,  though  these  ornaments  frequently  retain  in  design  and  exe- 
cution the  peculiar  dry  angularity  characteristic  of  the  imitation  of 
beaten  metal  which  is  so  universal  in  Phoenicia. 


Fig.  104. — Rock-cut  Tomb  of  Siloam. 


Fig.  105. — Rock-cut  Tomb  of  Hinnom. 


The  influence  of  Greece  and  Rome  is  distinctly  betrayed  in  the 
so-called  Tomb  of  Jacob,  the  pretended  sepulchres  of  the  kings, 
and  the  tombs  attributed,  without  reason,  to  Absalom  and  Zacha- 
riah.  These  monuments,  some  of  which  have  been  cut  entirely  from 
the  native  rock,  are  ornamented  by  Doric  friezes  with  Roman  disks 
in  the  metopes,  and  by  Doric  and  Ionic  columns  and  engaged  shafts, 
which  reproduced  the  debased  forms  which  characterize  the  treat- 
ment of  Greek  architecture  under  the  Romans.  Yet  in  all  this  there 
are  still  traces  of  national  peculiarities.  At  times  vegetable  orna- 
ments, grapes  and  grape-leaves,  pomegranates,  ivy,  laurel,  and  acorns 
fill  the  tympanon  and  the  frieze,  interrupted  by  the  triglyphs.     The 


CARTHAGE.  I  jq 

general  form  of  the  two  last  -  named  tombs  is  peculiar.  That  of 
Zachariah  is  a  cube  of  a  little  over  5  m.  on  the  side ;  that  of  Absa- 
lom of  almost  7  m.  They  are  ornamented  by  pilasters  and  debased 
Ionic  engaged  shafts,  and  have  heavy  cornices  of  the  Egyptian  round- 
let  and  scotia,  to  which  is  added,  upon  the  Tomb  of  Absalom,  a  late 
Doric  frieze.  The  former  is  concluded  by  a  pyramid,  3.6  m.  high, 
cut  also  from  the  native  rock,  a  termination  which  gives  to  the  gen-" 
eral  form  a  certain  similarity  to  the  Tomb  of  Amrith  known  as  the 
Snail-tower.  The  latter  supports  upon  the  cube  a  smaller  and  much 
lower  mass  of  masonry,  built  of  quarried  stones,  and  bearing  upon  a 
doubly  stepped  cylindrical  base  a  cone  of  concave  outline,  which 
terminates,  at  a  height  of  13.5  m.  above  the  ground,  in  a  clumsy, 
tulip-like  flower.  The  entrance  to  the  burial-chamber  cut  in  the 
rock  substructure  of  Absalom's  tomb  has  been  broken  in  above  the 
scotia  cornice ;  the  traces  of  nails  upon  the  walls  of  the  small  space 
point  to  the  customary  sheathing  of  metal.  Notwithstanding  such 
isolated  reminiscences  of  indigenous — that  is  to  say,  Phoenician  — 
manners  of  building,  it  is  impossible  to  agree  with  several  noted  au- 
thorities  in  recognizing,  in  the  Doric  and  Ionic  details  which  appear 
combined  with  them,  predecessors  and  models  of  the  Hellenic  de- 
velopment of  these  styles.  Such  prototypes  should  least  be  sought 
among  a  people  who,  possessing  no  art  of  their  own,  did  but  borrow 
from  their  neighbors.  And,  moreover,  these  forms  appear  by  no 
means  to  be  primitive  attempts,  but  clearly  exhibit  the  lifelessness 
and  debasement  of  the  latest  period  of  Greek  architectural  history. 
These  monuments  may  safely  be  ascribed  to  the  last  two  centu- 
ries B.C.  Although  the  Corinthian  order  almost  entirely  superseded 
the  older  styles  in  Italy  during  the  time  of  the  Caesars,  these  provin- 
cial Doric  and  Ionic  forms  may  still  be  assumed  to  date  rather  from 
the  later  than  from  the  earlier  half  of  this  period. 

Palestine,  in  the  history  of  art,  may  be  regarded  as  a  domain  of 
Phoenicia,  and  the  same  thing  may  be  said  of  Cyprus  and  of  Car- 
thage. All  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Mediterranean,  lying  as  it  did 
between  the  great  powers  of  civilization  in  the  valley  of  the  Nile 
and  the  plain  of  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris,  seemed  destined  by  nat- 
ure, as  we  have  seen,  to  combine  the  artistic  peculiarities  of  Egypt 
and  Assyria.     Cyprus,  in  a  somewhat  similar  position,  shared  the 


i6o 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND   ASIA   MINOR. 


PhcEnician  civilization  and  was  also  exposed  to  the  influence  of  the 
Greeks,  especially  to  that  of  the  Dorians,  who  had  founded  colonies 
upon  the  southern  islands  of  the  ^gean,  and  who  early  possessed 
a  stronghold  in  Crete.  It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that  upon  the 
rock-cut  tombs  of  Cyprus  the  Doric  style  of  architecture  was  not 
restricted  to  the  late  and  debased  forms  found  upon  the  tombs  near 
Jerusalem,  but  may  occasionally  be  met  with  in  a  very  primitive 
state  of  development.  An  instance  of  this  is  offered  by  a  tomb 
near  Paphos.  {Fig.  io6.)  In  general,  the  position  of  the  island  ex- 
posed it  more  to  the  influence  of  Egypt  than  of  Mesopotamia ;  it 
is  not  evident  in  how  marked  a  degree  this  was  felt.     Of  the  chief 


Fig.  io6. — Tomb  at  Paphos  in  Cyprus. 

Phcenician  sanctuary  upon  Cyprus — the  Temple  of  Astarte  at  Pa- 
phos—  there  exist  only  insufficient  representations  upon  coins  and 
upon  an  engraved  gem  of  the  Museo  Pio-Clementino.  These  prove 
no  more  than  that,  within  a  circular  enclosure  of  lattice-work,  there 
stood  a  tall  structure  towering  above  low  side-buildings,  which  were 
supported,  like  porticos,  upon  columns.  Two  Egyptian  shafts  ap- 
pear to  have  been  placed  before  the  entrance,  without  function  as 
supports,  and,  like  Jachin  and  Boaz,  without  strictly  architectural 
purpose.  Still  less  is  known  of  the  temples  of  Amathus  and  Gol- 
goi.  It  is  hardly  probable  that  the  remains  of  a  building  discovered 
by  General  Cesnola  in  the  village  of  Atienu,  near  the  present  port 
of  Larnaka  (the  Biblical  Chitim  and  Greek  Kition)  are  those  of  the 


CYPRUS. 


I6l 


world-famed  Temple  of  Aphrodite  at  Golgoi.  The  structure  seems 
rather  to  have  been  a  treasure-house,  in  some  way  connected  with 
the  great  temple,  which  once  contained,  with  the  votive  statues 
there  discovered,  other  objects  belonging  to  the  temenos.  The  ob- 
long plan  with  irregular  entrances,  the  bareness  of  its  walls,  and 
especially  the  carelessly  arranged  pedestals  which  filled  the  space 
within,  seem  to  point  to  its  original  destination  as  that  of  a  mag- 
azine. The  only  objects  of  architectural  interest  discovered  in  these 
remains  are  the  columns  which  flank  the  doors,  in  a  position  corre- 
sponding  to  that  of  the  columns  of  the  Mosaic  tabernacle.  The 
bases,  found  in  position,  are  channelled  like  those  of  Persia.    The 


Fig.  107. — Cyprian  Pilaster  Capitals. 

shafts  and  capitals  are  not  preserved.  The  form  of  the  latter  may 
perhaps  be  surmised  from  a  comparison  of  fragments  in  the  Cesnola 
collection  {Fig.  107),  analogous  to  the  capitals  of  Mashnaka,  to  the 
double  spirals  of  Assyrian  architecture,  and  to  the  descriptions 
given  of  the  lily-capitals  of  Solomon's  Temple. 

Cesnola's  discoveries  upon  Cyprus  are  more  important  in  sculpt- 
ural than  in  architectural  respects,  and  are  worthy  to  rank  with 
those  of  Botta,  Layard,  and  Schliemann,  The  chief  works  are  lime- 
stone statues  of  various  sizes.  To  these  are  added,  from  the  inves- 
tigations of  other  ruins,  doubtless  of  tombs,  a  great  number  of  mi- 
nor articles :  terra-cotta  figures,  vases  and  lamps,  and  various  objects 
of  glass,  metal,  etc.  These  works  are  easily  divided  into  two  great 
groups,  each  of  peculiar  style,  with  which  the  inscriptions  that  have 

IT 


1 62 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND   ASIA   MINOR. 


been  discovered  agree  in  general  character  and  in  relative  number 
Among  the  eighty-five  inscriptions  found  up  to  1870,  thirty-three 
are  Greek,  twenty  Phoenician,  and  thirty-twc  Cyprian.  The  styles 
of  Phoenician  and  Cyprian  sculpture  resemble  each  other  far  more 
closely  than  did  the  languages  of  those  countries,  so  that  in  the  com- 
parative rarity  of  examples  it  is  difficult 
to  distinguish  the  origin  of  these  works. 
They  show  a  kind  of  compromise  be- 
tween Egyptian,  Syrian  (Assyrian),  and 
early  Greek  methods  —  a  combination 
agreeing  with  the  geographical  position 
of  the  island,  and  with  the  descent  and 
history  of  its  inhabitants.  All  Cyprian 
sculpture  shows,  in  so  far  as  it  is  not 
influenced  by  a  reflection  of  the  later 
Greek  and  Roman  forms,  the  Phoenician 
style  which  has  been  described  as  devel- 
oped from  beaten  metal-work  ;  this  is  ev- 
ident even  in  the  stone  carvings.  {Figs. 
108  and  109.) 

The  destruction  of  Carthage  is  as  fa- 
mous for  its  completeness  as  that  of  Je- 
rusalem, which,  indeed,  it  resembled  in 
other  respects,  and  it  is  natural  that  but 
few  traces  of  this  magnificent  Queen  of 
the  Sea  should  have  been  preserved. 
Recent  French  and  English  investiga- 
tions under  Bente  and  Davis  describe 
the  considerable  remains  of  the  fortifi- 
cation walls  of  the  Byrsa,  built  of  colos- 
sal blocks  of  tufa.  Their  great  thickness, 
10  m.,  permitted  the  formation  of  semi- 
circular chambers  in  three  superposed  stories,  which,  being  acces- 
sible from  within,  served  as  casemates  and  magazines.  The  nu- 
merous rock-cut  tombs  are,  as  in  Phoenicia,  provided  with  steps 
from  above,  and  form  an  oblong  crypt,  about  which  the  deep  niches 
for  the  reception  of  bodies  are  grouped. 


Fig.  108. — Votive  Figure  from  Cy 
prus. 


MALTA    AND   SARDINIA.  163 

The  remains  of  barbaric  temples  upon  Malta  and  the  neighbor- 
ing islands  are  of  subordinate  importance,  if  indeed  they  are  to  be 
mentioned  at  all,  in  the  consideration  of  Phoenician  art.  The  dou- 
ble temple  upon  Gozo  is  the  most  important  of  them.  It  consists 
of  two  adjoining  spaces,  each  concluded  by  a  semicircular  apse,  hav- 
ing upon  both  sides  similar  niches,  so  that  the  entire  enclosure  ap- 
pears as  a  combination  of  apses  around  an  oblong.  The  pavement 
is  partly  of  rectangular  blocks,  so  stepped  as  to  show  an  interior  di- 
vision ;  but  the  Cyclopean  masonry  of  the  walls  is  so  rough  that,  in 
its  entire  lack  of  ornamental  treatment,  the 
structure  has  but  little  interest  for  the  history 
of  art,  and  permits  no  conclusions  concerning 
Phoenician  architecture,  which  elsewhere  pro- 
duced such  incomparable  masonry  of  hewn 
stones. 

The  funeral  monuments  of  the  remaining 
Punic  lands,  of  the  Balearic  Isles,  and  notably 
of  Sardinia,  though  of  greater  artistic  value, 
are  fully  as  uncertain  in  their  origin.  Their 
form  is  at  times  like  that  of  the  monuments 
of  Amrith ;  yet  they  may  very  possibly  be 
of  Etruscan  derivation,  for,  apart  from  their 
resemblance  to  the  tombs  of  Etruria,  they 
are  almost  exclusively  upon  the  eastern 
coast  of  Sardinia,  the  side  turned  towards 
Italy,  while  the  Phoenicians  would  more  nat- 
urally have  come  in  contact  with  the  west- 
ern part  of  the  island. 

The  most  advanced  outpost  of  the  extended  civilization  of 
Phoenicia  was  Asia  Minor.  Under  the  dominion  of  the  Seleucidae 
and  of  the  Romans,  the  influence  of  Greek  art  was  so  felt  upon  the 
Syrian  coast,  and  even  as  far  as  the  banks  of  the  Tigris,  that  pure- 
ly national  works  of  architecture  and  sculpture  are  comparatively 
rare.  But  this  influence  was  doubly  great  in  the  land  of  which, 
from  the  earliest  times,  the  lonians  had  possessed  the  seaboard,  and 
where  they  had  founded  a  number  of  flourishing  cities  which  had 
attained  to  a  degree  of  prosperity  and  culture  not  less  than  that  of 


Fig.  109. — Cyprian  Head. 


164 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND   ASIA   MINOR. 


their  relatives  upon  the  peninsula  of  the  Peloponnesos.  Yet,  al- 
though Ionian  art  bore  some  of  its  finest  fruit  upon  Asiatic  soil, 
and  from  roots  which  may  partly  be  traced  back  to  Mesopotamia, 
this  can  be  historically  treated  only  in  connection  with  the  civiliza- 
tion of  Greece  and  its  common  origin  and  development.  Hellenic 
Asia  Minor  and  the  countries  under  its  influence  —  that  is  to  say, 
the  coasts  and  islands  of  the  ^gean,  Propontis  and  Pontus — cannot 
be  separately  considered.  All  the  sculpture  of  these  regions  must 
therefore  be  reserved  for  a  later  page ;  but  there  are  a  few  archi- 
tectural monuments  of  the  southern  coast  and  of  the  interior  which 

require  our  present  attention 
as  being  peculiarly  national. 
Yet  even  in  these  territories, 
divided  according  to  their  an- 
cient population  into  Lycia, 
Phrygia,  and  Lydia,  all  the 
monumental  architecture  was 
greatly  affected  by  the  long 
Asiatic  sway  of  the  Diadochi, 
and  by  the  military  power  of 
Rome.  The  temples  and  pub- 
lic edifices  gave  up  their  na- 
tional peculiarities  for  man- 
ners of  building  characteristic 
of  Greece  and  Rome.  It  was 
Fig.  no.— Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Antiphellos.       ^^^y  j„  ^^^  tombs  that  original 

conceptions  retained  a  stubborn  hold.  These,  when  cut  in  the  rock, 
became  imitations  of  the  dwellings  of  the  country.  Types  of  house 
construction  were  represented  which  had  been  determined  by  the  cli- 
matic necessities  and  by  different  building  materials  of  each  province. 
By  their  massive  simplicity  and  by  the  popular  consideration  that 
a  changeless  dwelling  best  suited  the  quiet  repose  of  the  dead, 
the  rock -cut  tombs  retained  their  primitive  peculiarities  without 
sensible  alteration,  being  exposed  only  to  unimportant  modifica- 
tions. Little  reference  was  made  in  them  to  the  advance  of  ar- 
tistic or  constructional  methods  from  age  to  age.  Though  we 
have  to  deal  exclusively  with  the  tombs  of  the  country,  they  al- 


LYCIA. 


165 


low  US  to  draw  conclusions  concerning  the  appearance  of  other 
buildings,  whether  temples  or  dwellings,  which  they  had  taken  as 
their  models. 

Next  to  the  PhcEnician  coast,  and  opposite  Phoenician  Cyprus, 
lies  Lycia,  embracing  the  greater  part  of  the  southern  sea-line  of 
Asia  Minor.  It  calls  for  chief  consideration  because  of  its  almost 
numberless  tombs,  some  of  which  are  admirably  preserved,  and  be- 
cause of  their  instructive  variety.  Entire  cliffs,  like  the  Necropolis 
of  Myra,  shown  in  Fig.  93  at  the  head  of  this  section,  are  literally 
covered  with  such  monumental  fa9ades,  picturesquely  grouped  ac- 
cording to  the  natural  configuration  of  the  rock.  The  greater  num- 
ber are  excavated  grottoes, 
the  fronts  of  which  are  care- 
ful imitations  of  timbered 
houses.  They  might  be  call- 
ed log-house  tombs  if  other 
than  the  roof  beams  were  of 
unsquared  trunks.  The  inter- 
stices between  the  framing, 
when  not  remaining  open  as 
an  entrance,  are  closed  by 
panels.  The  individuality  of 
these  monuments  is  as  mark- 
ed as  could  have  been  possi- 
ble among  the  dwellings  of 
Lycian  mountaineers,  whose 
wealth  was  not  great,  and  whose  architectural  demands  did  not 
much  vary.  An  exact  imitation  of  the  ingenious  carpentry  is  cut 
in  the  rock  down  to  the  smallest  detail :  the  stiles  of  the  pan- 
elling, the  round  unhewn  timbers  of  the  roof,  the  clamping  and 
dovetailing  of  the  beams,  and  the  primitive  tree-nails  with  which 
these  are  secured  are  shown  with  the  greatest  distinctness.  The 
appearance  of  the  whole,  when  intact,  must  have  resembled  a  petri- 
fied village.  These  groups  of  tombs  are  among  the  most  curious 
and  striking  remains  of  antiquity.  The  attempt  was  made  by  sev- 
eral races  of  early  civilization  to  prepare  a  funeral-chamber  which 
should  resemble  as  closely  as  possible  the  dwellings  inhabited  dur- 


Fig.  1 1 1. — Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Antiphellos. 


1 66 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND   ASIA   MINOR. 


ing  life ;  but  this  intention  was  not  elsewhere  so  thoroughly  carried 
out,  and  never  resulted  in  so  piquant  a  contradiction  to  the  material 
in  which  it  was  executed.  The  native  rock  was  made  completely 
to  deny  its  nature,  and  to  present  the  image  of  a  distinctively  wood- 
en construction.  Upon  abrupt  cliffs  this  was  usually  restricted  to 
a  facade,  which  at  times  was  very  simple,  but  quite  characteristic, 


Fig.  112. — Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Myra. 


as  in  a  tomb  at  Antiphellos  {Fig.  no),  where  the  wooden  framing 
underneath  the  flat  projecting  roof  forms  two  windows,  left  open 
as  entrances  to  the  cavern.  A  somewhat  more  complicated  ex- 
ample is  shown  by  another  tomb  of  this  site  {Fig.  iii),  which  is 
especially  remarkable  on  account  of  the  carefully  imitated  coping 
of  the  cross-beams.  In  this  case  only  one  of  the  door  and  window 
panels  is  open,  and  a  gabled  roof  appears,  which  seems  to  have  been 


LYCIA.  ,67 

customary  in  Asia  Minor,  and  to  some  degree  in  Phoenicia.  The 
framing  of  an  interior  or  of  side  walls  is  also  shown  by  the  stone 
imitation,  as  in  the  case  of  a  fine  example  at  Myra  {Fig.  112),  which 
seems  to  illustrate  the  utmost  limit  of  the  style.  But  here  the 
contradiction  between  the  form  and  the  material  is  so  glaring  that 
the  curious  elegance  of  the  result  does  not  redeem  it.  The  re- 
peating of  wooden  constructions  in  stone  without  any  modifica- 
tion —  which  is  at  first  sight,  and  in  less  extent,  pleasing  and  piqu- 
ant —  has  here  become  disagreeably  obtrusive.  This  is  still  more 
striking  upon  the  rarer  monumental  sarcophagi  at  Phellos  and 
Myra,  where  the  block -house  is  carved  in  the  full  round  from 
the  native  rock.  These  works  represent 
the  wooden  model  upon  all  four  sides, 
so  completely  and  conscientiously  that 
it  would  be  possible,  by  their  aid,  to  re- 
construct the  dwelling-house  of  a  Ly- 
cian  mountaineer  in  wood  —  to  repeat 
from  such  a  petrified  copy  the  original, 
though  its  frail  materials  perished  more 
than  twenty  centuries  ago.  It  is  curious 
how  greatly  the  present  huts  of  the  coun- 
try resemble  their  antique  predecessors. 

Near  these  tombs,  in  some  instances 
even  connected  with  them,  though  usu- 
ally independent,  stand  upright  monu- 
ments of  the  nature  of  obelisks,  but  with  an  upper  member  charac- 
teristic of  Lycia.  In  place  of  the  pyramidal  point  of  Egypt,  or  of 
the  hemispherical  or  stepped  termination  of  Phoenicia  and  Assyria, 
there  is  here  a  cornice  of  projecting  slabs,  upon  which  rests  a  small 
but  comparatively  high  block.  The  most  important  example  is 
that  known  as  the  Monument  of  the  Harpies  {Fig.  113),  now  in  con- 
siderable part  transported  to  the  Lycian  Hall  of  the  British  Mu- 
seum. It  consisted  of  a  gigantic  monolith  bearing  a  small  burial- 
chamber,  the  enclosing  slabs  of  which  were  ornamented  by  the  fa- 
mous reliefs,  so  important  in  the  history  of  Greek  sculpture. 

The  third  group  of  Lycian  sepulchral  monuments,  the  smaller 
sarcophagi,  is  the  most  numerous,  forming  at  times  an  extended 


Fig.  1 13. — So-called  Monument  of 
the  Harpies  at  Xanthos. 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND  ASIA  MINOR. 


necropolis.  Though  the  majority  are  not  free  from  Hellenic  influ- 
ences, they  yet  generally  maintain  the  peculiar  national  characteris- 
tics, being  imitations  of  wooden  constructions  somewhat  similar  to 
the  rock-cut  tombs.  The  lid  in  some  instances  appears  to  be  of 
slat-work,  and,  instead  of  the  semicircular  gable  common  in  Phoeni- 
cia, presents  a  pointed  arch.  The  cornice  dentils  distinctly  betray 
their  derivation  from  the  projecting  ceiling  beams,  which,  upon  the 
block-house  tombs,  had  still  preserved  the  round  form  of  unhewn 

timbers.  A  tomb  at  Antiphellos 
(Fig.  1 14)  has  a  channel  cut  upon 
the  summit  of  the  lid,  probably 
to  serve  as  a  socket  for  the 
ridge  -  crestings.  The  heads  of 
lions  and  other  projecting  or- 
naments upon  the  sides  enrich 
the  architectural  treatment.  The 
monument  cannot  be  spoken  of 
as  a  sarcophagus,  in  the  true 
sense  of  the  word,  for  its  lid  was 
not  movable,  the  body  being  in- 
troduced from  the  front,  where 
window -like  openings  were  pro- 
vided for  the  purpose. 

A  fourth  class  of  Lycian  rock- 
cut  tombs,  those  with  a  facade 
resembling  a  small  temple  -  front, 
is  of  particular  interest  to  the 
history  of  architecture.  Many 
among  these  display  the  influence  of  a  late  Hellenic  period,  yet 
some  preserve  such  primitive  forms  as  to  make  it  certain  that 
Lycia  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  development  of  the  Ionic 
style — that  the  southern  coast  of  Asia  Minor  was  an  important  sta- 
tion, marking  the  advance  of  artistic  culture  from  Mesopotamia  to 
the  ^gean  Sea.  These  tombs  generally  represent  the  front  of  a 
temple  in  antis — that  is  to  say,  of  a  portico  with  two  columns  be- 
tween the  advanced  side  walls.  The  predominant  Ionic  forms  are 
singularly  primitive  in  the  capital  and  entablature,  the  greater  num- 


Fig.  114. — Sarcophagus  at  Antiphellos. 


LYCIA.  ,69 

ber  of  the  examples  showing  no  trace  of  the  decline  of  the  style,  or 
of  the  Roman  type,  so  easily  recognizable  by  the  formal  character 
of  the  details.  These  differ  greatly,  and  seem  to  show  the  experi- 
ments of  an  early  period  of  development,  which  may  still  have  been 
contemporaneous  with  a  far  higher  advance  of  the  style  upon  the 
more  northern  coasts  of  the  ^Egean  Sea  and  Sporades,  being  influ- 
enced in  a  different  degree  by  the  same  Western  Asiatic  motives. 
The  important  combination  which  characterizes  the  perfection  of 
Ionic  architecture  —  the  con- 
junction of  the  volute  with 
the  Doric  echinos  beneath  it 
— does  not  appear  upon  these 
capitals ;  the  spiral  has  not  a 
graceful  curve,  and  the  con- 
traction of  the  side  rolls  of 
the  volute  is  lacking;  the  ab- 
acus is  badly  profiled,  and  the 
shafts  are  often  joined  without 
a  curve  to  the  clumsy  bases. 
(Compare  Fig.  116.)  As  was 
always  the  case  among  the 
Orientals,  who  knew  of  no  in- 
dependent gable  and  roof  for- 
mation above  the  ceiling,  the 
entablature  consisted  of  only 
two  members,  —  the  epistyle, 
uniting  the  columns,  and  the 
terminating  cornice.  The  triple 


Fig.  115. — Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Telmissos. 


division  of  the  entablature,  of  so  marked  importance  in  the  per- 
fected style,  was  not  known  ;  even  the  two  members  here  occurring 
were  not  sharply  defined,  and  the  dentils  of  the  cornice  were  fully 
developed  at  a  time  when  their  original  constructive  significance 
had  not  yet  been  forgotten  in  their  decorative  application.  The 
gable  acroteria  are  clumsy  knops,  similar  to  the  circular  ridge  or- 
naments and  the  horn-like  corner  pieces  of  Phoenician  monuments. 
In  short,  we  may  trace  in  the  rock -cut  tombs  of  Lycia,  if  not  a 
Prpto-Ionic  style,  yet  a  distinct  parallel  development  of  the  most 


I/O 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND   ASIA    MINOR. 


primitive  Ionic  forms.  These  did  not  exclude  the  influence  of 
Greece,  after  the  full  perfection  of  the  style  had  been  attained,  but 
rather  prepared  its  way.  An  example  of  such  later  semi-Hellenic 
work  may  be  observed  in  the  magnificent  monument  of  Xanthos, 
built  in  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.  as  a  trophy  after 
the  capture  of  Telmissos  by  the  Xanthians.  This  also  has  been  in 
part  transported  to  the  British  Museum.  This  structure  was  not 
cut  from  the  solid  rock,  but  was  built  of  quarried  stones.  It  shows 
the  full  development  of  Ionic  forms.  Upon  a  comparatively  high 
substructure  there  stood  a  cella  surrounded  by  columns — of  a  pe- 
ripteral arrangement  rare  in  Lycia,  where  all  the  tombs  which  rep- 


Fig.  Ii6. — Details  of  Columns  from  Telmissos,  Myra,  and  Antiphellos. 

resent  temples  seem  to  show  that  the  national  places  of  worship, 
like  those  of  Assyria  and  PhcEnicia,  were  restricted  to  a  portico  in 
antis,  the  evolution  of  the  peripteros  being  an  improvement  of  the 
Greeks.  The  naive  originality  observable  in  the  Ionic  does  not  ex- 
ist  in  the  more  isolated  Doric  forms,  although  a  few  very  archaic 
monuments  of  the  latter  style  are  known.  Their  existence  is  ex- 
plained by  the  vicinity  of  Crete,  that  southern  outpost  of  early  Dor- 
ic culture,  as  well  as  by  the  neighboring  Doric  colonies  which  flour- 
ished upon  the  southwestern  extremity  of  Asia  Minor. 

Lycia  appears  to  have  had  but  little  influence  upon  the  other 
countries  of  the  seaboard,  which  were  almost  entirely  Hellenized ; 


PHRYGIA. 


171 


nor  did  its  influence  penetrate  as  far  into  the  interior  country  as 
Phr>'gia,  where  the  civilization  of  the  Greeks  was  introduced  only 
by  way  of  the  Mgean  and  Pontic  coasts.  There  were  neither  fre- 
quented ports  nor  navigable  streams  to  open  the  way.  The  track- 
lessness  of  wooded  mountains  restricted  the  commercial  and  intel- 
lectual horizon  of  the  Phrygians,  who,  as  a  nomadic  people,  were 
contented  with  the  slightest  artistic  exertion.  In  the  same  way  as 
the  Lycian  carved  his  wooden  hut  upon  the  face  of  the  clifif,  that 
he  might  retain  after  his  death  the  beloved  dwelling  of  his  life,  the 
Phrygian  ornamented  the  front  of  his  grotto  graves  by  a  represen- 


Fig.  1 1 7. — So-called  Tomb  of  Midas. 

tation  of  his  movable  house,  the  nomadic  tent.  Only  the  cloth  of 
the  tent,  with  its  woven  pattern,  was  shown ;  its  constructive  ribs, 
not  visible  upon  the  exterior  of  the  original,  were  omitted  from 
the  imitation.  The  most  important  of  these  tomb  frontispieces,  be- 
tween Kiutahija  and  Sivrihissar  upon  the  Saquaria,  which  are  at- 
tributed to  Phrygian  kings,  is  called  by  the  Turks  Yasili-Kaia  (the 
inscribed  stone),  (fig.  117.)  It  is  known  as  the  Tomb  of  Midas 
from  the  one  legible  word,  Midai,  occurring  in  an  unintelligible  in- 
scription. Upon  the  face  of  the  cliff  there  is  cut  a  square  surface, 
II  m.  broad  and  about  9  m.  high,  terminated  above  by  a  low  gable, 


172 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND   ASIA   MINOR. 


which,  with  the  acroterium,  adds  3  m.  to  the  height  of  the  whole. 
The  triangle  is  framed  by  a  light  lattice-work  in  low  relief,  and 
crowned  with  two  volutes,  similar  to  the  circular  ridge  decorations 
of  Phoenician  tombs.  The  tympanon  is  not  carved,  but  probably, 
with  the  entire  front,  was  painted.  The  extensive  rectangular  sur- 
face beneath  is  covered  with  a  complicated  meander  ornament  in 
relief — a  play  of  lines  evidently  taken  from  a  woven  pattern  and  re- 
sembhng  the  decorations  of  Moorish  walls,  where  the  fundamental 
motive  was  also  the  tent -cloth.  The  border  of  this  surface  rep- 
resents, without  conventionalization,  an  e.dging  set  with  precious 

stones,  such  as  may  have  been 
customary  upon  costly  Syrian 
stuffs.  The  small  interior  cham- 
ber was  only  large  enough  for 
^^o5Afp  the  reception  of  a  sarcophagus. 
The  entrance  to  it  was  not 
marked  by  any  architectural 
features  —  even  as  the  tent  it- 
self was  not  provided  with  a 
door — but  the  passage  was  orig- 
inally closed  by  a  slab,  upon  the 
face  of  which  the  woven  pattern 
was  without  doubt  continued. 
A  second  tomb  of  the  vicinity, 
also  marked  by  an  undecipher- 
able inscription,  is  of  similar 
character.     {Fig.  118.)    The  ga- 


Fig.  118. — Phrygian  Rock-cut  Tomb  near  Do 
ganlu. 


ble  represents  a  wooden  construction,  somewhat  like  the  framing  of 
Lycian  sarcophagi ;  its  double  acroterium  is  decorated  with  three  ro- 
settes. The  principal  surface,  the  square  below,  is  without  carving, 
and  had  probably  a  painted  pattern.  A  third  frontispiece  of  this 
type  shows  a  floral  frieze  of  alternate  palmettoes  and  buds,  resem- 
bling an  Assyrian  motive,  but  inverted,  perhaps  because  its  direct 
model  was  the  border  of  a  carpet.  It  recalls  the  hanging  rows  of 
pomegranates  upon  the  columns  Jachin  and  Boaz  of  Solomon's  Tem- 
ple. The  cliffs  of  Phrygia  are  honey-combed  by  such  rock-cut  tombs. 
Especially  in  the  district  north  of  Seid-el-Ar  are  there  numberless 


LYDIA.  173 

small  grottoes,  the  entrances  to  which  are  either  perfectly  plain  or 
provided  only  with  a  simple  triangular  gable — all  giving  proof  of 
the  rarity  of  artistic  cflTort  among  these  idyllic  mountains. 

The  influence  of  Assyrian  and  Persian  methods  is  evident  even 
to  the  west  of  the  river  Halys,  the  border  of  the  Mesopotamian  do- 
minion before  Cyrus ;  but  upon  its  farther  banks,  in  Eastern  Phrygia, 
Oriental  art  is  universally  prevalent.  At  Eyuk  there  are  remains, 
supposed  to  be  those  of  a  temple,  with  a  portal  flanked  by  monsters 
like  the  cherubim  of  Nineveh  and  Persepolis.  At  Boghaz  -  Kieui, 
besides  rock-cut  reliefs  entirely  similar  to  those  of  Persia,  there  are 
the  foundations  of  a  terrace  with  the  ruins  of  a  palace,  built  upon 
the  plan  of  the  royal  dwellings  of  Persepolis. 

Lydia,  the  last  of  the  three  independent  countries  of  Asia  Mi- 
nor, was  so  near  to  the  Ionic  cities  of  the  coast,  and  so  exposed  to 
the  influence  of  their  civilization,  that  but  few  national  peculiarities 
were  preserved  in  the  historical  period.  The  tumulus  was  there, 
as  in  early  Greece,  the  customary  form  of  the  monumental  tomb. 
In  Lydia,  as  in  Etruria,  numbers  of  these  mounds  stood  in  an  ex- 
tended necropolis.  The  conical  tumulus  is  as  characteristic  a  form 
for  the  e.xtreme  west  of  Asia  Minor,  for  the  Troad,  as  the  strict- 
ly geometrical  pyramid  is  for  Egypt,  or  its  terraced  variation  for 
Mesopotamia.  The  mound  of  earth  was  at  times  reveted  with 
a  masonry  of  large  polygonal  blocks,  or  placed  upon  a  low  cylin- 
drical drum  of  such  Cyclopean  walls ;  the  only  architectural  orna- 
ments were  simple  base  and  cornice  mouldings.  The  best -pre- 
served, though  not  the  most  important,  monument  of  this  kind  is 
the  so-called  Grave  of  Tantalos  upon  Mount  Sipylos,  near  Smyrna, 
one  of  a  group  of  twelve.  {Fig.  119.)  The  rectangular  chamber  in 
its  centre,  3.5  m.  long  and  almost  3  m.  high,  is  roofed  by  a  false 
vault,  the  horizontal,  gradually  projecting  stones  being  cut  within 
to  the  outline  of  a  pointed  arch.  The  entrance  to  this  tumulus, 
like  the  shafts  of  the  Egyptian  pyramids,  was  hidden  by  the  casing 
of  exterior  masonry.  The  fragments  of  a  stone  pier  near  by,  some- 
what like  the  Meghazil  monument  of  Amrith,  probably  belonged  to 
the  ornament  upon  the  summit  of  the  cone,  which,  with  a  diameter 
of  plan  equal  to  33.6  m.,  attained  a  height  of  27.6  m.  Of  greater 
grandeur,  though  in  an  entire  state  of  destruction,  are  the  royal 


174 


PHCENICIA,  PALESTINE,  AND  ASIA  MINOR. 


graves  of  the  Lydian  capital.  The  world-renowned  name  of  Sardis 
has  been  preserved  in  the  appellation  of  the  squalid  village  Sara- 
bat  now  standing  upon  its  site.  In  its  vicinity  are  the  remains  of 
more  than  one  hundred  tumuli.  The  most  important  of  these,  with 
a  cylindrical  drum  257  m.  in  diameter  and  18.5  m.  high,  still  rises  to 
an  elevation  of  61.5  m.  It  is  with  some  probability  identified  with 
that  monument  of  Alyattes  described  by  Herodotos,  who  exagger- 
ates its  dimensions  to  a  diameter  of  400  m.  The  cone  of  rammed 
earth  was  apparently  not  reveted  with  stone.  Upon  its  apex  there 
was  a  pier  of  five  blocks,  which  bore  a  hemispherical  termination ; 
of  this  various  fragments  have  been  found. 

These  tumuli  approach  in  dimensions  closely  to  the  pyramids 


Fig.  119. — The  So-called  Grave  of  Tantilo 

of  Egypt.  The  elevation  of  the  cone  upon  a  cylindrical  base  was 
a  certain  advance,  but  its  execution  was  such  as  to  allow  of  no  com- 
parison between  the  monuments  of  the  two  countries.  The  pyra- 
mids of  Egypt  were  built;  the  tumuli  of  Lydia  were  merely  heaped 
up  of  earth.  The  former  demanded  great  technical  ability  and  the 
assistance  of  a  commanding  and  calculating  mind ;  the  latter  were 
the  works  of  an  enslaved  people  alone.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Lydian  cones  more  closely  resembled  the  natural  form  of  a  funeral 
mound  than  did  the  pyramids  of  Egypt  and  Mesopotamia,  and  on 
this  account  were  capable  of  greater  development.  Such  tumuli 
are  to  be  met  with  from  Asia  to  Etruria,  and  were  adopted  even  by 
the  great  architects  of  Greece:  the  highest  artistic  civilization  al- 
ways gives  preference  to  the  simplest  solution  of  a  problem. 


^j^r=— -- 


Fig.  12a — View  of  the  Athenian  Propylaia.     Kestoratiun. 


HELLAS. 

TH  E  Mediterranean  Sea  was  the  heart  of  the  Old  World ;  the 
important  lands  of  the  early  history  of  civilization  were  group- 
ed  about  its  richly  indented  shores,  generally  decreasing  in  respect  of 
culture  asthey  receded  from  ft.  The  northeastern  part  of  the  Med- 
iterranean, because  of  its  many  islands,  having  an  even  greater  pro- 
portionate coast-line,  was  the  centre  of  the  countries  ennobled  by  Hel- 
lenic civilization.  Separating  and  uniting  at  once,  like  all  the  wa- 
ters of  the  earth,  the  .^gean  Sea  formed  the  boundary  between  the 
two  chief  races  of  Greek  intellectual  life — the  Dorians  and  the  lo- 
nians;  while  it  was,  at  the  same  time,  the  favoring  medium  of  ex- 
change for  the  productions  of  their  genius.  European  Greece,  with 
its  predominating  Doric  population,  and  the  almost  exclusively  Ionic 
coasts  of  Asia  Minor,  equally  looked  upon  this  sea  as  their  own,  trav 


176  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

ersing  it  with  thousands  of  ships,  and  gaining  more  from  the  track- 
less waters  before  them  than  from  the  interior  lands  of  the  immense 
continents  whose  seaboard  alone  they  were  content  to  occupy.  In 
Asia  the  Greeks  were  restricted  to  the  countries  upon  its  uttermost 
western  border ;  in  European  Greece  the  development  was  chiefly 
directed  towards  the  eastern  coast,  paying  even  less  attention  to 
their  own  shores  on  the  Adriatic  than  to  the  early  colonized  ports 
of  Magna  -  Graecia  and  Sicily.  The  Archipelago  itself  provided 
convenient  strongholds  and  outposts  in  every  direction.  The  nu- 
merous harbors  and  anchoring -places  of  its  many  islands  offered 
protection  against  the  notorious  treachery  of  the  .^gean  main — a 
protection  imperatively  necessary  for  the  primitive  seafarers  of 
antiquity.  But,  as  in  the  history  of  all  civilization,  the  currents 
of  Greek  intellectual  and  artistic  progress  moved  distinctly  from 
east  to  west.  The  European  (Doric)  culture  was  in  itself  less  calcu- 
lated to  influence  Asia  than  the  Asiatic  (Ionic)  to  affect  the  younger 
continent.  It  was,  as  decided  by  nature,  upon  European  soil,  upon 
Attica — the  most  advanced  promontory  of  European  Greece — that 
the  two  branches  of  the  Greek  race  united,  and  bore  in  Athens  that 
double  fruit  at  which  we  marvel.  The  Dorians,  displaced,  in  some 
measure,  by  the  rapid  growth  of  Ionic  Asia  and  Europe,  turned  still 
farther  westward,  and  settled  upon  the  shores  of  Sicily  and  the 
Gulf  of  Tarention,  where  imposing  monuments  still  attest  the  ex- 
tent of  their  power. 

The  legends  of  the  wanderings  of  Hellenic  tribes,  and  especially 
of  the  so-called  Doric  migration,  were  based  upon  the  busy  currents 
of  intercourse  between  Asia  and  Europe,  over  seas  and  straits,  and 
between  the  European  continent  artd  the  Morea,  the  '  Island  of 
Pelops.  The  relations  and  the  quarrels  of  Hellenic  and  semi-bar- 
baric peoples  upon  each  side  of  the  .^gean  are  illustrated  by  the 
tales  of  the  Argonauts  and  their  voyage,  and  of  the  Trojan  War, 
both  of  which  bear  the  stamp  of  a  certain  piratical  rivalry.  The 
fatal  lack  of  unity,  resulting  from  the  separate  development  of 
neighboring  districts,  could  not  be  more  distinctly  characterized 
than  by  the  fact  that  the  Greek  races,  although  they  felt  them- 
selves divided  from  other  nations  —  from  barbarians  —  by  an  im- 
passable  gulf,  and  were  aware  of  their  own  absolute  intellectual 


THK   HOMERIC   ERA.  1 77 

superiority,  yet  lacked  any  comprehensive  designation  for  them- 
selves :  the  name  Greeks,  or  Hellenes,  is  of  comparatively  recent 
origin. 

The  Homeric  epics  prove  that  the  intellectual  development  of 
the  people  to  whom  the  immortal  poet  belonged  stood,  at  least 
as  early  as  the  ninth  century  B.C.,  at  a  height  to  which  nations 
of  such  primitive  civilization  as  the  Egyptians  and  Chaldaians  had 
never  attained.  Phenomenal  as  the  appearance  of  those  poems 
may  have  been,  they  still  could  not  have  stood  so  high  above  their 
time  —  which  they  evidently  represent  with  a  certain  transfigura- 
tion— that  contemporaries  were  not  able  to  comprehend  and  enjoy 
them.  The  creative  arts  stood,  at  this  epoch,  in  strange  contrast  to 
so  great  an  intellectual  height ;  they  were  far  surpassed  by  the  ad- 
vance of  poetry.  Though  certain  textile  and  ceramic  manufactures 
(the  making  of  wooden  and  bronze  utensils,  woven  stuffs,  and  pot- 
tery) must  have  been  practised  to  some  extent  in  Greece  proper, 
the  better  artistic  productions  are  continually  referred  to  as  im- 
ported from  the  civilized  countries  of  Asia.  Larger  objects,  and  no- 
tably buildings,  were  either  exceedingly  primitive,  or,  in  the  lack 
of  trained  native  ability,  were  erected  and  ornamented  in  foreign 
styles.  The  Homeric  epics  know  nothing  of  a  columnar  temple, 
nothing  of  artistic  images  of  the  gods,  nothing  even  of  dwellings 
corresponding  to  the  importance  of  their  princely  heroes.  Even 
at  a  much  later  time  a  Spartan,  accustomed  to  erect  his  own  house 
with  saw  and  axe  alone,  might  be  astonished  at  the  squarely  hewn 
beams  of  a  ceiling,  which  he  previously  had  seen  formed  only  of 
round  trunks,  like  those  imitated  upon  the  Lycian  block-house  tombs. 

It  is  of  this  exceeding  simplicity  that  we  must  picture  to  our- 
selves the  palaces  of  the  kings,  one  of  which  is  so  attractively  de- 
scribed by  the  singer  of  the  Odyssey,  in  the  account  of  the  royal 
dwelling  at  Ithaca.  The  entire  establishment  must  have  been  simi- 
lar to  a  grange — a  wall  enclosing  a  number  of  buildings  with  the 
court  before  them.  The  rustic  parallel  is  clearly  brought  to  mind 
by  the  description  of  this  farm-yard,  where  the  compost-heap,  sur- 
rounded by  swine  and  geese,  was  the  bed  of  the  old  watch-dog,  who, 
in  Homer's  truly  idyllic  account,  alone  recognizes  his  master,  and, 

dying,  wags  his  tail  in  greeting.     From  this  yard  a  gate  led  to  an 

12 


jng  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

inner  court,  comparable  to  the  peristyle  of  later  buildings,  but  with- 
out the  ornament  of  columns,  and  in  all  respects  extremely  primi- 
tive. Goats  and  beeves  were  driven  in  here  without  further  ado  to 
be  slaughtered.  This  adjoined  upon  one  side  the  chambers  of  the 
men,  upon  the  other  those  of  the  women,  so  separated  that  the  tu- 
multuous massacre  of  the  suitors  in  the  principal  hall  did  not  dis- 
turb the  slumber  of  Penelope,  and  only  reached  the  ears  of  the  maids 
like  distant  moaning.  Upon  the  third  side,  probably  opposite  the  en- 
trance, was  the  hall  of  the  men,  a  ceiled  space,  which  must  have  been 
of  considerable  extent,  as  the  hundred  and  eight  unwelcome  guests 
could  here  unite  in  the  banquet  and  other  amusements.  Its  ceiling, 
like  that  of  the  armory  and  that  of  the  royal  sleeping-chamber,  was 
supported  by  upright  beams  of  wood.  We  may  imagine  these  simi- 
lar to  the  shafts  in  the  Palace  of  Oinomaos  at  Elis,  one  of  which, 
bound  together  with  iron  hoops,  was  preserved  as  a  relic  in  the  time 
of  Pausanias.  The  ceiling  beams  of  the  hall  were  smoked  and  black- 
ened by  open  fires  and  torch-lights  as  in  rustic  dwellings.  Of  the 
walls  there  is  no  mention,  though  the  supposition  is  not  improbable 
that  the  bright  metal  sheathing  of  the  palaces  of  Menelaos  and  Al- 
kinoos  existed  here  also.  It  would  be  explained  by  the  Phoenician 
overlaying  of  wood -work  with  beaten  bronze,  or,  to  speak  more 
correctly,  with  copper.  The  space  could  not  have  been  without 
openings  for  light  and  air.  These  are  not  directly  mentioned  by 
the  poet,  but  may  be  assumed,  from  the  analogies  offered  by  oth- 
er civilized  nations  of  early  antiquity,  to  have  existed  in  the  wall, 
immediately  under  the  ceiling.  Here  the  interstices  between  the 
immense  horizontal  beams,  which  rested  upon  the  walls,  were  left 
open,  and  the  motive  of  the  subsequent  Doric  metope  resulted  of 
itself.  That  the  timbers  overhead  were  not  sheathed  with  boards 
is  evident  from  a  Homeric  simile :  Athene  rose  to  the  ceiling,  and 
there  sat,  "  like  unto  the  resting  swallow ;"  that  is  to  say,  upon  the 
cross-beams  of  the  open  triangle  formed  by  the  roof-framing.  Fur- 
ther evidence  is  offered  by  the  account  of  the  hanging  of  Epicaste 
upon  a  ceiling  beam,  which  must  have  been  exposed  from  all  sides. 
Th^  tholos  of  the  palace  at  Ithaca  was  an  isolated  circular 
structure,  before  the  court,  and  may  perhaps  be  identified  with  the 
high  thalamos  to  which  Telemachos  descended.     In  this  also  lay 


THOLOS   UF  ATREUS. 


179 


gold  and  metal  in  heaps;  while  shrines  containing  garments,  and 
amphoras  filled  with  oil  and  wine,  etc.,  stood  around.  Its  double 
door,  of  careful  workmanship,  agrees  with  the  character  of  a  treas- 
ury.    If  this  identification  of  the  tholos  and  thalamos  be  accepted, 


Fig.  121. — Plan  and  Section  of  the  Tholos  of  Atreus. 

no  doubt  can  remain  that  we  have  here  to  deal  with  a  space  simi- 
lar to  many  yet  remaining  in  Greece,  generally  known  under  the 
name  of  treasure-houses.  Examples  exist  at  Orchomenos,  near 
Pharsalos,  Amyclae,  Menidi,  and  in  Mykenae. 

One  of  the  five  in  Mykenae,  known  as  the  Treasury,  or  the  Tho- 


i8o 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


los,  of  Atreus,  remains  in  an  admirable  state  of  preservation,  espe- 
cially as  regards  the  interior.     This  consists  of  a  space  of  circular 


Fig.  122.— Restoration  of  the  Tholos  of  Atreus.     Portal.    (Clarke.) 

plan,  15  m.  in  diameter,  and  of  the  same  height,  formed  like  a  point- 
ed vault.  {Fig.  121.)  Its  walls  begin  to  curve  from  the  floor,  which 
is  of  stamped  clay  pis6.     Upon  this  the  first  circular  course  of  ma- 


THOLOS  OF  ATREUS. 


I8I 


-7^ 


<-«r*'»g> 


^  \\\Y)l}p.f>/ . 


sonry  immediately  reposes.  The  walls  then  rise,  in  parabolic  out- 
line, to  a  pointed  apex.  They  are  not  constructed  upon  the  princi- 
ple of  a  vault — that  is  to  say,  with  wedge-shaped  stones,  and  with 
the  direction  of  joints  to  a  common  centre — but  are  laid  in  horizon- 
tal beds,  each  course  so  projecting  over  the  one  beneath  it  that,  by 
this  diminution  of  the  concentric  circles,  they  finally  unite  at  the 
summit.  They  were  smoothly  cut  upon  the  jointing  surfaces,  while 
the  face  was  not  chiselled  until  after  the  completion  of  the  masonry. 
The  blocks  were  rectangular,  and 
the  joints,  which  consequently  in- 
creased radially  in  plan,  were  fill- 
ed with  the  same  pis6  used  for 
the  floor;  the  interstice  between 
the  wall  door  and  the  rock-cut 
inner  chamber  upon  one  side  be- 
ing also  cemented  with  this  sub- 
stance. An  entrance  -  passage, 
the  dromos,  led  from  the  valley 
to  the  tholos  in  a  gently  inclined 
ascent.  It  was  bordered  by  walls 
of  cut  stone,  but  nowhere  ceiled. 
Its  floor,  6.20  m.  broad  and  36  m. 
long,  was  paved  with  pis^.  This 
entrance-passage  was  terminated 
without  by  a  terraced  retaining- 
wall,  and  within  by  an  elaborate 
portal  fagade.  The  recent  in- 
vestigations of  Stamatakis  and 
Thiersch  have  given  suflficient 
information  concerning  the  composition  and  details  of  this  front 
to  permit  a  restoration  of  its  chief  masses.  {Fig.  122.)  The  low- 
er part  was  constructed  of  long  stones,  carefully  cut  and  jointed. 
The  stepped  jambs  of  the  opening,  peculiar  to  all  antique  doors, 
were  probably  cut  after  the  blocks  were  in  position.  Upon  ei- 
ther side  were  decorative  engaged  columns,  which  are  so  entirely 
similar  to  the  one  represented  upon  the  Gate  of  the  Lions  at  My- 
kenje  that  it  is  possible  completely  to  understand  their  nature  by 


Fig.  123. — Fragments  of  an  Engaged  Col- 
umn from  the  Tholos  of  Atreus. 


l82  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

that  general  guide ;  by  the  help  of  fragments  which  still  exist,  and 
others  drawn  in  former  publications,  though  now  lost ;  by  traces 
upon  the  wall,  and  especially  by  the  sockets  cut  for  the  swallow- 
tail clampings  of  the  bases  and  capitals.  The  shaft,  instead  of  be- 
ing diminished,  increases  as  it  ascends,  as  does  also  the  column  upon 
the  relief  over  the  Gate  of  the  Lions.  Its  base,  from  this  analogy, 
and  from  the  narrow  space  left  for  it  by  the  clampings,  seems  to 
have  consisted  of  a  simple  tore.  The  abacus  and  parts  of  the 
mouldings  beneath  it  still  exist ;  the  coronation  was  formed  by  two 
roundlets,  separated  by  a  scotia,  the  lower  being  considerably  small- 
er in  height  and  diameter  than  the  upper.  {Fig.  123.)  Without  the 
lower  member,  there  is  a  certain  similarity  of  the  capital  to  a  Doric 
echinos,  which  is  increased  by  the  proportions  of  the  boldly  project- 
ing abacus;  but  the  whole  is  so  similar  to  an  Asiatic  (Ionic)  base 
that  it  was  not  natural  to  believe  it  a  capital,  and  the  fragment  pub- 
lished by  Donaldson  has  hitherto  been  believed  to  be  the  foot  of 
the  shaft.  The  columns  were  entirely  covered  with  an  ornamenta- 
tion in  relief  of  zigzag  lines  alternating  with  the  well-known  spiral 
wave ;  they  stood  upon  rectangular  pedestals,  of  which  the  triply 
stepped  plinths  have  been  preserved.  The  existence  of  bronze  or- 
naments upon  the  lintel  of  the  door  is  evident  from  the  traces  of 
nails;  five  lion -heads  can  be  distinctly  recognized.  An  epistyle 
extended  from  capital  to  capital  across  the  entire  front  of  the  por- 
tal ;  it  projected  far  beyond  the  lintel,  upon  which  it  partly  reposed. 
Above  this  entablature  was  a  surface,  like  an  attica,  which  masked 
the  triangle  formed  by  the  relieving  blocks  over  the  lintel.  The  up- 
per walls  were  not  originally  visible,  having  been  reveted  by  thin 
slabs  of  stone,  secured  in  position  by  dowels.  Fragments  from  My- 
kenae  deposited  in  the  British  Museum,  in  the  Munich  Antiquarium, 
and  in  Athens  appertained  to  this  upper  fagade ;  they  all  show  spi- 
ral ornaments  between  horizontal  grooves,  and  are  similar  to  many 
other  decorations  of  the  same  age.  The  borders  of  the  casing  over 
the  relieving  triangle  and  its  extreme  upper  corner  were  patterned 
in  like  manner,  as  is  plain  from  the  mitre-joint  of  some  of  the  slabs, 
and  from  a  small  fragment  exactly  fitting  the  upper  angle  of  the 
opening.  The  entire  triangle  was  probably  closed  by  some  light 
stone  carving,  since  it  could  have  had  no  function  as  a  passage  for 


THOLOS  OF  ATREUS.  1 83 

light.  The  door,  as  may  be  seen  from  traces  of  pivots  upon  the  sill 
and  lintel,  had  two  wings,  which,  from  their  bolt  -  holes,  appear  to 
have  been  so  large  that,  when  closed,  they  considerably  overlapped. 
Upon  the  exterior  jambs  a  broad  strip  of  metal  was  affixed,  still  to 
be  traced  by  two  vertical  rows  of  nail-holes,  in  which  fragments  of 
bronze  occasionally  remain.  This  work  leads  to  the  supposition 
that  the  wings  of  the  door  were  themselves  overlayed  with  metal, 
and,  with  the  characteristic  forms  of  the  decoration  upon  the  mon- 
ument, points  to  the  peculiarities  of  Asiatic  art.  It  is  natural  to 
attribute  this  to  the  influence  of  Phoenicia ;  indeed,  the  effect  of  the 
civilization  of  that  country  upon  early  Greece  can  hardly  be  overes- 
timated. A  broad,  horizontal  strip  of  metal  sheathing  existed  also 
upon  the  exterior,  and  small  fragments  of  it  are  repeatedly  met  with 
in  the  rubbish  filling  the  tholos ;  similar  vestiges  are  found  in  a  sec- 
ond monument  of  the  kind  near  by.  This  overlaying  of  walls  with 
sheet  copper  was  by  no  means  uncommon  in  ancient  Greece.  The 
subterranean  bronze  chamber  of  Danae  may  be  explained  as  a  tomb 
sheathed  with  metal.  In  mythical  ages,  in  the  sanctuary  at  Delphi, 
as  well  as  in  later  times,  in  the  Chalkioicos  of  Athene  at  Sparta, 
this  wall-treatment  appears  employed  for  temples,  even  as  Homer 
described  it  in  palaces  at  Sparta  and  the  Island  of  the  Phaeacians. 
The  Tholos  of  Atreus  was  itself  subterranean ;  the  exterior  of  the 
conical  mass  of  masonry  was  covered  with  a  hill  of  earth.  In  con- 
sideration of  the  almost  perfect  preservation  of  the  interior,  it  is  ev- 
ident that  some  remains  of  a  strictly  architectural  exterior  would 
have  been  recognizable,  had  it  existed.  A  tumulus  covered  and 
protected  the  structure ;  though  its  earth  is  now,  for  the  greater 
part,  washed  away,  to  it  must  still  be  ascribed  the  good  condition 
in  which  the  kernel  has  remained. 

The  recently  discovered  grave  at  Menidi,  in  Attica  (Lolling),  is 
a  parallel  construction.  As  regards  beauty  of  execution  and  rich- 
ness of  ornament,  it  is  far  inferior  to  the  Tholos  of  Atreus ;  it  is  also 
much  smaller,  having  an  average  diameter  of  8.35  m.  and  9  m.  orig- 
inal height.  Its  only  peculiarity  is  that  the  relieving  blocks  over 
the  lintel,  instead  of  projecting  one  over  the  other  so  as  to  form  a 
triangle,  are  so  placed  as  to  leave  four  voids  between  as  many 
horizontal  beams,  in  a  manner  similar  to  the  arrangement  for  re- 


1 84  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

lieving  the  ceiling  of  the  principal  chamber  of  the  great  pyramid  of 
Gizeh. 

The  Tholos  of  Atreus  offers  a  welcome  commentary  upon  the 
thesauros  of  the  royal  palace  at  Ithaca,  but  only  in  respect  to  its 
construction.  The  purpose  of  the  circular  buildings  still  existing  in 
Greece  seems  to  have  been  entirely  different  from  that  of  the  treas- 
ure-house described  in  the  Odyssey.  It  is  true  that  eminent  au- 
thorities deny  this  difference — and  the  analogies  of  the  round  Ho- 
meric building,  of  the  treasure  -  vaults  at  Mykenae  mentioned  by 
Pausanias,  and  of  the  treasury  of  Minyas  in  Orchomenos,  lend  their 
arguments  some  weight,  and,  at  least,  a  greater  probability  than 
the  suppositions  that  the  structures  of  tholos  form  were  intended 
for  spring-houses  (Forchhammer)  or  places  of  worship  (Pyl).  But 
there  are  reasons  against  all  these  assumptions.  The  treasure- 
houses  of  the  Pelopidae  must  have  been  upon  the  acropolis,  in- 
side the  fortification  walls,  not  at  various  distances  outside  their 
limits,  as  is  the  case  with  those  of  Mykenae.  Still  less  could  such 
vaults  for  hoarded  valuables  have  been  as  distant  from  the  city  as 
was  the  Tholos  of  Baphio  from  the  ancient  Amyclae,  which  stood 
entirely  isolated  in  the  midst  of  an  open  plain,  without  the  possi- 
bility of  communication  with  any  royal  residence.  The  tumuli  of 
earth  above  the  crypts  would  have  but  ill  suited  them  to  form  a  part 
of  the  palace  building ;  while  for  a  cell  which  was  only  to  receive 
precious  goods — for  a  magazine  of  deposit — the  rich  overlaying  of 
the  interior  walls  with  sheet  metal,  and  especially  the  elaborate  carv- 
ing of  the  portal  front,  seem  out  of  place.  These  peculiarities,  not 
to  mention  some  of  less  importance,  point  to  another  purpose,  for 
which  they  are,  one  and  all,  fitted — namely,  the  destination  of  the 
structures  as  tombs.  Their  position,  before  the  acropolis  and  with- 
out the  city  walls;  the  covering  of  the  chamber  with  earth  in  a  tumu- 
lus form  ;  the  impossibility  of  their  having  had  any  communication 
with  other  buildings;  the  elaborate  decoration  of  the  entrance,  and 
the  princely  wealth  of  metals  in  the  interior — all  support,  with  the 
striking  analogies  beyond  the  ^gean,  this  conception  of  the  tho- 
los buildings  advocated  by  Welcker  and  Mure.  It  is  possible  that  it 
is  to  these  structures  that  Pausanias  refers  as  the  treasure-houses  of 
the  Atridae  ;  but  Pausanias,  like  us,  knew  Mykenae  only  by  its  ruins. 


TUMULI  AND  PYRAMIDS.  ,85 

That  patron  of  all  ciceroni  upon  classic  ground  was  not  exacting  for 
proofs  of  their  legends.  The  hypothesis  of  Pyl  may  in  so  far  be 
correct  that  the  tholos  itself  did  not  serve  as  the  place  of  sepulchre, 
which  was  provided  by  the  small  side  chamber,  but  was  a  chapel 
for  the  funeral  worship  naturally  to  be  assumed  in  connection  with 
an  heroic  dynasty. 

It  is  not  possible  to  assign  these  tombs  to  individuals,  like 
those  of  the  early  Persian  monarchs,  or  even  to  dynasties :  the 
questionable  identification  of  the  graves  discovered  in  the  agora 
of  the  acropolis,  ventured  by  Schliemann,  would  here  be  inadmis- 
sible. It  is  reasonably  certain,  however,  that  the  best  -  preserved 
tholos,  that  known  by  the  name  of  Atreus,  is  about  contemporane- 
ous with  the  Gate  of  the  Lions,  and  dates  from  the  most  flourishing 
period  of  the  heroic  age — before  the  downfall  of  the  Atridae  upon 
the  return  of  Agamemnon. 

A  small  chamber,  only  of  sufficient  size  to  receive  the  cinerary 
urn,  in  the  centre  of  an  upheaval  of  earth,  was  sufficient  for  the 
graves  of  the  heroes  who  fell  before  Troy.  Several  of  these  tumuli 
exist.  The  larger  of  them,  those  of  Hector  and  of  Achilles,  had  a 
considerable  elevation,  and,  standing  upon  a  low  promontory,  were 
visible  far  at  sea.  They  were  without  architectural  features  or 
decoration,  mere  cones  of  earth  and  stones ;  terminated,  as  Homer 
relates  concerning  those  of  Ilos,  Sarpedon,  and  Elpenor,  by  a  monu- 
ment like  a  column,  which  must  have  resembled  the  piers  upon  Lyd- 
ian  tumuli.  It  is  questionable  whether  the  trees  which  grew  in  later 
times  upon  the  mounds  of  Protesilaos  before  Troy,  and  of  Alcmaeon 
in  Arcadia,  were  originally  and  intentionally  there  placed,  and  are  to 
be  deemed  characteristic  of  such  works.  Those  planted  upon  the 
tumulus  of  Augustus  in  Rome  may  certainly  be  referred  to  his  indi- 
vidual desire.  From  the  account  given  by  Pausanias  of  the  tumulus 
of  iEpytos  at  Pheneos,  in  Arcadia;  from  foundations  remaining  upon 
the  island  of  Syme,  and  from  later  ruins  at  Kyrene — not  to  mention 
a  well-preserved  tumulus  of  very  considerable  dimensions,  reveted 
with  stone,  which,  from  its  situation  in  Algerian  territory,  might  per- 
haps be  ascribed  to  the  Carthaginians,  or  even  to  the  Romans — from 
all  these  examples,  it  is  evident  that  such  mounds,  like  the  tumuli 
of  Lydia  and  Etruria,  were,  for  the  greater  part,  elevated  upon  cylin- 


1 86 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


drical  foundations.  But  whether  the  interior  were  chambered  or 
solid,  whether  the  cone  of  earth  rose  directly  from  the  earth  or 
from  a  drum  substructure,  the  tumulus  appears  to  have  been,  in 
primitive  times,  the  most  customary  form  of  monumental  tomb  for 
persons  of  high  rank. 

The  common  man  was  probably  buried  in  pits,  as  at  the  pres- 
ent day,  the  grave  being  marked  by  an  upright  stone,  with  or  with- 
out some  slight  ornament.  Schliemann's  discoveries  in  the  agora  of 
Mykenae  show  that,  under  certain  circumstances,  this  procedure  was 
adopted  even  for  princes.  The  kingly  importance  of  these  sepul- 
chres is  assured  by  their  position,  and  by  the  immense  quantity  of 


Fig.  124. — Pyramid  of  Kenchreae. 

gold  and  valuables  found  within  them.  The  decorative  style  of 
these  objects  dates  them  conclusively  to  the  heroic  age  ;  but  the 
assignment  of  the  different  graves  to  Agamemnon  and  his  associ- 
ates is  a  mere  hypothesis. 

A  pyramidal  form  was  only  in  isolated  instances  substituted  for 
the  tumulus.  Of  a  pyramid,  described  by  Pausanias  as  existing  be- 
tween Argos  and  Epidauros,  there  now  remains  a  mass  of  masonry 
measuring  12  m.  in  the  line  of  the  diagonal.  A  second,  near  Ken- 
chreae,  between  Argos  and  Tegea,  is  better  preserved.  {Ftg:  124.)  Its 
plan  is  oblong,  14.5  m.  long  and  nearly  12  m.  broad  ;  the  two  cham- 
bers of  the  interior  are  at  present  unroofed.     The  structure  appears 


FORTIFICATION  WALLS.  1 87 

to  have  served  as  a  common  place  of  sepulchre  for  the  fallen,  and,  at 
the  same  time,  as  a  memorial  of  victory.  This  destination  is  also 
evident  in  two  further  pyramidal  remains,  in  Laconia  and  near  Les- 
sa,  which  are  described  by  Curtius  and  by  Ross.  The  Greeks  adopt- 
ed both  Asiatic  and  Egyptian  forms  for  their  funeral  monuments; 
but  in  the  construction  of  both  tumulus  and  pyramid  they  intro- 
duced comparatively  large  chambers,  early  striving  for  ends  foreign 
to  those  despotic  lands: — a  wise  economy  of  material  and  labor  and 
a  gain  of  space. 

Mausoleums  and  sepulchres  are  always  among  the  first  traces 
of  civilization,  and  the  most  ancient  examples  of  architectural  art. 
In  Greece,  however,  there  are  contemporaneous  remains  significant 
of  other  purposes.  Chief  among  these  are  the  fortifications  of 
towns,  although  in  general  these  works  enclosed  only  the  acropolis, 
which  contained  the  residences  of  the  rulers  and  the  sanctuaries  of 
the  people.  The  true  age  of  these  defences  can  by  no  means  be 
surely  determined.  Not  all  Cyclopean  masonry  is  to  be  attributed 
to  the  earliest  ages  of  Hellenic  antiquity,  for  this  manner  of  polygo- 
nal jointing  remained  in  use  long  after  a  time  when  cut  and  squared 
stones  were  generally  employed.  On  the  other  hand,  immense  rec- 
tangular blocks,  laid  in  horizontal  courses,  frequently  occur  in  city 
walls  which  are  known  to  be  of  the  greatest  antiquity  and  even  to 
have  been  totally  ruined  in  the  historical  period,  such  monoliths  be- 
ing regularly  used  upon  comers,  the  jambs  of  gates,  etc.,  where  espe- 
cial strength  and  independent  firmness  were  called  for.  When  the 
surface  of  Cyclopean  walls  is  perfectly  smooth  and  exactly  jointed, 
these  may  confidently  be  regarded  as  not  of  primitive  antiquity; 
the  erection  of  such  masonry  is  a  subtlety  of  greater  difficulty  than 
that  of  square  blocks  and  horizontal  beds.  But  walls  built  of  enor- 
mous boulders,  unhewn,  and  roughly  piled  up  without  calculation^ 
the  larger  interstices  being  filled  with  smaller  stones,  are  of  extreme 
age.  Such  masonry  appeared  to  later  generations  to  be  the  work 
of  giants,  of  Cyclops,  and  hence  a  name  which  might  more  fittingly 
be  changed  to  Pelasgic  than  to  Poseidonic,  as  suggested  by  Glad- 
stone. The  walls  of  Tiryns  {Fig.  125)  are  of  such  gigantic  blocks 
— bulwarks  mentioned  by  Homer  and  Hesiod,  and  admired  in  their 
ruins  by  Pausanias.     They  are  built  upon  a  ridge  of  rock,  which  is 


1 88  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

over  190  m.  long,  only  70  m.  broad,  and  ielevated  10  m.  above  the 
surrounding  plain.  The  masonry  is  from  7  to  15  m.  thick;  of  its 
original  height,  estimated  as  18  m,,  there  remains  from  10  to  12  m. 
The  enormous  stones  vary  from  2  to  3  m.  in  length  and  0.9  to  12. 
m.  in  thickness.  In  its  greatest  breadth  the  wall  is  provided  with 
galleries,  roofed  by  projecting  stones  laid  in  horizontal  beds  and  cut 
to  the  outline  of  a  pointed  arch.  Such  spaces  are  provided  with 
loopholes  upon  the  exterior,  and,  without  doubt,  served  as  maga- 
zines and  casemates.  Within  these  fortifications  must  have  stood 
the  royal  residence,  famed  in  the  legends  of  Heracles  and  Eurys- 
theus ;  of  it  no  recognizable  traces  remain. 

The  walls  of  Mykenae  are  not  of  equally  gigantic  masonry,  but  are 


Fig.  125. — Plan  of  the  Acropolis  of  Tiryns. 

fully  as  old,  and  are  especially  interesting  because  of  the  city  having 
been  a  complete  ruin  in  the  earliest  historical  times.  Besides  case- 
mate galleries  in  the  walls,  there  are  in  Mykenae  a  number  of  highly 
important  gateways  and  portals;  those  of  the  fortifications  at  Tiryns 
were  entirely  destroyed,  an  inclined  plane  leading  to  the  eastern  side 
of  the  acropolis  is  there  alone  to  be  recognized  as  an  approach. 

The  doors  were  naturally  of  greater  technical  perfection  than  the 
long  line  of  bulwarks ;  having  been  created  for  both  admittance  and 
defence,  they  required  a  certain  constructive  calculation,  and  permit- 
ted the  employment  of  more  exterior  ornament.  The  simplest  pos- 
sible form  of  a  gateway  is  the  combination  of  three  stones — the  two 
jambs  and  the  lintel — observable  in  two  examples  at  Mykenae.  {Figs. 


GATEWAYS.  1 89 

126  and  127.)  Such  a  construction  had  the  disadvantage  that  the 
upright  blocks  could  not  be  joined  to  the  wall,  and  that  the  lintel, 
which  necessarily  lay  clear  for  a  considerable  length,  could  not  im- 
mediately receive  the  massive  continuation  of  the  masonry  above 
it.  Notwithstanding  the  convergence  of  the  jambs  upon  the  great 
gate  of  Mykense,  the  beam  has  a  length  of  4.6  m.,  with  a  span  of  3.05 
m. ;  the  bottom  of  the  door  being  3.2  m.  wide,  and  its  height  3.25  m. 
A  relieving  gable  was  consequently  constructed,  similar  to  that  com- 
mon in  Egypt  during  the  age  of  the  Pyramids,  and  to  that  described 
in  the  consideration  of  the  Tholos  of  Atrcus.  A  triangular  opening 
remained  above  the  lintel,  by  which  the  efficacy  of  the  wall  as  a  for- 
tification was  considerably  impaired.     The  orifice  was  closed  by  one 


Fig.  n6. — Gate  of  the  Lions  at  Mykenae.       Fig.  127.— Smaller  Gate  of  Mykenae. 

or  two  slabs,  which  did  not  press  heavily  upon  the  lintel ;  but  they 
could  not  have  been  sufficient  to  escape  fracture  by  heavy  missiles, 
or  to  resist  the  blows  of  a  battering-ram.  The  attack  was  therefore 
diverted  from  this  vulnerable  point  by  moral  means.  The  panel  re- 
ceived a  certain  consecration  by  some  protecting  sacred  symbol  be- 
ing carved  upon  it — such,  for  instance,  as  a  Gorgon's  head — a  re- 
course which  was  effective  in  times  when  the  slightest  desecration 
of  a  divine  emblem  was  deemed  more  impious  than  the  bloodiest 
deed  of  human  violence.  Such  a  carving  has  been  preserved  over 
the  gateway  of  Mykenae,  which  has  received  its  name  from  the  lions 
represented  upon  it.  As  a  work  of  sculpture,  it  will  be  considered 
below.     The  column  between  the  animals  has,  however,  a  bearing 


igo 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


upon  the  architectural  forms  of  the  epoch.  It  is  the  same  shaft, 
diminishing  from  summit  to  base,  which  has  been  noticed  upon  the 
portal  front  of  the  Tholos  of  Atreus.  A  second  gate  of  Mykenae 
resembled  the  Gate  of  the  Lions,  but  was  smaller  and  simpler.  {Fig. 
127.) 

The  form  of  three  blocks  appears  to  have  been  soon  changed,  the 
wall  itself  serving  in  place  of  an  especial  jamb.  The  span  of  the  lin- 
tel was  decreased  by  two  or  four  boldly  projecting  blocks  as  brack- 
ets. Examples  of  this  development  are  offered  by  portals  of  Samos 
and  Phigalia.  {Figs.  128  and  129.)  But  in  the  same  measure  as  the 
danger  from  the  great  span  of  the  lintel  was  diminished,  that  of  the 
brackets  being  pressed  downward  and  disjointed  was  increased.  A 
third  manner  of  covering  the  opening,  by  stones  leaned  against  each 


Fig.  128.— Portal  upon  Samos.  Fig.  129. — Gate  of  Phigalia. 

Other  at  an  angle,  was  a  still  further  advance.  {Fig.  130.)  When 
the  side  thrust  could  be  well  borne — and  for  this  the  walls  were 
always  sufficient — such  a  gable  could  support  any  pressure  that 
could  possibly  be  imposed,  while  allowing  a  great  breadth  of  pas- 
sage. Finally,  a  triangular  construction  could  be  obtained  by  a  grad- 
ual projection  of  horizontal  stones,  laid  as  they  had  been  in  so 
many  instances  for  the  relief  of  a  lintel  beneath  them.  This  con- 
struction occurs  in  two  varieties,  differing  in  appearance,  though 
not  in  principle :  the  projection  of  the  horizontal  courses  of  stone 
either  began  directly  from  the  ground  {Fig.  130),  as  has  been  no- 
ticed in  the  Tholos  of  Atreus  {Fig.  122),  or  commenced  at  some 
height,  the  jambs  being  carried  up  vertically.  {Fig.  132.)  In  both 
these  varieties  the  line  of  the  gable  frequently  appears  concavely 


TOWERS. 


191 


curved,  as  in  the  parabolic  walls  of  the  tholos,  and  the  outline  of 
a  pointed  arch  was  thus  obtained.  {Fi^s.  133  and  134.)  In  spite 
of  their  early  familiarity  with  the  abstract  principle  of  the  arch,  as 
shown  in  //^.  1 30,  the  Greeks  refused  to  adopt  the  true  arch,  with 
its  wedge-shaped  stones,  even  in  late  historical  ages,  when  they  as- 
suredly were  acquainted  with  its  construction.  An  illustration  of 
their  feeling  in  this  respect  is  given  by  the  aqueduct  adjoining 
the  Tower  of  the  Winds  in  Athens,  where  the  semicircles  are  cut 
from  monoliths. 

The  influence  of  the  gateways  upon  the  masonry  is  evident  from 
the  more  frequent  adoption  of  the  rectangular  blocks,  which  had  at 
first  only  been  employed  to 
give  the  portals  an  indepen- 
dent strength,  both  for  the 
ramparts  and  for  the  out- 
works and  protecting  towers 
which  these  openings  neces- 
sitated. Such  a  fortification, 
erected  for  the  defence  of  a 
gate,  still  stands  in  Tiryns — 
the  city  to  which  succeeding 
ages  ascribed  the  invention 
of  tower -building  (Pliny, 
Hisf.  Nat.  vii.  56) ;  it  reach- 
es a  height  of  13  m.  The 
tower  which  defended  the  gate  of  Mykenae  was  even  larger.  Homer 
mentions  such  structures  at  Troy,  Thebes,  and  Calydon,  and  is  also 
familiar  with  casemates  and  battlements.  The  latter  are  shown  by 
paintings  upon  archaic  vases  to  have  been  of  the  normal  rectangular 
shape. 

Schliemann's  excavations  in  Mykenae  have  proved  that  in  this 
city  the  agora  was  situated  just  within  the  principal  gate.  Some  of 
the  stone  benches  encircling  the  agora  were  found  in  almost  perfect 
preservation ;  they  were  constructed  of  slabs  standing  erect  in  con- 
centric rows  to  receive  the  horizontal  seats.  They  lend  a  new 
confirmation  of  Homer's  truthful  characterization  of  locality,  illus- 
trating a  passage  which  occurs    in  the    description    of  the   shield 


Fie.  130. — Portal  upon  Delos. 


192  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

of  Achilles,  which  describes  the  judgment  scene  upon  the  market- 
place : 

"  On  polish'd  chairs,  in  solemn  circle,  sat 
The  rev'rend  elders." 

Though  the  remains  of  these  prehistoric  ages  show  in  some  de- 
gree the  form  of  an  ancient  Greek  acropoHs,  with  its  royal  dwelling 
of  courts  and  halls,  and  the  sepulchral  monuments  before  its  gates, 
they  are  yet  insufficient  to  complete  even  the  main  outhnes  of  the 
picture  by  giving  any  understanding  of  the  temple — that  structure 
destined  to  become  the  ideal  of  Hellenic  architecture.  While  the 
life  and  customs  contemporary  with  the  Homeric  poems  are,  in  oth- 
er respects,  represented  with  incomparable  truth  and  distinctness, 


Fig.  131, — Gate  of  Missolonghi.  Fig.  132.— Gate  of  Messene. 

the  epics  are  entirely  silent  upon  this  subject.  It  appears  that  the 
temples  were  neither  of  great  size  nor  of  artistic  importance  ;  among 
the  ruins  of  Tiryns  and  Mykenae  there  are  no  vestiges  of  columns 
or  entablatures.  The  symbolical  images  of  the  deities  were  placed 
upon  cliffs,  in  caverns,  among  the  branches  of  sacred  trees,  or  in  the 
hollows  of  their  trunks,  and  simple  altars  were  erected  before  them. 
Frequently  the  worship  of  a  deity  was  merely  connected  with  a 
grove,  or  with  some  other  locality  fitted  by  nature  for  this  pur- 
pose, and  was  there  performed  without  an  image  or  other  dead 
symbol.  It  was  thus  with  the  most  primitive  god  of  Greek  mythol- 
ogy, Zeus  of  Dodona.  When  a  building  was  provided  at  all,  it  was, 
in  the  heroic  ages,  restricted  to  the  cella,  a  ceiled  chapel  of  oblong 


PREHISTORIC   CELLAS. 


'93 


plan,  which  stood  in  the  centre  of  a  consecrated  area,  Uie-temeiios. 
This  original  form^the  whole  of  the  primitive  shrine — is  recogniza- 
ble even  in  the  developed  peripteros,  as  the  kernel  within  the  ot ;. 
standing  columns.  It  does  not  appear  strange  that  we  should  Vrf 
acquainted  with  so  few  of  these  chapels  when  it  is  considered  that 
hardly  greater  traces  remain  of  the  entire  architecture  of  the  Teu- 
tonic races  during  the  first  seven  Christian  centuries.  It  is  natural. 
m  the  development  of  civilization,  that  sanctuaries  exemplifying  dif- 
ferent phases  of  advancement  should  seldom  stand  next  to  each  oth- 
er ;  after  the  destruction  of  the  old,  the  new  arises  in  its  place,  upon 
its  consecrated  site.  Examples  of  such  original  cellas  are  not,  how- 
ever, entirely  wanting.     Several  remains  published  by  Dodwell  and 


max^^i^t 


Fig.  133. — Gate  of  Thoricos. 


Fig.  134.— Gate  of  Ephesos. 


Stackelberg  are  to  be  explained  as  chapels.  A  structure  upon  De- 
los,  designated  by  Thiersch  as  a  tomb,  is  quite  comparable  to  a 
columnless  temple  cella.  There  is  less  probability  that  the  ruins 
upon  Mount  Ocha  and  near  the  village  Stoura,  upon  Euboea,  were 
temples.  They  are  chambers  sheltered  from  above  by  slabs  of 
stone,  inclined  like  a  gable.     {Ft^.  135.) 

This  method  of  roofing  could  not  have  been  generally  practised 
in  early  times,  when  simple  and  natural  constructions  utilized  the 
materials  at  hand  best  adapted  to  the  purpose.  The  builders, 
among  the  bald  mountains  of  Euboea,  were  forced  to  such  a  man- 
ner of  covering  their  chamber  by  lack  of  wood.  The  south  of  the 
tsiand  produces  no  trees  which  could  provide  the  timber  for  roof- 
beams;   while,  on  the  other  hand,  open  quarries  in  the  neighbor- 

13 


194 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


hood  furnished  a  kind  of  slate -stone  which  is  easily  split  into 
ii-Tfe  slabs  like  joists  and  boards.  So  clumsy  a  ceiling  construction 
as  that  upon  Mount  Ocha  was  not  natural  in  countries  of  dense 
forests,  such  as  was  the  original  home  of  the  Dorians.  In  other 
parts  of  Hellas  than  the  rocky  and  sterile  islands  of  the  ALgea.r\. 
the  chapels  must  have  been  roofed  with  wood.  The  most  obvious 
considerations  make  it  evident  that  ceiling  and  roof  of  the  primi- 
tive cella  were  originally  of  wood.  In  the  later  marble  architecture 
of  Greece  this  assumption  is  confirmed  by  numerous  reminiscences 
of  timbered  construction,  sufficient  even  to  explain  the  methods  and 
form  of  the  original  carpentry. 

A  pitched  and  gabled  roof  seems  to  have  been  generally  em- 
ployed for  these  early  struct- 
ures. The  horizontal  ceil- 
ing might  be  sufficient  for 
the  changeless  blue  sky  of 
Egypt,  but  could  not  suffice 
in  Greece,  where,  in  certain 
seasons,  heavy  rains  were  fre- 
quent, and  even  hail -storms 
not  unknown.  Still  no  land 
upon  the  Mediterranean  was 
familiar  with  the  great  steep- 
ness of  roof  made  necessary 
by  the  enduring  snow  and 
ice  of  the  North.  In  colder  climates  the  pitch  of  the  covering 
was  not  only  greatly  increased,  but  all  horizontal  projections  were 
avoided,  and  the  upper  surfaces  of  smaller  members  and  mould- 
ings inclined.  The  rafters  required  ceiling  beams  beneath  them  ; 
because  of  the  necessary  support  and  jointing,  they  could  not  be 
placed  directly  upon  the  stone  walls,  and  it  was  further  desi- 
rable to  support  the  summit  of  the  triangle  by  a  king-post.  The 
ceiling  thus  provided  stood  in  such  relation  to  the  roof  that  a 
beam  tied  together  each  pair  of  rafters,  and  was,  consequently,  so 
laid  across  the  oblong  enclosure  that  the  ends  reposed  upon  the 
side  walls.  Upon  these  horizontal  timbers  planks  v/ere  placed 
which  concealed  the  inclined  roof.     By  this  an  independent  ceiling; 


Fig.  135. — Interior  of  a  Structure  upon  Mount 
Ocha,  Euboea. 


DORIC   TIMBERING.  Igj 

was  created ;  and.  as  the  boarding  was  laid  upon  the  beams  and 
not  fastened  to  their  lower  side,  this  gave  rise  to  the  formation  of 
lacunae  or  long  coffers.  The  ends  both  of  the  horizontal  ceiling 
beams  and  of  the  roof  rafters  were  visible  upon  the  exterior:  the 
latter,  forming  the  eaves,  projected  beyond  the  wall,  to  further  the 
shedding  of  water  and  to  protect  the  sides  of  the  building.  As  the 
upper  surface  of  the  roof  had  been  so  closed  as  to  be  water-tight,  it 
is  natural  that  this  sheathing  should  have  been  carried  around  upon 
all  sides  of  the  projecting  rafter  ends.  It  was  otherwise  with  the 
spaces  between  the  beams,  which,  being  protected  by  the  eaves, 
were  not  covered  and  masked  by  boards.  The  artistic  instinct  of 
the  Greek  would  not  permit  him  thus  to  conceal  constructive  forms 
when  this  was  not  rendered  necessary  by  practical  considerations. 
They  received,  on  the  contrary,  an  especial  emphasis,  that  they  might 
express  their  peculiar  function  with  full  force.  Moreover,  the  clos- 
ing of  the  aperture  between  the  ends  of  the  beams  would  have  re- 
quired the  provision  of  other  openings  for  light,  as  there  were  no 
windows  in  the  walls  of  masonry. 

This  manner  of  roof  and  ceiling  construction  was  generally  em- 
ployed in  European  Greece,  being  customary  for  palaces  and  dwell- 
ings as  well  as  for  the  primitive  temples.  Open  interstices  between 
the  horizontal  beams  existed  in  the  hall  of  the  royal  dwelling  at 
Ithaca.  There  can  be  no  further  doubt  as  to  the  development  and 
original  function  of  the  metopes  of  the  Doric  entablature  when  it  is 
considered  that  the  Greeks,  as  late  as  the  time  of  Euripides  {Jphig. 
in  Taur.  113),  were  familiar  with  the  idea  that  it  was  possible  to  en- 
ter a  primitive  structure  through  these  openings  between  the  ends  of 
the  beams.  The  masking  of  the  metopes  would  thus  have  been  not 
only  purposeless,  but  even  detrimental ;  it  was  reasonable,  however, 
to  sheathe  the  ends  of  the  beams  themselves  by  small  boards,  which 
should  at  once  protect  and  ornament  them.  The  hewn  extremities 
of  such  great  timbers  were  rough  and  ugly ;  without  covering,  they 
would  have  been  exposed  to  rapid  decay.  The  simple  decoration 
of  three  narrow  strips  of  wood  affixed  to  the  ends  of  the  beams  was 
so  customary  in  primitive  carpentry  that  it  became  a  typical  mo- 
tive in  the  later  architecture  of  Greece.  The  chamfering  of  sharp 
edges  of  boards  has  been  practised  by  the  wood-workers  of  all  na- 


196  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

tions.  When  two  corners  thus  treated  are  placed  together,  there 
results  a  prismatic  groove,  which  distinctly  marks  the  edges  of 
the  separate  pieces.  Thus  originated  the  primitive  form  of  the 
triglyph,  as  the  most  natural  and  practical  decoration  of  the  rough- 
hewn  ends  of  the  ceiling  beams  by  sheathing.  The  upper  edges  of 
the  three  strips  were  hidden  against  a  plate  beneath  the  rafters;  the 
lower  were  covered  by  a  continuous  board,  which  united  the  various 
members  of  the  frieze,  and  concealed  any  inexact  jointing  between 
the  beams  and  the  top  of  the  wall.  By  placing  the  chamfered 
boards  upright,  an  aesthetic  advantage  was  obtained :  a  vertical 
line  was  repeated  jufet  before  the  conclusion  of  the  entablature  by 
the  cornice,  being  thus  emphasized  in  the  midst  of  horizontal  mem- 
bers. Other  ornamental  details  were  added,  based,  likewise,  upon 
motives  of  the  original  wooden  construction.  The  continuous  strip 
affixed  to  the  lower  edges  of  the  triglyphs  was  securely  and  visi- 
bly fastened.  This  was  effected  by  several  thick  trunnels,  so  driv- 
en in  from  below  that  the  heads  were  left  protruding.  Under  the 
end  of  each  beam  the  strip  was  doubled,  to  give  additional  strength 
where  the  wood  was  most  weakened  by  perforation.  The  ends  of 
the  rafters  were  also  sheathed,  and  brought  into  harmony  with 
the  frieze.  The  inclined  eaves  were  covered  with  boards,  and  as 
these  did  not  stand  erect,  like  those  before  the  ceiling  beams,  but 
hung  from  the  lower  sides  of  the  rafters,  there  was  particular  need 
for  an  increased  and  distinctly  secure  attachment.  The  sheath- 
ing was  consequently  pinned  by  more  numerous  trunnels;  and  as 
every  triglyph  had  been  provided  with  a  second  strip,  here  a  sec- 
ond board  was  placed  under  the  end  of  each  rafter.  The  projecting 
heads  of  these  nails  were  called  guttce  by  the  later  Romans,  but  this 
cannot  convince  us  that  the  peculiar  form  was  intended  as  an  orna- 
mental petrifaction  of  hanging  rain-drops:  such  a  glorification  of 
bad  weather  would  have  been  foreign  to  the  Greeks,  accustomed  to 
the  clearest  skies ;  and,  for  so  primitive  a  construction,  this  explana- 
tion appears  far-fetched.  The  imitation  of  rain-drops  could  nowhere 
have  been  more  out  of  place  than  upon  the  inclined  lower  side  of 
the  eaves ;  drops  might,  perhaps,  hang  from  the  front  edge  of  the 
cornice,  but  never  upon  its  under  slope,  which  rain  could  not  even 
wet.     The  construction  of  an  original  work  of  carpentry  thus  pro- 


PRIMITIVE  DORIC   CONSTRUCTION.  Ig7 

vided  the  motives  of  the  Doric  entablature — naively  expressing  the 
advance  from  the  roughest  practical  necessity  to  high  architectural 
perfection.  In  the  apertures  between  the  beam-ends,  or  metopes, 
and  in  the  open  triangle  of  the  gable,  were  placed  votive  offerings, 
which  there  found  a  secure  and  sheltered  stand,  heightening  the  ex- 
terior importance  of  the  work.  In  small  chapels  this  interference 
with  the  openings  for  light  could  have  been  of  no  disadvantage. 
The  gable  was  closed  by  a  boarding,  which  hid  from  view  the  rough 
inner  construction  of  the  roof.  This  veil,  the  tympanon,  was  placed 
behind  the  triangle  formed  by  the  outer  cross-beam  and  rafters,  as 
the  ceiling  had  been  laid  above  the  other  horizontal  timbers.  The 
low  gable  thus  naturally  developed  upon  the  front ;  and  in  later 
times,  when  the  votive  offerings  had  been  exchanged  for  sculptured 
figures,  formed  a  most  characteristic  and  imposing  feature. 

The  effect  was  heightened  by  the  partly  protective,  partly  dec- 
orative, painting  of  all  the  wooden  surfaces.  Red  and  blue  appear 
originally  to  have  been  the  chief  colors ;  the  former,  in  a  dark  shade, 
being  used  for  the  sheathing  of  the  tympanon,  the  latter  for  the 
triglyphs  and  other  members.  Upon  the  bands  were  figured  or- 
naments, most  of  which  had  developed  from  Asiatic  prototypes; 
they  consisted  of  the  meander,  anthem  ions,  and  the  woven  ribbons, 
etc.,  observable  upon  Assyrian  sculptures  and  upon  the  archaic 
bronzes  and  vases  of  Greece  and  Central  Italy.  The  extended 
polychromatic  treatment  of  the  marble  temple  is  doubtless  a  remi- 
niscence of  this  painted  wood.  Without  such  traditions,  it  would 
have  developed  differently:  upon  a  structure  of  stone  it  would 
have  been  less  restricted  to  the  frieze  and  cornice. 

The  entablature  had  thus  far  advanced  without  connection  with 
that  most  noble  work  of  architecture — the  Doric  column.  The  shaft 
and  entablature  of  the  style  were  not  created  in  connection  or  si- 
multaneously ;  the  forms  of  triglyph  and  mutule  are  not  a  growth 
from  the  columnar  root,  but  rather  prove  the  Doric  frieze  and  cor- 
.  ice  to  have  been  the  primitive  Hellenic  expression  of  roof  and  ceil- 
ing, which  preceded  the  column,  even  as  the  plainest  constructive 
necessities  precede  ornament.  The  peculiar  wooden  character  of  the 
entablature  could  exercise  no  important  influence  upon  the  shaft. 
If  the  existence,  in  heroic  times,  of  the  peripteros,  the  ttinplc  v'**h 


IqS  HELLAS.— architecture. 

outstanding  columns,  be  denied — and  of  such  structures  there  is 
not  a  vestige — it  cannot  be  supposed  that  columns  existed  at  all. 
Interior  suppyorts  of  wood  are,  indeed,  mentioned  by  Homer,  and  en- 
gaged shafts  formed  part  of  the  fa9ade  of  the  Tholos  of  Atreus,  and 
were  represented  upon  the  relief  over  the  Gate  of  the  Lions  in 
Mykenae;  but  between  these  and- the  Doric  column  there  is  a  dis- 
tance only  to  be  explained  by  the  assumption  that  Asiatic  influence 
was  paramount,  if  not  exclusive,  in  the  architecture  of  the  heroic 
ages  of  Greece.  Though  it  is  possible  that  rudiments  of  the  Doric 
echinos  may  be  recognized  in  the  upper  tore  and  scotia  of  the  en- 
gaged columns  of  Mykenae,  it  is  yet  evident  that  the  turned-work 
of  these  members  resulted  from  a  wooden  prototype,  and  that  the 
overladen  decoration  of  the  shaft,  in  its  style,  is  due  to  familiarity 
with  a  sheeting  of  beaten  metal — i.  e.,  to  Phoenician  artistic  tradi- 
tions. That  the  forms  of  the  entablature  were  not  created  for  the 
peripteros  appears  from  the  circumstance  that  the  metopes  lose  their 
value  as  windows  by  the  change  of  plan,  and  leave  the  cella  without 
openings  for  light  and  air  when  surrounded  by  columns.  With 
the  appearance  of  the  peripteral  temple,  the  Doric  entablature, 
which  upon  the  oblong  chapel  had  been  the  natural  expression 
upon  the  exterior  of  roof  and  ceiling  construction,  became  a  func- 
tionless  ornament,  needing,  as  will  be  seen,  many  changes  to  bring 
it  into  harmony  with  the  outstanding  colonnade. 

The  development  of  the  Doric  column  is  not  perfectly  clear ;  it 
is  more  than  probable  that  it  was  not  wholly  autochthonic  and  prim- 
itive Greek,  like  the  entablature  of  the  style.  Its  principal  part,  the 
shaft,  was  certainly  imported.  No  prominent  architectural  feature 
can  be  deemed  newly  invented  that  has  been  in  common  usage  in  a 
neighboring  and  accessible  country  for  centuries.  The  Doric  shaft, 
with  its  characteristic  diminution  and  channellings,  was  known  in 
Egypt  more  than  a  thousand  years  before  its  introduction  into 
Greece,  as  proved  by  the  monuments  of  Beni-Hassan.  Commercia- 
intercourse  had  existed  between  the  two  countries  for  centuries,  and 
it  cannot  be  assumed  that  the  Greeks  had  not  seen  Egyptian 
works  of  architecture ;  they  could  not  have  arrived  at  precisely  the 
^ff  e  results  by  independent  invention.  It  would  rather  be  difficult 
to  conceive  how  the  receptive  Greeks  could  have  refused  all  instruc- 


DEVELOPMENT   OF  Tllli   TEMPLE-PLAN.  ipo 

tion  from  the  neighboring  people,  so  far  in  advance  of  them  for 
centuries  after  the  Trojan  war.  Eight-sided  drums  have  been  found 
at  Bolymnos,  and  an  octangular  shaft  at  Troezen  ;  but  these  isolated 
instances  offer  no  proof  that  the  development  of  the  channelled 
shaft  from  the  square  pier  was  effected  in  Greece  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  had  been  done  fifteen  centuries  or  more  previously  in  Egypt. 

The  genius  of  the  Greeks,  however,  always  showed  its  independence 
when  the  artistic  perception  of  the  neighboring  nations  had  been  at 
fault  or  defective.  It  was  impossible  for  them  to  rest  content  with 
the  termination  of  the  so-called  Proto-Doric  columns  of  Beni-Hassan. 
A  simple  plinth  upon  the  upper  end  of  the  shaft  was  insufficient ;  it 
left  without  mediation  the  contrast  between  the  forcible  upright  line 
of  the  channels  and  the  long  level  of  the  epistyle.  Some  interposi- 
tion was  necessary  between  the  vertical  and  the  horizontal  members, 
and  a  moulding  of  inclined  outline  was  best  fitted  to  fulfil  this  nat- 
ural requirement,  which  almost  appears  to  be  an  aesthetic  law.  The 
abacus  plinth  was  retained  as  the  transition  from  the  circular  drums 
of  the  shaft  to  the  broader  oblong  of  the  lintel.  The  oblique  and 
projecting  member  between  the  two,  the  echinos,  was  a  link  con- 
necting the  plans,  as  well  as  the  directions,  of  column  and  entabla- 
ture. The  perfectly  straight  outline  of  an  inverted  cone  was  rarely 
employed  in  Greece  for  the  echinos ;  a  stele  of  Artemis  Brauro- 
nia  upon  the  Athenian  acropolis,  shown  by  inscriptions  to  be  of 
great  age.  is  an  isolated  instance.  This  rigid  line  was  early  ex- 
changed for  a  curve,  which,  in  its  advancing  stages  of  refinement, 
became  one  of  the  most  characteristic  features  of  Doric  architect- 
ure. The  moulding  seems,  at  times,  to  have  been  ornamented 
with  painted  leaves,  which,  in  the  Ionic  echinos  beneath  the  roll, 
was  changed,  in  the  manner  peculiar  to  that  order,  from  the  colored 
indication  to  carving.  It  is  not  certain  whether  this  floral  decora- 
tion was  generally  adopted,  or  existed  only  in  the  isolated  instance 
by  which  it  is  known  —  the  so-called  Temple  of  Theseus.  Upon 
the  translation  of  the  wooden  construction  to  a  stone  entablature, 
which  resulted  in  a  narrow  fnt'ircolumniation,  the  base  was  given 
up,  and  the  upper  step  of  the  stylobate  was  regarded  as  a  common 
plinth. 

It   appears  that   the   employment  of  columns  connected  with 


200  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE, 

temples  commenced,  in  Greece,  in  the  manner  observed  upon  the 
rock-cut  tomb  fagades  of  Egypt  and  Lycia,  and  the  chapels  of  Meso- 
potamia and  Phoenicia :  two  columns  were  placed  within  the  open 
front,  between  the  projecting  side  walls ;  that  is  to  say,  the  temple 
was  in  antis. 

The  next  step  was  the  removal  of  thes^side  walls,  or  parastadae,  col- 
umns taking  their  place  in  the  corners  before  them,  and  t\iQ  prostyle 
temple  was  thus  obtained.  These  changes  rendered  several  impor- 
tant alterations  necessary.  They  caused  a  new  wall  to  be  erected  be- 
fore the  interior  of  the  cella,  the  naos,  the  colonnade  of  the  front  thus 
acquiring  the  nature  of  a  portico,  the  pronaos.  The  jambs  of  the  door 
in  this  wall  were  so  inclined  as  to  diminish  the  span  of  the  lintel,  the 
frame  receiving  upon  its  upper  corners  the  stepped  ears,  or  parotides, 
customary  in  Western  Asia.  A  new  member  of  the' entablature  was 
needed  to  replace  the  omitted  wall  and  provide  a  bearing  for  the  ceil- 
ing cross-beams — namely,  the  epistyle.  It  is  possible  that  this  mem- 
ber, distinctly  separated,  existed  before  the  change,  but  it  certainly 
was  not  necessary.  The  division  of  the  cella  into  naos  and  pronaos 
finally  altered  the  position  of  the  front  ceiling-beams ;  in  the  naos 
they  lay,  as  before,  resting  upon  the  side  walls,  but  in  the  pronaos 
they  were  placed  lengthwise — from  the  columns  to  the  newly  erect- 
ed division  wall.  Besides  improving  the  construction  of  the  porti- 
co ceiling,  this  greatly  added  to  the  beauty  of  the  front  entablature: 
epistyle  and  ceiling-beams  would  otherwise  have  lain  upon  each 
other,  in  the  same  direction,  but  from  this  change  resulted  the 
frieze  of  triglyphs  and  metopes  upon  the  front,  as  upon  the  sides. 
The  gain  was  not  effected  without  a  difficulty  arising  in  the  frieze 
above  the  end  of  the  side  wall  and  the  corner  column,  the  outer  ceil- 
ing-beam of  the  pronaos  thus  lying  in  its  length  upon  the  epistyle 
without  the  formation  of  a  metope.  And  here  the  constructive  truth 
was  first  sacrificed  in  favor  of  the  exterior  appearance :  a  cube, 
standing  above  the  corner  column,  took  the  place  of  the  outer 
beam,  and  the  continuous  alternation  of  triglyphs  and  metopes  was 
carried  out. 

Having  so  far  deviated  from  logical  construction,  the  desire 
for  an  harmonious  treatment  of  the  exterior  led  to  other  and 
greater  changes.     The  dead-wall  of  the  rear  had  had  no  part  in  the 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  TEMPLE-PLAN.  20I 

development  of  the  frieze,  and  appeared  intolerably  bare.  This 
deficiency  could  hardly  be  overcome  otherwise  than  by  a  repetition 
of  a  portico  upon  the  back,  creating  the  epinaos,  and  carrying  the 
entablature  of  triglyphs  and  metopes  around  the  entire  building, 
thus  perfecting  the  amphiprostyle  temple. 

The  more  these  alterations  were  made  in  favor  of  the  exterior 
appearance,  the  more  was  the  original  structure  dismembered.  The 
extreme  boundary  of  possible  concessions  was  attained,  and,  at  the 
next  step,  the  entablature,  translated  into  stone,  separated  itself  en- 
tirely from  the  construction  and  became  an  applied  ornament.  In 
one  stride  the  ultimate  type  of  the  Hellenic  temple  was  determined, 
by  carrying  outstanding  columns  entirely  around  the  cella,  —  the 
building  became  a  peripteros. 

It  is  probable  that  these  extensive  alterations  took  place  almost 
simultaneously,  and  were  adopted  at  once  for  the  most  prominent 
shrines,  while  the  preceding  varieties — the  temple  in  antis  and  the 
prostyle  and  amphiprostyle  temples  —  though  their  entablatures 
were  also  executed  in  stone,  were  only  employed  in  subordinate 
positions.  With  the  heightened  importance  of  the  decorative  ex- 
terior the  monumental  significance  of  the  temple  rose  above  the 
mere  necessities  of  a  chamber  for  the  sacred  image.  The  structure 
acquired  equal  solidity  in  every  part  exposed  to  view.  It  was  built 
of  a  homogeneous  material.  The  timbering  of  roof  and  ceiling  was 
hidden  by  the  stone  symbols  placed  before  the  ends  of  the  rafters 
and  beams ;  the  entablature  was  allowed  an  independent  freedom  of 
development  and  proportion.  The  heaviness  of  the  material  made 
it  necessary  to  diminish  the  voids  and  increase  the  solids  of  the 
supports  as  much  as  was  feasible.  The  stone  shafts  were  allowed 
a  greater  diameter  and  placed  more  nearly  together  than  when, 
as  was  the  case  in  Etruria  at  a  much  later  period,  their  burden  had 
been  of  timber.  The  stone  cornice,  which  was  not  as  high  as  the  epi- 
style, could  not  span  the  same  clear  width,  and  called  for  a  second 
support  over  the  intercolumniations, — a  further  triglyph.  This  was 
the  more  acceptable,  as  the  appearance  of  the  frieze  was  improved 
by  its  adoption  ;  the  breadth  of  triglyph  and  metope  became  nearly 
equal  and  better  proportioned,  their  alternating  rhythm  more  pleas- 
ing.    The  metopes,  having  upon  the  peripteros  no  importance  as 


202  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

windows,  were  closed  by  thin  slabs,  which  added  to  the  unity  and 
imposing  force  of  the  edifice.  It  is  surprising  how  faithfully  the 
traditional  forms  were  still  retained,  even  to  the  smallect  details, 
while  they  yet  received  a  truly  artistic  conventionalization  and 
those  proportions  which  make  the  Doric  temple  tlie  grandest  and 
most  perfect  monument  of  architectural  history.  It  is  probable 
that  the  completed  peripteros  existed  as  early  as  the  seventh  cen- 
tury B.C.  The  first  steps  of  advance  were  rapidly  made,  and  may, 
perhaps,  be  referred  to  the  ages  immediately  preceding.  It  would 
indeed  be  interesting  to  know  when,  where,  and  by  whom  the  in- 
comparable design  was  perfected  which  gave  to  the  world  its  proud- 
est edifice  ;  but  it  must  suffice  to  understand  the  intentions  of 
which  the  Doric  temple  was  the  final  result. 

Semper  has  suggested  that  a  canopy-like  roof,  supported  by  col- 
umns, was  placed  above  and  around  the  small  temple  cella  to  in- 
crease its  extent,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  express  its  power  and  sa- 
credness  by  that  oldest  symbol  of  terrestrial  and  celestial  authority. 
This  attractive  assumption  does  not  interfere  with  the  theory  of  the 
previous  development  of  the  temple  in  antis  and  the  prostylos,  or 
with  the  historical  considerations  based  upon  the  appearance  of  an 
imperfect  peripteros  centuries  before  in  Egypt.  The  cella  and  out- 
standing columns  rose  from  a  stepped  foundation,  the  crepidoma, 
the  kernel  of  which,  the  stereobate,  was  formed  of  massive  walls, 
or,  when  possible,  of  the  native  rock.  The  blocks  were  too  high 
for  human  steps,  and  are  not  to  be  conceived  as  stairs.  Such 
an  ascent  entirely  surrounding  the  temple  would  have  been  pur- 
poseless, and  contrary  to  the  isolating  character  of  the  crepidoma. 
They  formed  a  base,  such  as  is  displayed  in  an  exaggerated  manner 
by  the  Mesopotamian  sanctuaries,  where,  however,  the  chapels  ele- 
vated upon  the  gigantic  terraces  were  small  in  proportion  to  the  sub- 
structure. In  buildings  of  greater  dimensions,  the  few  and  mas- 
sive steps  serving  as  the  base  of  the  Greek  temple  were  increased, 
not  in  number,  but  in  size.  They  were  thus  always  proportional 
and  fitted  to  their  function  as  a  foundation.  Accessible  stairs  from 
all  sides  would  have  given  a  pyramidal  effect  to  the  lower  part  of 
the  composition  ;  while,  at  the  foot  of  the  upright  supports,  the  hor- 
izontal line  should  rather  be  emphatically  pronounced.     Smaller  in- 


DUKli:   FORMS. 


203 


termediate  blocks 
were  provided  for  the 
ascent  to  the  temple, 
thus  made  possible 
only  upon  the  front. 
The  upper  step,  the 
stylobate,  was,  as  has 
been  said,  the  common 
plinth,  the  columns 
being  without  base- 
moulding,  and,  conse- 
quently, without  indi- 
vidual functions  or  iso- 
lated independence. 
The  comparatively 
narrow  intercolumnia-  c~ 
tions  were  the  better 
passages  from  this  ab- 
sence of  projections 
at  the  foot  of  the  col- 
umns. The  powerful 
shafts  were  doubly 
modified  by  the  dim- 
inution and  by  the 
entasis.  The  first  re- 
finement found  its 
model  in  the  natural 
contraction  of  all  as- 
cending bodies;  a 
greater  strength  is 
needed  below  because 
of  the  increasing 
weight.  To  this  must 
be  added  an  optical 
motive:  every  dimi- 
nution modifies  the 
perspective  effect,  in- 


?'?9;^is»«_ 


Fig.  136. — Corner  Elevation  of  the  Middle  Temple  of  the 
Acropolis  of  Selinous.     Restoration. 


204  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

creasing  the  apparent  height  or  distance  of  bodies  thus  bordered 
by  lines  slightly  converging,  though  apparently  parallel.  The  en- 
tasis was  entirely  decided  by  such  optical  considerations.  It  over- 
came a  deception,  resulting  from  the  diminution^  which  makes  a 
straight-lined  cone  of  very  steep  sides  appear  of  slightly  concave 
outline.  The  shafts  usually  had  twenty,  in  a  few  instances  six- 
teen, channels,  of  nearly  elliptical  profile,  separated  by  sharp  ar- 
rises. As  may  be  seen  in  unfinished  temples,  these  grooves  were 
not  executed  until  the  last  stone  of  the  building  was  in  place, 
that  the  chipping  of  the  delicate  edges  by  the  imposition  of  the 
drums  or  blocks  next  to  them,  and  by  other  accidents  during  the 
process  of  building,  might  be  avoided.  It  was  only  upon  the 
capital  that  the  channels  were  cut  in  advance,  as  a  guide.  To 
avoid  the  chipping  of  this  stone,  it  was  necessary  to  prevent  its 
sharp  lower  edges  from  resting  directly  upon  the  top  of  the  drum 
beneath  it.  To  this  end  a  diminutive  step,  a  scamillus  of  smaller 
diameter,  was  turned  upon  the  bottom  of  the  capital  block,  or  the 
same  effect  was  attained  by  slightly  slanting  off  and  increasing  the'' 
right  angle  of  its  lower  edge.  It  was  contrary  to  the  artistic  feeling 
of  the  Greek  architect  for  constructive  truth  to  mask  even  this  slight 
necessity  by  priming  and  painting.  It  was,  rather,  made  more  dis- 
tinct by  increased  size  and  a  characteristic  profile,  in  some  instances 
even  by  a  repetition  of  the  incision.  The  upper  end  of  the  shaft  was 
thus  distinctly  separated,  notwithstanding  the  continuous  channel- 
lings,  and  was  related  to  the  capital  as  the  mediating  neck  of  the 
column,  the  hypotrachelion.  The  echinos  began  its  projection  with 
several  annulets,  which  still  more  definitely  marked  the  junction  of 
the  capital  with  the  shaft.  It  would  be  difficult  to  decide  whether 
these  mouldings  were  reminiscences  of  the  binding-ribbons  upon 
the  necking  of  Egyptian  floral  columns.  They  were  not  placed  be- 
neath the  echinos,  but  upon  it,  and  consequently  follow  the  curved 
profile,  enlarging  concentrically  with  its  projection.  The  Doric  cap- 
ital, among  all  capitals  that  we  know,  attains  the  highest  aesthetic  per- 
fection by  its  fulfilment  of  the  requirements  of  a  transitional  mem- 
ber: by  the  proportion  of  its  projection,  and  especially  by  its  ex- 
pressive and  characteristic  curve,  which  rises  from  a  firm  and  almost 
straight  line  to  the  decided  turn  beneath  the  abacus.     The  outline 


DORIC    FORMS.  205 

is  more  elastic  than  a  simple  oblique  angle,  more  vigorous  and  capa- 
ble of  resistance  than  the  concave  curve.  The  echinos  provides  the 
requisite  projection ;  the  abacus  upon  it  forms  the  second  transition 
from  the  circular  plan  of  the  shaft  to  the  rectangle  of  the  entabla- 
ture. In  the  Doric  style  this  upper  half  is  about  the  same  height  as 
the  echinos  beneath  it,  while  in  the  capitals  of  other  orders  the 
curved  members  of  circular  plan  have  been  developed  at  the  ex- 
pense of  this  plinth,  which  is  dwarfed  to  a  thin  plate. 

It  was  first  noticed  by  Cockerell  in  1829  that  the  axes  of  the 
columns  surrounding  the  cella  are  not  vertical,  but  lean  inward. 
This  peculiarity  was  chiefly  adopted  to  counteract  an  optical  de- 
ception, resulting,  like  the  deviation  which  led  to  the  entasis,  from 
the  diminution  of  the  shafts,  making  these,  when  perfectly  upright, 
appear  inclined  away  from  the  neighboring  wall  and  from  each 
other.  The  deception  is  particularly  felt  upon  the  corner  shafts; 
these  were  corrected  to  lean  in  the  direction  of  the  diagonal,  and 
decided  the  inclination  of  the  columns  of  the  front  and  side  The 
absolute  deviation  from  the  vertical  is  very  slight,  about  i -150th  of 
the  height,  and  by  no  means  makes  the  inner  sides  of  the  dimin- 
ished columns  parallel  to  the  wall.  The  inclination  was  effected  by 
the  irregular  cutting  of  the  first  block,  which  was  lower  within  than 
without,  being  so  formed  that  the  surface  of  its  base  was  not  cir- 
cular, but  slightly  elliptical.  All  the  succeeding  drums  had  per- 
fectly round  beds,  and  consequently  slanted  in  the  manner  decided 
by  the  first.  The  contact  of  these  stones  of  the  shaft  was  restricted 
to  a  narrow  rim  upon  the  exterior  of  their  plan.  In  their  centre 
they  were  steadied  by  an  encased  dowel  of  wood,  the  form  of  which 
is  known  from  the  remains  of  the  Parthenon ;  this  served  as  a  pivot 
for  the  grinding  of  one  block  upon  the  other. 

The  stone  beams  of  the  epistyle  lay  from  axis  to  axis  of  the  col- 
umns. In  buildings  of  great  dimensions  several  slabs  were  laid  side 
by  side  as  lintels,  each  having  the  entire  height  of  this  member, 
which,  as  forming  the  conjunction  of  the  columns,  may  be  conceived 
as  a  representative  of  the  wall.  The  outer  surface  of  the  epistyle 
block  was  carved  upon  its  upper  edge  with  the  tainia  and  trunnels, 
described  as  securing  the  triglyphs  of  the  original  timbered  entab- 
lature.    The  forms  of  these  details  show  the  great  reverence  with 


206 


HKfJASL>— AltCBaTECnntE. 


which  the  primitiTe  wooden  protolypes  ?  ?vc  imitated,  while,  at  tihe 
same  time^  they  were  fitted  to  be  cat  in  stone  in  a  £ir  moie  aitislic 
manner  tlian  were  the  direct  cc^ies  of  carpentrjr  observed  in  Lycia. 
T!ie  slits  of  tlie  triglypii  tertninated  at  first  in  elliptical  lines;,  w^ush 
becamer  in  the  decline  of  the  style,  straight  and  hoiizoataL  Tbe 
trigiyphs  themselves  were  so  distriboited  that  one  was  ptsrrd  over 

each  coinmis  and  one  over 
the  centre  t^eadb  intetcii^sm&- 
niation.  An  ezceptioa  wais 
made  at  the  cofner,  where 
the  tri^^liridi  could  not:  be 
placed  in  the  axis  of  the  dhaft, 
beii^  needed  for  dte  sopcoft 
of  the  ai^ile.  It  wooSd  be 
contrary  to  the  open  and  non- 
.  sustaining  character  o€  the 
metope  for  this  to  be  as-^ 
s^ned  to  a  position  so  con- 
stnictive^  important.  Vitrn- 
vinsy  r^^ardleas  of  this  cocsid- 
eration,  reoooMncnds  that  the 
comer  tng^ypt.  be  placed  in 
tibe  asds  of  tibe  cohmm  be- 
neath it,  like  an  the  other- 

lwitmilynmg»A4ia«iiiiii»dh;awfy 

is  SdMnm  where  this  occms — 
the  so-called  Temple  of  De- 
meter  at  Paestmn.  The  dis- 
tuubonce  of  sjrmmetry  whidi 
resulted  to  tbe  fiiieze  by  the 
removal  oi  the  corner  tr^l^rph  fincHoa  the  axis  was  f nun f  ^thaHa^nf*^ 
by  the  metopes  beir^  made  digjhtly  huj^er,  and  especially  by  the 
outer  intercQlomniations  bexE^  greatly  dimmislwd  in  width.  This 
last  step  was  also  desrable  fo}<m  other  conadcraiioa%  notably  be- 
cause the  dark  !^c^roaind  of  the  oetla  canscd  the  opcaiag^i  between 
the  inner  shafts  to  appear  narrower  than  the  firce  and  figftt  space 
between  those  of  the  extericMr. 


Kj^  igjw — Eatablatnxe  of  t&e  Fart&eaon. 


DORIC    FORMS. 


207 


All  these  changes  were  primarily  caused  by  the  Doric  entabla- 
ture not  having  been  created  for  the  peripteros;  it  was  necessary 
thus  to  fit  it  for  decorative  employment. 

The  metopes  were  originally  open  interstices  between  the  beams; 
intcrtrabies,  as  they  might  be  called,  with  reference  to  the  interco- 
lumniations;  having,  upon  the  peripteros,  been  closed  within  and 
without  by  light  slabs,  the  votive  offerings,  formerly  placed  in  the 
apertures,  were  now  superseded  by  sculptures  in  relief  upon  these 
stones,  which  gave  to 
the  entire  entablature 
— or,  when  the  carving 
was  restricted,  to  that 
of  the  fronts — an  im- 
posing decoration.  A 
continuous  band,  like 
that  beneath  the  tri- 
glyphs,  terminated  the 
frieze  ;  but  the  individ- 
uality of  triglyph  and 
metope  was  even  here 
maintained,  the  super- 
posed member  being 
broken  around  them,  as 
i.  separate  coronation 
for  each. 

The  cornice  showed 
reminiscences  of  the 
projecting  eaves  by  its 
corona  being  cut  with  a  *"•«•  »38-Scheme  of  the  Doric  Entablature. 

downward  slant,  such  as  would  never  have  been  invented  for  the 
treatment  of  stone.  That  this  inclination  was  not  precisely  the 
same  as  the  pitch  of  the  roof  rafters  cannot  be  adduced  as  an  argu- 
ment against  its  fundamental  idea ;  in  the  marble  structure  there 
was  nothing  to*  call  for  so  exact  a  resemblance.  The  decoration 
of  the  lower  surface  of  the  corona  shows  the  original  motive  of  its 
wooden  construction  as  distinctly  expressed  as  was  the  formation 
of  the  triglyph   in  the  frieze.      The  position  of  the  ends  of  the 


208 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


rafters,  beneath  the  sheathing,  is  marked  by  boards,  each  being  pin- 
ned upon  it  with  eighteen  wooden  pegs.  From  the  duplication  of 
the  triglyphs  in  the  stone  building  there  resulted  an  equal  number 
of  mutules,  and  these  were  still  further  multiplied  by  being  placed 
over  each  metope — this  latter  increase  having  been  at  first  attempt- 
ed with  members  of  half  the  normal  width,  as  at  Fig.  136.     The 


•  •  e 

m 

% 

^ 

^ 

€)    •    •    # 

• 

• 
• 
• 
• 

• 

•  • 

•  • 

•   •   c 

I 

• 

% 

# 

J© 

®    •    •  9 

Fig.  139. — Plan  and  Elevation  of  the  so-called  Temple  of  Theseus,  Athens. 

whole  composition  was  thus  the  more  richly  divided  the  higher  the 
building  ascended ;  upon  one  column  rested  two  triglyphs  and  four 
mutules.  It  is  further  remarkable  that,  to  make  the  decoration  har- 
monious upon  all  sides  of  the  edifice,  these  mutules  were  also  intro- 
duced upon  the  front  and  rear  entablatures ;  this  repetition,  with 
the  inclination  of  the  corona  upon  the  fronts,  naturally  without  a 


DORIC   POLYCHROMY. 


209 


gutter,  must  be  regarded  as  a  further  concession,  made,  contrary  to 
the  genetic  signification  of  members,  in  favor  of  the  monumental 
appearance  of  the  entire  exterior.  The  corona  is  bordered  by  the 
so-called  Doric  cyma,  or  beak-moulding,  distantly  resembling  the 
scotia  of  Egypt  and  Mesopotamia.  The  concluding  gutter  is  of  a 
beautifully  curved  outline.  When  it  occurs  upon  the  sides  of  the 
building,  where  it  is  frequently  restricted  to  the  corners,  it  is  pro- 
vided with  lions'  heads,  which,  arranged  over  the  columns  as  gar- 
goyles, throw  from  their  open  jaws  the  rain-water  of  the  roof  be- 
yond the  steps  of  the  crepidoma.     An  isolated  instance — the  He- 


Fig.  140. — Painting  upon  the  Pteroma  of  the  Temple  of  Theseus. 

raion  of  Olympia,  which  seems  never  to  have  been  provided  with  a 
stone  entablature — shows  that  the  timbered  roof  and  ceiling  were 
placed  at  times  with  a  wooden  epistyle  directly  upon  the  stone  col- 
umns of  a  peripteros.  The  covering  of  the  roof  was  formed,  in  the 
best  period,  by  flat  marble  tiles,  the  joints  of  which  were  covered  by 
smaller  curved  blocks,  running  from  ridge  to  eaves,  and  terminated 
over  the  cornice  by  antefixes.  The  apex  and  corners  of  the  gable 
were  provided  with  acroteria,  standing  upon  special  bases.  They 
are  reminiscences  of  an  ancient  usage  of  Western  Asia :  those  of  the 
corners  found  their  origin  in  the  ornaments  of  primitive  altars  and. 
sarcophagi,  known  in  Biblical  accounts  as  horns.     They  were  some- 

14 


210  HELLAS.— ARC  niTECTURK 

times  supplanted  by  votive  offerings  suited  to  the  position,  such  as 
tripods,  or  by  griffins  and  other  symbolical  figures.  The  pointed 
acroterium  of  the  apex  was  usually  the  whole  of  the  two  half-an- 
themions  represented  upon  those  of  the  corners ;  in  larger  monu- 
ments it  was  often  replaced  by  statues,  just  as  extended  composi- 
tions of  figures  were  created  for  the  tympanon  beneath,  as  a  substi- 
tute for  the  dedicated  objects  which  appear  to  have  originally  filled 
the  gable. 

The  polychromy  of  the  Doric  temple  was  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant features  of  its  external  appearance.  It  is  probable  that  the  great- 
er part  of  its  marble  surface,  possibly  the  whole,  was  colored.  Our 
Northern  conceptions  can  with  difficulty  comprehend  the  full  value 
of  this  treatment  in  the  general  composition  ;  in  our  gray  landscape, 
a  building  thus  painted  might  appear  harsh  and  variegated.  The 
color  of  the  lower  supporting  members  was  restricted  to  a  light  tint, 
the  so-called  baphe,  which  had  first  been  applied  to  the  stucco 
priming  necessary  for  the  coarse  and  porous  stone  of  older  temples, 
and  was  afterwards  transferreid  from  this  to  the  marble  of  later  mon- 
uments. It  stained  the  surface  with  a  light  golden-brown  tint,  mod- 
erating the  harsh  chalky  white  of  lime  stucco,  or  of  marble,  and  in- 
vesting the  newly  erected  building  with  the  patina  by  which  age 
always  modulates  the  color  of  stone.  This  baphe  was  employed 
for  the  marble  temple  on  account  of  the  traditional  painting  of  the 
stucco  priming,  because  of  the  too  dazzling  white  natural  to  the 
freshly  hewn  material,  and,  finally,  in  order  to  harmonize  the  col- 
umns and  stylobate  with  the  intensely  rich  colors  of  the  entablature. 
Dark  and  positive  pigments  were  restricted  to  the  frieze  and  cornice, 
having,  without  doubt,  been  first  employed  to  preserve  the  original 
wooden  material.  The  beams  and  slat-work,  like  the  triglyphs  with 
their  regulas  and  the  mutules,  were  designated  by  blue;  the  trunnels 
were  red  or  gilded.  That  which  had  at  first  been  open  was  treated 
as  a  dark-red  background ;  the  metopes  and  tympanon  thus  clearly 
outlining  the  reliefs  and  groups  of  statues  which  ornamented  them. 
The  continuous  members  were  treated  with  particular  richness ;  the 
narrower  strips  were  painted  with  the  meander  and  other  woven 
forms ;  the  gutter  with  anthemions ;  while  the  Doric  cyma  was  dec- 
orated with  leaves  of  various  colors,  so  artistically  conventionalized 


CURVATURE  OF  THE   HORIZONTALS. 


211 


F^ 


n 


□ 


aiiiiisa 


aaaij 


3E 

asHijj 

a® 

^a^js 

as  but  little  to  resemble  nature.     The  inner  side  of  the  entablature 
was  still  more  richly  colored.     {Ft^.  140.) 

One  of  the  most  wonderful  refinements  of  Greek  architecture 
was  the  attention  paid  to  opti- 
cal deceptions,  and  the  correc- 
tion of  these  by  the  curvature  of 
all  straight  and  horizontal  lines. 
It  has  been  mentioned  that  the 
peripteral  columns  did  not  stand 
mathematically  upright,  all  the 
axes  being  inclined  inwards; 
the  discovery  of  this  fact  was 
followed  by  a  publication,  made 
by  the  architect  Hoffcr  in  1838, 
which  maintained  that  no  per- 
fectly level  line  existed  upon 
the  entire  temple,  the  horizon- 
tals being  curved  slightly  up- 
wards. HoflTer's  assertions  were 
verified  by  the  micrometrical 
studies  made  by  Penrose,  in 
1846,  upon  the  Parthenon,  the 
so-called  Theseion,  the  Propy- 
laea,  Erechtheion,  and  the  Tem- 
ple of  Olympian  Zeus  in  Ath- 
ens, and  afterwards  upon  the 
temples  of  Nemea  and  Segesta. 
His  measurements  make  evi- 
dent a  curvature  of  0.069  m.  in 
30.876  m.  upon  the  front  of  the 
Parthenon,  and  of  0.108  m.  in 
69.525  m.  upon  its  sides. 
Though  so  very  slight  a  devia- 
tion   is    not    readily    apparent. 


1 

laa 
laa 
laa 

3 
3 

IP 
F 

0 

0 

a 
0 

aaara 


MMm 


aaio 


100 


Fig.  141. — Coffered  Pteroma  Ceiling  of  the 
Southern  Temple  upon  the  Eastern  Pla- 
teau of  Selinous.    Restoration. 


there  are  no  mathematically  rectangular  forms  upon  the  entire 
building ;  the  corner  metopes  are,  for  instance,  trapezoidal.  Wheth- 
er these  curves,  the  existence  of  which  is  not  to  be  denied,  were 


212 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


really  intentional,  was  questioned  by  Boetticher,  but  it  has  been 
proved  beyond  a  doubt  by  the  further  investigations  of  Ziller. 
The  motive  for  the  adoption  of  refinements,  so  extraordinarily  del- 
icate and  difficult  of  execution,  was  the  same  desire  to  correct  dis- 
pleasing optical  deceptions  which  prompted  the  entasis  of  the  col- 
umns and  the  inclination  of  their  axes  from  the  vertical.  The  ap- 
parent deviation  of  the  lines,  sagging  from  the  horizontal,  was  most 
disagreeably  apparent  upon  the  front  entablature — the  base  of  the 
gable  triangle,  which,  when  straight,   invariably   appears   concave. 


Fig.  142. — Fragments  of  Coffered  Ceilings  from  the  Parthenon. 
A .  From  the  Side  Pteroma.     B.  Krorn  the  Epinaos. 

while  a  corona,  in  reality  curved  upwards,  presents  itself  to  the 
eye  as  perfectly  level.  By  a  deviation  from  the  absolutely  horizon- 
tal, the  appearance  of  greater  correctness  was  attained. 

The  peripteral  columns  of  the  Doric  style  worthily  express  the 
peculiar  character  of  the  Dorians  by  their  simple  dignity.  By  them 
a  passage  was  formed  around  the  cella,  the  pteroma,  the  ceiling  of 
which  was  most  richly  decorated  with  cofiferings.  {Fig.  141.)  So 
short  a  span  was  here  required  of  the  horizontal  beams  that  it  was 
possible  to  translate  them  into  stone  simultaneously  with  the  outer  en- 
tablature ;  this  seems  to  have  been  universal  in  the  larger  peripteral 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  PLAN. 


213 


temples,  that  of  Zeus  in  Olympia  possibly  being  an  exception.  The 
ceiling  did  not  remain  in  its  original  position,  resting  upon  the  epi- 
style, but,  with  the  increased  dimensions  of  the  stone  frieze,  was  con- 
siderably elevated.  The  spaces  between  the  lintels  were  closed  by 
slabs  of  stone  which  retained  the  form  of  the  original  wooden  coffer- 
ings,  being  hollowed  by  stepped  lacunse,  diminishing  in  size.  A  tran- 
sitional moulding  was  placed  in  each  angle  formed  by  a  vertical  and 
horizontal  surface.  Upon  the  coffered  ceilings  of  Attic  monuments 
{Fig.  142)  this  member  is  the  Lesbian  cyma,  supplemented  by  an 
astragal,  these  signs  of  an  Ionic  influence  being  further  noticeable 
in  other  parts  of  these  buildings.  The  wall  of  the  cella,  though  sur- 
rounded by  the  pteroma,  still  bears  traces  of  the  entablature,  which, 
as  shown  above,  preceded  the  outstanding  columns;  the  triglyphs 


Fig.  143. — Plan  of  the  Middle  Temple  upon  the  Acropolis  of  Selinous. 

and  metopes  are  repeated,  or  in  their  place  is  a  frieze  of  sculpt- 
ured reliefs,  in  which  the  isolated  carvings  of  the  metope  become 
continuous  and  connected.  At  times  there  remain  beneath  the  lat- 
ter the  taenia,  regulas,  and  trunnels — only  to  be  exi)lained  and  justi- 
fied as  the  reminiscences  of  portions  of  an  originally  well-founded 
decoration  which  had,  in  part,  been  gradually  supplanted. 

The  cella  itself,  within  the  pteroma,  appears  in  plan  either  without 
columns,  as  a  temple  in  antis,  as  a  prostylos,  or  as  an  amphiprosty- 
los,  thus  supporting  the  assumption  that  these  were  the  original 
forms  of  its  development.  The  cella  was  often  greatly  increased  in 
length ;  this  made  its  transverse  division  desirable,  and  there  re- 
sulted the  front  portico,  or  pronaos,  the  principal  hall  of  the  tem- 
ple, or  naos,  and  the  space  partitioned  off  at  the  rear,  called,  ana- 
logically, the  epinaos.     An  especial  chamber  of  the  building  was  at 


214  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

times  isolated  to  serve  as  a  treasury;  this  was  known  as  the  opis- 
th.odomos.  {Fig.  143.)  The  pronaos,  v/hether  with  or  without  col- 
umns, was  closed,  if  at  all,  only  by  a  light  bronze  grating  ;  from 
it  a  wide  portal,  occupying  almost  the  entire  division  wall,  opened 
into  the  naos.  Its  upper  part  was  fixed,  but  entrance  was  afforded 
through  its  lower  part  by  folding  wings.  The  grooves  worn  by  the 
doors  are  still  visible  upon  the  Parthenon  floor.  The  interior  was 
disproportionately  narrow,  a  result  of  the  peripteral  enclosure  and 
of  the  limitations  imposed  by  the  gable,  which  would  have  become 
too  high  and  heavy  if  the  front  had  been  greatly  widened  in  favor 
of  the  interior  breadth  ;  moreover,  the  horizontal  ceiling  was  un- 
favorable to  width,  which  was  limited  to  the  natural  span  of  the 
beams. 

The  possibility  of  admitting  much  light  had  been  given  up  with 
the  change  in  the  position  of  the  entablature  and  metopes.  Not- 
withstanding the  size  of  the  door,  sufficient  daylight  could  not  enter 
through  this ;  it  was  itself  in  the  shadow  of  the  pteroma,  and  gen- 
erally, also,  of  a  pronaos.  But  little  illumination  was  required  for 
the  small  chapel  when  this  served  solely  as  a  receptacle  for  the  sa- 
cred image.  A  dim  and  mystical  twilight  was  easily  obtained  by 
the  use  of  one  or  more  perpetually  burning  lamps,  which  could  only 
have  been  favorable  to  the  artistically  unpretentious  interior.  It 
v/as  otherwise  with  the  larger  and  more  important  temples,  opened 
for  festive  assemblages.  Their  interiors  were  divided  by  architectu- 
ral members,  and  contained  manifold  works  of  art  and  objects  of 
value — a  varied  richness,  which  called  for  an  increased  splendor  of 
light,  possible  only  by  artificial  illumination.* 

In  the  desire  to  increase  the  available  space  of  the  temple  inte- 
rior, the  enclosing  walls  were  advanced  more  closely  to  the  columns 
of  the  peripteros,  thus  decreasing  the  width  of  the  pteroma ;  while 
the  hall  was  divided  by  two  rows  of  inner  shafts  into  three  aisles, 
the  outer  two  of  which,  considerably  narrower  than  the  middle,  were 


*  The  modern  hypothetical  distinction  between  agonal,  or  festal,  temples  and  those 
used  only  for  worship  is  now  generally  regarded  as  erroneous  ;  while  the  existence  of  a  so- 
called  hypsethron — an  opening  supposed  to  have  existed  in  the  roof  and  ceiling  of  the  naos 
for  the  admission  of  daylight — is  inadmissible  from  the  point  of  view  both  of  design  and 
of  structure. 


ARCHAIC    DORIC   TEMPLES.  21 5 

partitioned  into  two  stories  by  the  introduction  of  galleries,  acces- 
sible by  staircases  at  either  side  of  the  chief  portal. 

We  now  turn  from  this  general  consideration  of  the  Doric  style 
to  a  review  of  the  principal  monuments  remaining,  dividing  them, 
as  well  as  possible,  into  groups  representative  of  certain  ages  and 
periods  of  development.  The  oldest  peripteral  temples  known 
are  not  situated  in  Greece  proper,  but  in  the  early  colonies  upon 
the  coasts  of  Magna  Graccia  and  Sicily.  They  are  distinguishable 
from  later  buildings  by  a  naive  freedom  of  form  and  the  lack  of 
any  strictly  systematical  development  —  any  canonical  type.  The 
carving  of  details  is  as  careful  as  the  coarse  and  porous  limestone 
permits.  The  columns  stand  so  far  apart  that  the  low  and  heavy 
proportion  of  the  whole  is  not  altered  by  the  comparatively  high 
stylobate.  The  great  distance  of  the  shafts  from  the  wall  reduces 
the  naos  to  a  corridor-like  narrowness,  the  more  noticeable  as  the 
whole  temple  plan  is  very  long.  {Fig.  143.)  The  columns  them- 
selves are  low,  never  having  a  height  greater  than  five  lower  diame« 
ters.  The  monolithic  shaft  is  much  diminished,  and  has  an  exces- 
sive  entasis ;  it  is  provided  with  twenty,  or  in  rare  instances  sixteen, 
channels  of  segmental  outline.  The  incisions  beneath  the  capital 
block,  bordering  the  hypotrachelion,  are  generally  multiplied,  often 
being  three  in  number.  The  necking  upon  the  columns  of  Sicilian 
temples  is  not  merely  the  straight  commencement  of  the  channel- 
lings,  but  often  forms,  under  the  rings,  a  slight  scotia — the  apophyge 
— which  weakly  detaches  the  echinos  from  the  shaft  by  interrupting 
its  organic  connection.  The  echinos  has  too  great  a  projection  ;  its 
outline  is  soft,  and  the  small  rings  are  placed  too  high.  The  entire 
capital  appears  powerless  and  flat :  on  this  account  the  thickness  of 
the  entablature  has  not  been  increased  ;  the  outer  and  inner  surfaces 
of  the  epistyle  do  not  project  beyond  the  upper  diameter  of  the  shaft. 
The  members  of  the  entablature  are  exceedingly  high  and  heavy,  as 
are  the  details,  down  to  the  trunnels  and  cyma.  The  frieze  alone  is 
low,  and  the  metopes  consequently  small,  being  framed  by  massive 
triglyphs,  the  chamferings  of  which  have  circular  or  lanceolate  end- 
ings. The  mutules  above  the  triglyphs  have  the  same  great 
breadth;  in  one  instance  there  remains  above  the  metope  only 
space  for  half  a  mutule.     {Fig.  136.)     The  polychromy  is,  in  general, 


2l6 


HELLA  S.— ARC  HITECTU  RE. 


sombre — yellow-brown  and  black,  with  little  red,  being  the  colors 
chiefly  employed ;  the  patterns  of  the  ornaments  are  distinctly  of 
Oriental  origin. 

The  most  prominent  monuments  of  this  class  are  at  Selinous, 
upon  the  western  extremity  of  Sicily.  That  city  was  founded  in 
628  B.C. :  its  acropolis  appears  to  have  been  early  occupied  by  tem- 
ples ;  at  least  the  northernmost  of  these  buildings,  with  the  widest 
intercolumniations,  of  two  and  two  thirds  lower  diameter,  and  the 
most  spacious  pteroma,  dates  from  the  commencement  of  the  sixth 
century  B.C.  The  middle  temple  of  the  acropolis  appears  scarcely 
fifty  years  younger;  it  is  celebrated  for  the  primitive  reliefs  of  its 
metopes,  which  will  be  considered  in  the  section  upon  Greek  sculpt- 


I       !    = 


Fig.  144. — Northern  Temple  upon    Fig.  145. — Middle  Temple    Fig.  146.— Temple  of  Assos. 
the  Acropolis  of  Selinous.  upon  the  Acropolis  of 

Selinous. 

ure.  A  corner  of  the  building  is  given  above, /7^.  136;  its  capital  is 
Fig.  145.  A  third  example  of  this  earliest  period  of  development — 
which  is  designated  by  Semper  as  the  laxly  archaic  style — is  known 
under  the  name  Tavola  dei  Palladini,  and  stands  among  the  ruins  of 
the  Elian  colony,  Metapontion,  a  city  founded  as  early  as  768  B.C., 
but  entirely  rebuilt  in  586  B.C.,  after  its  destruction  by  the  original 
inhabitants  of  Lower  Italy.  The  fifteen  columns  at  present  upright 
probably  date  from  the  sixth  century  B.C.  The  intercolumniations 
are  wide,  the  shafts  excessively  diminished,  and  the  curve  of  the  echi- 
nos  too  pronounced.  It  is  difficult  to  decide  whether  to  this  class 
may  belong  the  remains  of  the  temple  at  Cadacchio  upon  Corfu  (Cor- 
kyra),  and  of  that  built  of  lava  at  Assos,  in  the  Troad.     {Fig.  146.) 


K 


ARCHAIC  DORIC  TEMPLES. 


217 


The  former  has  been  greatly  disfigured  by  a  late  restoration,  and  it 
is  not  at  present  possible  to  determine  the  date  of  the  latter,  known 
only  by  insufficient  publications. 

The  next  advances  of  temple  architecture  consist  in  placing  the 
higher  columns  more  nearly  together  and  in  heightening  and  nar- 
rowing the  triglyphs.  The  elegance  of  proportion  and  detail  was 
thus  considerably  increased.  Ionic  elements  were  first  introduced 
in  this  period,  greatly  to  the  advantage  of  the  style,  which  is  desig- 
nated as  the  archaic.  An  example  is  the  middle  temple  upon  the 
eastern  plateau  of  Selinous,  where  the  columns  are  cut  with  Ionic 
flutes.     It  is  also  important  in  the  history  of  sculpture  from  the  re- 


1 

Fig.  147. — Middle  Temple  upon 
the  Eastern  Plateau  of  Seli- 


Fig.  148. — Temple  of  Zeus 
upon  the  Elastern  Plateau 
of  Selinous. 


Fig.  149.— So-called  Temple 
of  Heracles,  Acragas. 


mains  of  metopes  car\'ed  with  scenes  of  the  gigantomachia.  {Fig. 
147.)  Of  similar  character  is  the  great  uncompleted  Temple  of  Zeus 
upon  the  same  plateau,  1 10  m.  long  and  50  m.  broad,  with  three  aisles 
and  galleries  in  the  interior  {Fig.  148);  and  also  the  so-called  Chiesa 
di  Sansone  at  Metapontion,  of  which  small  temple  there  are  only 
tew  and  scattered  remains.  A  third  Doric  temple  of  this  site,  dis- 
covered during  the  last  few  months,  is  as  yet  inedited.  It  is  uncer- 
tain whether  the  Temple  of  Artemis  upon  the  island  of  Syracuse 
(Ortygia)  should  be  reckoned  with  this  group. 

One  example  of  the  epoch  exists  in  Greece  proper — the  Temple 
of  Corinth.     Its  columns  were  once  heavily  primed  with  stucco,  and 


2ll 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


are  now  so  weathered  that  it  is  impossible  to  draw  any  definite  con- 
clusions from  them.  The  outline  of  the  capital  is  primitive,  though 
not  in  the  degree  formerly  supposed,  when  this  ruin  v/as  thought 
to  be  the  oldest  monument  of  the  Doric  style.  The  two  last-men- 
tioned remains  and  the  Temple  of  Athene  upon  the  island  Ortygia 
have  the  heaviest  and  lowest  proportions,  the  lower  diameter  of  the 
columns  comparing  to  the  height  as  i  to  4.27  (Athene),  i  to  4.29 
(Artemis),  and  i  to  4.32  (Corinth). 

The  Temple  of  Zeus  at  Selinous  was  the  first  of  a  number  of 
colossal  structures,  in  which  the  architectural  ability  of  the  Greeks, 


-'-    I 


Fig.  150.— So-called  Tem-  Fig.  151.— Porticus  of  Philip,  Fig.  152.— So-called  Temple  of 
pie  of  Theseus,  Athens.  Delos.  Demeter,  Pcestum. 

by  that  time  thoroughly  schooled,  sought  also  to  develop  itself  in 
enormous  size.  The  hexastyle  front  was  increased  to  the  octastyle, 
thus  permitting  wider  dimensions  of  the  cella,  which  still,  however, 
did  not  attain  the  greatest  possible  extent,  the  architect  being  un- 
willing to  reduce  the  breadth  of  the  pteroma.  The  columns  be- 
came even  shorter  and  thicker ;  they  were  less  diminished  and  had 
a  more  delicately  adjusted  entasis;  the  intercolumniations  were  in- 
creased. The  separation  of  the  capital  from  the  shaft  by  an  apoph- 
yge  was  abandoned ;  the  entasis  was  made  steeper  and  of  a  more 
vigorous  outline.  The  disproportionately  high  and  weak  triglyphs 
are  especially  characteristic  of  this  stage  of  development ;  with  the 


GREAT  TEMPLE  OF  ZEUS  AT  ACRAGAS. 


219 


exception  of  these,  tne  entablature  still  remained  low  and  heavy. 
Marble  came  more  and  more  into  use  as  a  building-stone ;  the  exe- 
cution of  details  in  stucco  was  rarer.  The  new  material  did  noc 
limit  the  use  of  color,  which,  in  place  of  the  former  tones,  became 
brighter — red,  blue,  and  yellow  prevailing.  The  most  imposing,  be- 
cause the  best-preserved,  of  these  colossal  works  is  the  magnificent 
Temple  of  Pcestum,  with  its  two  stories  of  inner  columns  partly  in- 
tact. {Fig.  153.)  The  triglyphs  have  not  as  yet  disappeared  from 
the  walls  of  the  cella,  but  otherwise  the  construction  shows  no  prim- 
itive trails,  being  fully  fitted  for  its  execution  in  stone.  Resembling 
this  in  many  points  is  the  Temple  of  Acragas,or  Agrigentum,  termed 
that  of  Heracles.  {Fig.  149.)  The  great  Temple  of  Zeus  of  the  same 
city  was  of  the  most  gigantic  dimensions  ever  attempted  in  the  sa- 
cred architecture  of  the  Greeks.     It  was  also,  unfortunately,  even 


Fig.  153. — Plan  of  the  Great  Temple  of  Poestum. 

greater  than  was  really  practicable  for  a  trabeated  construction  in 
such  a  building- material,  and  consequently  became  a  monstrosity. 
The  temple  was  heptastyle,  that  is,  had  seven  columns  upon  the 
front,  which  rendered  impossible  the  normal  entrance  in  the  mid- 
dle. It  differed  still  more  decidedly  from  other  Greek  temples  in 
that  the  cella  was  not  surrounded  by  an  open  pteroma,  the  out- 
standing columns  being  supplanted  by  a  wall  decorated  with  en- 
gaged shafts.  It  would  be  difficult  to  decide  whether  this  peculiar 
pseudo-peripteros  owed  its  conformation  to  the  building -stone  at 
disposal,  only  to  be  quarried  in  blocks  too  short  for  the  lintels  of  the 
pteroma,  or  whether  other  considerations  led  to  this  abnormal  nega- 
tion of  the  fundamental  principles  of  columnar  architecture,  which 
here  has  no  relation'  to  the  better-founded  practices  of  Roman 
builders  in  the  application  of  engaged  shafts.     The  transformation 


220 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


of  the  pteroma  made  an  entire  change  in  the  general  disposition  of 
plan ;  but  too  little  of  the  building  now  remains  above  ground  to 
render  its  arrangement  certain.  If  door -openings  be  assumed  at 
both  sides  of  the  middle  column,  as  in  the  illustration,  this  would 


Fig.  154. — Plan,  Section,  and  Elevation  of  the  Temple  of  Olympian  Zeus  at  Acragas. 

have  been  possible  only  upon  the  west,  the  middle  column  of  the 
east  —  the  customary  entrance-front  —  being  proved  by  the  remains 
to  have  been  engaged.  It  is  not  probable  that  windows  existed  in 
the  wall  between  the  columns  ;  the  supposition  is  more  natural 
that  some  of  the  side  metopes  were  unclosed,  and  provided  the 


TEMl'LE  OF  ZEUS  AT  ULYMPIA. 


221 


pteroma  with  sufficient  daylight.  This  would  have  been  no  innova- 
tion, but  rather,  in  this  case,  where  it  was  impossible  to  execute  the 
open  peripteros,  a  return  to  the  original  method  of  illumination 
through  the  interstices  between  the  beams  upon  the  top  of  the  cella 
wall.  The  btf  jre-mentioned  Temple  of  Athene  upon  the  island  of 
Ortygia  is  another  Sicilian  example  belonging  to  this  archaic  period 
of  gigantic  dimensions. 

The  two  colossal  monuments  of  Athens,  built  during  the  second 


Mmiin'.iiiiiim;iM 


Fig.  155. — Entablatures  of  the  Older  and  Present  Parthenon. 

half  of  the  sixth  century,  are  more  important,  although  the  older 
Parthenon  upon  the  acropolis,  if,  indeed,  ever  completed,  could  not 
have  stood  longer  than  half  a  century,  and  the  Doric  temple  of 
Olympian  Zeus  was  discontinued  before  its  construction  had  far  ad- 
vanced. A  comparison  of  a  fragment  of  the  earlier  building  with 
the  entablature  of  the  present  Parthenon  shows  how  disproportion- 
ately high  were  the  triglyphs  and  how  heavy  and  broad  the  taenia 
and  regulas  of  the  archaic  period.     {Fig.  155.) 

The  exercise  of  the  designer's  individual  ability  in  these  works, 


222 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


and  the  hieratic  retention  of  every  constructive  and  aesthetic  gain 
thus  obtained,  prepared  for  the  fullest  perfection  of  the  Doric  style. 
The  advance  was  effected  by  a  slight  attenuation  of  the  too  massive 
columns,  a  further  reduction  of  the  height  of  the  entablature,  and  an 
increase  in  the  projection  of  the  smaller  decorative  members.  The 
temples  built  during,  or  shortly  after,  the  time  of  the  Persian  wars 
show  the  gradual  introduction  of  these  changes.  Among  the  Si- 
cilian remains  of  this  period  are  the  uncompleted  Temple  of  Se- 
gesta,  the  so-called  Temple  of  Concordia  at  Acragas,  and  the  six 
peripteral  temples  upon  the  acropolis  and  eastern  plateau  of  Selinous 
not  previously  mentioned.  Among  those  of  Greece  proper,  the 
Temple  of  Athene  upon  ^Egina  and  the  Temple  of  Zeus  at  Olym- 


Fig.  156. — Plan  of  the  Temple  of  Zeus  at  Olympia, 

pia  {Fig.  156)  are  most  prominent.  The  frieze  of  criglyphs  was  omit- 
ted from  the  cella  walls  of  the  Temple  of  yEgina,  but  the  regulas  and 
trunnels  were  retained  with  curious  effect :  it  is  as  though  the  de- 
signer were  only  slowly  and  with  difficulty  led  to  give  up,  one  by 
one,  the  traditions  of  a  primitive  wooden  construction.  The  date  of 
the  building  of  the  Olympian  temple  is  uncertain,  but  the  name  of 
its  architect,  Libon,  of  Elis,  has  been  handed  down,  with  one  ex- 
ception the  earliest  connected  with  Greek  architecture.  The  re- 
cent excavations  have  entirely  exposed  the  overthrown  ruins.  They 
show  that  the  forms  of  the  edifice  are  more  primitive  than  would 
have  been  expected  from  the  age  in  which  Pheidias  completed  the 
celebrated  chryselephantine  statue  of  the  temple  deity.  It  is  possi- 
ble that  the  advance  of  the  building  was  slow,  or  that  there  were 


DORIC  MONUMENTS  OF  ATTICA.  223 

long  interruptions  of  the  work  before  its  final  completion.  An  es- 
pecially important  result  of  the  investigations  is  the  evidence  that 
an  enclosed  aedicula  for  the  statue  of  Zeus,  hitherto  advocated  by 
restorers  because  of  the  supposed  opening  in  the  roof  and  ceiling 
for  light,  did  not  exist,  the  interior  having  been  divided  into  three 
aisles  like  the  great  Temple  of  Paestum.  The  proportions  of  the 
peripteros  were  of  great  vigor  and  beauty.  It  was  built  of  poros, 
with  the  exception  of  the  metope  reliefs  upon  the  fronts  of  the  eel- 
la,  and  the  carved  gutter  and  roof  tiles,  which  were  of  marble.  This 
so-called  poros,  a  stone  almost  exclusively  employed  for  the  ear- 
lier buildings  of  the  Greeks,  is  a  rough  shell  conglomerate,  usually 
brought  to  a  surface  by  a  heavy  priming  of  stucco.  The  floor  of 
the  pteroma  of  the  great  temple  at  Olympia  was  of  a  pebble  ce- 
ment, the  small  inner  staircases  of  wood. 

While  the  architecture  of  the  Peloponnesos  still  retained  traces 
of  the  archaic  style,  the  highest  perfection  of  Doric  forms  was  attain- 
ed in  Attica,  reaching  its  fulfilment  at  a  time,  after  the  Persian  wars, 
when  the  political  supremacy  of  Athens  was  far  greater  than  that  ever 
enjoyed  by  any  state  of  the  world  so  restricted  in  territory.  The  de- 
served sovereignty  of  Athens  over  Greece,  its  naval  power,  imposing 
even  to  the  Orientals  of  Western  Asia  and  Egypt,  and,  finally,  the 
necessity  and  opportunity  of  rebuilding  the  Attic  capital  after  its  de- 
struction by  the  Persians,  before  the  decisive  battle  of  Salamis,  caused 
a  monumental  rebirth  of  the  noble  city,  which  not  only  became  the 
classic  model  in  those  ages  throughout  the  extent  of  Greece  and  its 
colonies  upon  distant  shores,  but  the  highest  ideal  of  architecture  to 
the  present  day  and  for  the  entire  future  of  the  human  race.  Attica 
was  fitted  to  cultivate  equally  the  artistic  peculiarities  of  the  two 
branches  of  the  Hellenic  stock,  its  Ionic  population  being  inter- 
mingled, in  a  marked  degree,  with  Doric  elements.  It  had  attained 
the  highest  development  of  civilization,  and  was  the  home  of  the 
most  famed  artists.  By  the  taxes  levied  upon  the  eastern  mainland 
and  the  islands  of  the  Archipelago,  Athens  had  almost  unlimited 
means  at  its  disposal.  To  this  nature  added  the  incomparable  mar- 
ble building- material,  quarried  almost  before  the  gates  of  the  city, 
which  indeed  possessed  all  the  conditions  requisite  for  the  first  mon- 
umental capital  of  Greece  and  of  the  civilized  world.     Familiarity 


224  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

with  the  Ionic  style  did  not  permit  that  heaviness  and  clumsiness  of 
Y  architectural  members  observable  upon  the  contemporaneous  temples 
of  the  Peloponnesos.  The  columns  of  the  Temple  of  ^Egina  had  been 
allowed  a  height  as  great  as  5.3  times  their  lower  diameter.  In  the 
Doric  buildings  of  Athens  this  was  still  further  increased,  the  so- 
called  Temple  of  Theseus  having  the  proportion  of  5.62  to  i,  the  Par- 
thenon as  5.47  to  I.  The  diminution  and  entasis  of  the  shaft  were 
reduced  to  just  relations;  the  delicate  curve  of  the  latter,  as  demand- 
ed by  the  optical  deception  it  was  to  correct,  was  greatest  below  the 
half  height  of  the  column.  The  channellings  no  longer  remained 
segmental  arcs,  but  received  an  independently  designed,  elliptical 
profile.  The  echinos  became  steeper,  rising  in  an  almost  straight  line 
to  the  firm  and  sharp  turn  beneath  the  abacus.  The  triglyphs,  re- 
turning slightly  to  former  proportions,  became  broader  than  those  of 
the  preceding  period  ;  smaller  members  were  diminished  in  height, 
but  were  made  more  projecting.  The  colors  of  the  entablature  be- 
came still  more  intense  ;  blue  and  red  predominated  ;  green  was  also 
employed,  and  gilding  appeared  upon  the  trunnels  and  in  the  beauti- 
fully composed  surface  patterns.  Ionic  elements,  almost  entirely  dis- 
used during  the  latter  ages,  reappeared  in  very  general  employment, 
especially  in  the  deep  cofiferings  of  the  pteroma  ceiling  and  upon  the 
capitals  of  the  pilasters. 

The  typical  monuments  of  this  Attic  Doric  style  are  the  so- 
called  Theseion,  and  the  Parthenon  and  Propylaea  of  the  Athenian 
acropolis.  The  first  of  these  buildings  {Fig.  139)  was  certainly 
not  sacred  to  Theseus ;  its  dedication  is  not  surely  known.  It  pre- 
ceded the  highest  perfection,  still  betraying  some  slight  archaic 
influences.  The  triglyphs  are  too  high,  the  smaller  members,  no- 
tably the  regulas  and  trunnels,  too  heavy.  Ionic  elements  are 
freely  introduced.  Besides  the  coffering  of  the  pteroma  ceiling 
and  the  before-mentioned  pilaster  capitals,  there  was  an  Ionic  zo- 
phoros,  or  continuous  frieze  of  figures,  bordered  above  and  below 
by  leaved  cyma-mouldings  and  astragals,  in  place  of  the  Doric  en- 
tablature usually  employed,  at  least  in  part,  upon  the  walls  of  the 
cella.  The  ornamental  painting  was  extended  to  the  capitals  of 
the  pteroma  columns  {Fig.  150),  which  bore  a  series  of  leaves,  and 
to  the  walls,  the  interior  of  the  naos  having   been   prepared   for 


THE   PARTHENON    AND   PROPYLiEA   OF  ATHENS. 


225 


the  reception  of  pigments.      The  perfect  preservation  of  the  build- 
ing is  owing  to  its  early  transformation  into  a  Christian  church. 

The  Parthenon  far  surpassed  the  Theseion  in  artistic  perfection  -, 
it  was,  indeed,  worthy  the  superintendence  of  a  Pheidias.  Its  archi- 
tect, Ictinos,  conceived  his  work  to  stand  so  high  above  contempo- 
rary buildings  that  he  celebrated  it  in  an  especial  monograph,  men- 
tioned by  Vitruvius,  though,  unfortunately,  not  consulted  by  him. 
The  dimensions  of  the  octastyle  temple  were  imposing ;  the  edge  of 
the  stylobate  measured  about  30  by  68  m. ;  elevated  upon  the  steep 
acropolis,  it  could  be  seen  from  a  great  distance.  Though  its  site 
was  not  limited,  the  economy  of  space  was  carried  to  an  extreme. 
The  intercolumniations  are  narrow,  especially  those  of  the  front ;  the 


Fig.  157. — Plan  of  the  Parthenon. 


pteroma  was  thus  reduced  in  breadth  to  less  than  one  and  one  half 
times  the  lower  diameter  of  the  columns.  {Fig.  157.)  The  pronaos 
and  epinaos  had  no  side  walls,  the  cella  being  amphiprostyle,  en- 
closed by  high  grilles.  The  depth  of  these  vestibules  was  less  than 
one  quarter  of  their  breadth.  The  remaining  interior  was  parti- 
tioned into  two  chambers  of  unequal  size :  the  naos  and  the  opis- 
thodomos,  the  latter  of  which  served  as  a  treasury.  The  naos  was 
divided  by  ranges  of  columns  into  three  chief  aisles,  and  the  gallery 
oyer  the  sides  was  carried  across  the  nave,  next  to  the  rear  wall. 
The  world-renowned  chryselephantine  statue  of  Athene,  12  m.  high, 
stood  before  the  transverse  columns,  between  which  and  the  par- 
tition there  was  allowed  a  passage,  nearly  equal  in  breadth  to  the 

15 


226  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

side  aisles.  The  stairs  to  the  gallery  may,  from  the  analogies  of  the 
great  temples  of  Olympia  and  Paestum,  be  assumed  to  have  existed 
at  either  side  of  the  entrance. 


Fig.  158. — Plan  and  View  of  the  Propylaea,  Athens. 

The  Propylaea  of  the  Athenian  acropolis,  by  which  the  architect 
Mnesicles  made  his  name  immortal,  were  not  less  perfect  than  the 
Parthenon.     Work  upon  them  was  begun  shortly  before  the  com- 


TEMPLE   OF   BASSiE. 


227 


pleti'on  of  the  latter  building,  in  438  B.C.,  and  occupied  five  years. 
Ionic  members  had  frequently  been  employed  upon  Doric  struct- 
ures, but  the  Propylaea  offer  the  first  instance  of  a  combination  of 
the  styles  in  almost  equal  proportions :  the  interior  of  these  gates 
was  entirely  Ionic,  the  exterior  entirely  Doric.  {Figs.  120  and  158.) 
Six  Ionic  columns  bore  the  famed  marble  ceiling  of  great  span, 
while  two  Doric  porticos  formed  the  fronts.  The  stone-cutting  of 
all  the  monuments  upon  the  Athenifin  acropo'is  we.<;  incomparably 
exact  and  beautiful,  as  was  the  harmony  c.f 
their  proportions  and  forms. 

The  Temple  of  Phigalia,  or  Bassae,  in  Ar- 
cadia, though  stated  to  h?.ve  been  built  by 
the  architect  of  the  Parthenon,  shows  that 
the  perfection  of  the  monuments  last  consid- 
ered was  possible  only  upon  Attic  ground. 
The  sanctuary  of  Arcadia  was  dedicated  to 
Apollo  Epicourios  in  gratitude  for  the  deliv- 
erance of  the  district  from  the  plague  of 
431  B.C.  Its  plan  {Fig.  159)  was  excessively 
long,  having  fifteen  side  columns,  with  a  hex- 
astyle  front.  The  elevation  offers  a  remark- 
able combination  of  archaic  traditional  forms 
and  of  exaggerated  novelties.  Though  the 
three  incisions  of  the  capital  necking  are 
peculiarly  primitive,  the  echinos  has  become 
even  steeper  than  it  was  upon  the  Parthe- 
non. Ionic  sculptured  ornaments  begin  to 
appear  upon  the  entablature.  The  inward 
inclination  of  the  axes  of  the  columns  and  the  curvature  of  the  hor- 
izontals have  been  neglected  in  Bassae,  as  if  the  architect  had  not 
considered  it  worth  while  to  display  such  refinements  to  the  uncul- 
tivated Arcadians.  In  the  interior  of  the  temple  Ionic  columns  are 
engaged  upon  short  transverse  walls,  which  project  from  the  sides. 
These  are  so  remarkably  archaic  in  form  {Fig.  165)  that  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  explain  how  Athenian  architects*  who  must  have  been  .fa- 
miliar with  the  interior  columns  of  the  Propylaea  and  those  of  the 
Krechtheion,  then  in  course  of  construction,  could  have  prepared 


!e  «   4   •   •  • 

1: 

• 

•    «  ' 

0 

* 

:\ 

9 

r   ^ 

• 

^  0  ^ 

• 

Q    ^  J 

• 

^^^1  * 

0 

•  •  1  • 

•                               • 

#    •     9     •    •    • 

Fig- 159.— Plan  of  the  Tem- 
ple of  Apollo  at  Bassae. 


228 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


the  designs.  An  extremely  ancient  and  undeveloped  Corinthian 
capital  {Fig.  176)  has  been  found  among  the  ruins  of  Bassae ;  it 
will  be  referred  to  below.  Many  of  the  anomalies  of  the  temple 
would  be  explained  by  the  assumption  that  the  building  occupied 
the  site  of  a  former  chapel,  the  entrance  to  which  had  naturally 
been  upon  the  east,  and  that  the  lack  of  available  ground  prevent- 
ed the  retention  of  the  original  and  usual  orientation,  making  the 
peripteros,  as  the  enlargement  of  a  former  fane,  open  the  inner 
chamber  of  the  naos  upon  one  of  the  long  sides. 

Other  Attic  remains,  some  of  which  date  from  the  end  of  the 
fifth  century,  also  show  traces  of  the  deterioration  of  the  art.  Chief 
among  these  are  the  Propylaea  of  Eleusis  and  the  house  of  assem- 


Fig.  160. — Plan  of  the  Temenos  of  Eleusis. 

blage  for  those  initiated  in  the  Eleusinian  mysteries,  known  as  the 
'  Telesterion,  a  square  hypostyle  hall,  fronted  by  a  portico  of  twelve 
columns,  apparently  without  a  gable.  {Fig-  160.)  It  is  not  known 
how  soon  after  the  Persian  wars  the  temples  of  Rhamnous  and  Su- 
nion  were  rebuilt ;  they  may  have  slightly  preceded  the  age  of  de- 
cline. The  increasing  love  of  magnificence  and  luxury  felt  among 
the  Greeks  was  not  satisfied  with  the  simple  majesty  of  the  Doric 
style ;  the  Ionic  was  more  and  more  frequently  substituted  in  pref- 
erence. The  latter  had  been  employed  for  the  Propylaea  of  the 
Athenian  acropolis,  and  had  appeared  independently  in  smaller  tem- 
ples, and,  finally,  in  the  national  shrine  of  Attica,  the  Erechtheion. 
The   Doric   became   restricted   to   porticos  and   peristyles,  and,  in 


THE   IONIC   STYLE.  229 

double  -  storied  interiors,  to  the  lower  order,  for  which  important 
constructional  functions  it  was  fitted  by  the  great  solidity  of  the 
column.  But  the  desire  to  simplify  the  execution  of  Doric  mem- 
bers, and  reduce  the  expense  which  must  have  been  attendant  upon 
the  delicate  refinements  of  curvatures,  introduced  dry  and  hard  geo- 
metrical forms,  and  the  aesthetic  value  of  the  style  was,  for  the 
greater  part,  lost.  An  example  of  this  debasement  is  offered  by 
the  portico  of  Philip  upon  Delos,  where  the  echinos  projects  in  an 
absolutely  straight  line.  {Fig.  151.)  In  the  colonies,  upon  the  other 
hand,  even  as  late  as  the  Roman  period,  the  style  was  archaistically 
treated,  with  a  provincial  lack  of  good  taste,  illustrated  by  the  weak 
echinos  and  apophyge  of  the  capital  of  the  so-called  Temple  of  De- 
meter  at  Paestum.     {Fig.  1^2.) 

An  entirely  different  manner  of  building  had  early  appeared  by 
the  side  of  the  Doric  style,  which  cannot  be  accounted  of  quite 
equal  birth  with  that  eldest  male  offspring  of  Hellenic  civilization, 
but,  to  carry  out  the  simile,  should  rather  be  considered  as  a  step- 
sister. The  development  of  the  peripteral  plan,  the  echinos  corona- 
tion of  the  channelled  shafts,  and  the  entablature  of  triglyphs,  met- 
opes, and  mutules,  appear  autochthonic  and  purely  Greek  ;  while  the 
Ionic  style,  though  adopting  the  plan  and  general  disposition  of  the 
former,  was,  in  its  most  characteristic  details,  an  importation  from 
Asia.  It  is  not  meant  by  this  that  the  perfected  style  was  not  char- 
acteristically Hellenic.  The  Greeks  accepted  none  of  the  products 
of  their  neighbors  without  a  change — a  transformation  of  disposi- 
tion and  detail  by  their  peculiar  genius.  But  the  fundamental  mo- 
tives, the  elements  of  the  style,  in  as  far  as  these  are  not  identified 
with  the  Doric,  had  been  taken  from  neighboring  Eastern  lands  of 
primitive  civilization  :  from  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor  and  Syria. 

The  Ionic  column  betrays  this  relationship  in  both  base  and  cap- 
ital. The  former  consists  fundamentally  of  a  tore  elevated  upon  a 
drum,  usually  hollowed  by  a  scotia.  This  tore  was  employed  as  a 
footing  for  the  columns  of  Nineveh,  and  is  familiar  through  one  ex- 
ample and  through  representations  upon  reliefs.  From  thence  it 
was  transplanted  to  Persia,  where,  in  the  middle  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury B.C.,  it  appears  with  the  horizontal  channelling  found  upon 
the  more  primitive  Ionic  monuments.      {Fig-  79.)      The  concave 


230 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


profile  of  the  under  plinth  is  new  and  Hellenic.  The  delicate  per- 
ception  of  the  Greek  designer  recognized  the  advantage  of  this 
scotia  over  the  clumsy  heaviness  which  had  resulted  from  the  tore 
being  placed  immediately  upon  the  ground  or  upon  a  rectangular 
slab,  and  the  lower  member  was  made  to  harmonize  with  the  chan- 
nelled moulding  above  it  by  the  emphasis  of  horizontal  lines.  It 
is  uncertain  whether  the  slender  proportions  of  the  Ionic  shaft,  so 
marked  in  comparison  with  the  strength  of  the  Doric  style,  is  to  be 
attributed  to  Oriental  influences.  It  agreed  as  well  with  the  light 
Ionic  entablature  and  ceiling  as  did  the  powerful  Doric  column 
with  the  great  weight  imposed  upon  it ;  and  it  may  be  regarded  as 
one  of  the  principles  of  architectural  construction  that  the  strength 
of  the  support  has  ever  been  originally  determined  by  the  weight 
of  the  ceiling  and  superstructure:  the  column  has  been  adapted  to 
the  entablature,  not  the  height  of  epistyle,  frieze  and  cornice  to 
the  diameter  of  the  shaft.  With  this  consideration  agreed  the  de- 
sire to  attain  great  elegance  and  lightness  of  proportion,  peculiar  to 
the  Ionic  race.  The  Ionic  column,  thus  made  of  greater  propor- 
tional height,  had  diminution  and  entasis  like  the  Doric.  It  dif- 
fered remarkably  in  the  fluting.  A  vertical  grooving  cannot  be 
traced  upon  the  columns  of  Assyria ;  upon  those  of  Persia  it  is  sim- 
ilar to  the  Doric  channels,  with  sharp  arrises.  The  development  of 
the  flute  itself  may  perhaps  be  deemed  peculiarly  Greek.  As  paint- 
ed ornaments  were  gradually  given  up,  they  were  replaced  by  archi- 
tectural carvings ;  such  sculptured  decorations  were  harmoniously 
introduced  upon  the  shaft,  and  the  channels  were  deepened  to  a 
semicircular  profile.  This  rendered  a  change  of  the  arrises  neces- 
sary, for  if  the  ends  of  the  arcs  were  to  have  abutted,  as  upon  the 
Doric  column,  the  deep  flute,  with  its  extremely  sharp  edge,  could 
only  have  been  executed  upon  a  plane.  Upon  a  convexly  curved 
surface,  like  that  of  the  cylindrical  drums,  it  would  have  been  im- 
possible to  cut  semicircular  grooves  immediately  adjoining,  as  their 
outlines  would  have  intersected.  The  sharp  arrises  were  therefore 
relinquished,  and  a  broad  vertical  band,  the  surface  of  the  original 
cylinder,  was  left  in  its  place,  the  play  of  light  and  shade  which  en- 
livened the  body  of  the  shaft  being  increased  by  these  flutings,  but 
the  evidence  of  the  derivation  of  the  channelled  column  from  the 


THE   IONIC   CAPITAL.  23 1 

polygonal  pier  was  entirely  sacrificed,  the  cylindrical  form  being 
characterized  as  original  by  the  remaining  fillets.  The  carving  of 
the  shaft  was  rendered  more  difficult  from  the  slight  projections  left 
at  the  top  and  bottom  as  transitional  members  to  the  base  and  to 
the  capital.  This  horizontal  fillet  was  a  further  gain  to  the  outline 
of  the  column,  concave  and  convex  surfaces  thus  alternating  from 
floor  to  ceiling.  The  fiutings  were  terminated  above  and  below, 
before  reaching  this  transverse  member,  by  a  semicircle,  which 
agreed  with  their  sectional  outline. 

The  capital  consisted,  in  part,  of  an  echinos,  similar  to  that  of  the 
Doric  style,  the  leaves,  which,  at  least  in  one  instance,  had  been 
painted  upon  it,  being  here  carved,  and  an  astragal  taking  the  place 
of  the  necking  rings.  This  echinos  is  almost  entirely  covered  by  a 
spiral  roll,  which  gives  to  the  style  its  most  striking  characteristic. 
With  the  discovery  of  the  helix  upon  the  capitals  of  Assyrian  re- 
liefs, all  the  labored  explanations  of  the  significance  and  derivation 
of  this  member  have  fallen  to  the  ground.  It  is  impossible  to  be- 
lieve, with  Vitruvius,  that  the  Ionic  column  was  considered  as  the 
representative  of  the  fair  sex :  that  the  locks  of  hair  were  indicated 
by  the  spiral  line  of  the  capital,  the  folds  of  the  wide  garments  and 
draperies  by  the  flutes  and  fillets,  and  the  sandals  by  the  base.  Nor 
are  the  theories  more  satisfactory  which  seek  for  such  natural  motives 
as  spiral  shells  or  twisted  ram's  horns,  assumed  to  have  been  primitive 
ornaments  of  the  sanctuaries.  And  it  is  still  worse  to  regard  the  pe- 
culiar form  of  the  capital  as  decided  by  the  conception  of  an  elastic 
cushion,  which,  displaced  by  the  weight  of  the  entablature,  curls  again 
at  either  side  of  the  echinos.  The  Ionic  helix  was  a  form  of  capital 
imported  from  the  East,  where  it  had  been  used  by  barbaric  designers 
as  a  mere  ornament  upon  upright  legs  of  furniture  {Fig.Zi),  or  upon 
Persian  columns  {Fig.  80) — a  form  developed  by  the  Greeks  into  an 
architectural  member  of  the  first  importance.  The  Assyrians,  by 
doubling  the  volutes,  had  formed  with  this  motive  a  capital  not  par- 
ticularly well  adapted  to  the  functions  of  a  transitional  member  be- 
tween vertical  support  and  horizontal  burden.  The  Hellenic  archi- 
tect perceived  that  a  more  decided  projection  was  necessary,  and 
therefore  placed  an  echinos  beneath  the  volute,  leaving  the  roll  as 
the   medium   between   the   circular  shaft  and  oblong  entablature. 


232 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


which,  in  the  Doric  style,  had  been  formed  by  the  abacus.  The 
horizontal  lines  of  the  abacus,  thus  supplanted,  were  represented 
upon  the  Ionic  column  only  by  a  narrow  moulding,  curved  to  the 


Fig.  i6i. — Ionic  Order  from  the  Peripteros  of  the  Mausoleum  of  Halicamassos. 

profile  of  a  cyma  and  sculptured  with  a  leaved  ornament.  In  the 
Greek  capital  the  spirals  became  an  elegantly  curved  roll,  of  greater 
length  than  breadth,  with  tightly  curled  ends,  which  were  bound 


THE  IONIC   ORDER.  233 

together,  upon  either  side  of  the  echinos,  by  a  band.  The  capital 
thus  shows  its  true  profile,  the  helices  upon  front  and  back,  and 
upon  the  subordinate  sides  rolls  of  their  thickness.  {Fi^.  161.) 
This  difference  between  face  and  side  resulted  in  one  great  difficul- 
ty upon  the  comers,  which,  like  the  irregularity  of  the  division  of 
the  Doric  frieze  of  triglyphs  and  metopes  in  the  same  place,  proves 
that  the  Ionic  style  also  did  not  originate  upon  the  peripteral  plan, 
but  was  adapted  to  it  from  a  temple  in  antis.  It  was  natural  that 
the  more  ornamental  side  of  the  column  should  face  the  entrance 
front,  and  thus  the  capitals  upon  the  longer  sides  of  the  building 
were  forced  to  show  their  rolls,  the  partu  honteusc,  unless  the  corner 
capital  assumed  an   unnatural  deformation  to  present  the  helices 


Fig.  162. — Plan  of  the  Normal  Ionic  Capital.     Fig.  163. — Plan  of  the  Corner  Ionic  Capital. 

upon  two  adjoining,  instead  of  two  opposite,  faces.  {Figs.  162  and 
163.)  The  comer  capital  thus  became  a  miserable  hybrid,  which, 
because  of  the  impossibility  of  its  execution  in  a  natural  manner, 
from  the  intersection  of  the  outer  volutes  when  these  proceeded  in 
a  straight  line  parallel  to  the  epistyle,  lost  not  only  all  constructive 
significance  and  harmony  with  those  next  to  it,  but  also  its  individ- 
ual beauty.  There  was  no  other  expedient  than  to  bend  the  faces 
of  the  corner  volutes  outward  in  the  line  of  the  diagonal — a  malfor- 
mation visible  at  every  standpoint.  A  further  difficulty  was  pre- 
sented by  the  corners  of  the  spirals  over  the  echinos,  which  required 
to  be  masked  by  floral  decorations.  Upon  the  narrow  abacus  mould- 
in|f  rested  the  entablatpre,  remarkable  for  the  Oriental  character  of 


234  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

the  details,  and  notably  for  reminiscences  of  primitive  wooden  con- 
struction, which  are  almost  as  evident  in  the  Ionic  as  in  the  Doric 
style.  The  epistyle,  formed  in  the  latter  by  a  single  plane  block, 
was  here  triply  stepped  to  agree  with  the  multiplied  beams  re- 
quired by  the  nature  of  Oriental  timber  —  generally  provided  by 
the  various  species  of  palms.  According  to  the  description  of  Vi- 
truvius,  the  motive  was  also  employed  for  the  wooden  epistyle  beams 
of  Etruscan  temples.  Each  face  projected  slightly  beyond  the  one 
beneath  it,  as  previously  customary  in  Asia,  and  shown  by  the  ruins 
of  the  palace  of  Darius  {Fig.  84)  and  the  rock -cut  fagade  of  that 
monarch's  tomb  {Fig.  83).  The  epistyle  is  terminated  by  a  Lesbian 
cyma  and  an  astragal,  the  latter  being,  in  some  instances,  repeated 
upon  every  light  step  from  beam  to  beam  beneath.  The  frieze, 
known  in  this  style  as  the  zophoros,  the  bearer  of  figures,  is  an 
original  Hellenic  creation,  the  Oriental  entablature  consisting  of 
only  two  members  as  representative  of  only  two  constructive  feat- 
ures: the  epistyle  that  connected  the  columns,  and  the  ceiling  and 
roof,  which,  in  the  rainless  countries  of  the  East,  appear  as  one  and 
the  same  member.  In  Greece  the  inclined  roof  was  separated  fun- 
damentally from  the  horizontal  ceiling,  and  the  entablature  conse- 
quently expressed  a  triple  character.  The  naive  and  truthful  man- 
ner of  this  expression,  peculiar  to  the  Doric  style,  was  not  followed 
by  the  Ionic.  The  second  member  of  the  entablature,  the  frieze, 
should  represent  the  ceiling,  but  the  symbols  of  that  constructive 
feature,  the  dentils,  were  crowded  up  among  the  details  of  the  cor- 
nice, while  the  zophoros  itself,  perhaps  as  a  result  of  the  relief  sculpt- 
ure employed  upon  the  Doric  metopes,  became  a  continuous  deco- 
ration of  carving.  The  dentils,  as  significant  of  the  ends  of  the  small 
ceiling-beams,  were  in  their  proper  place,  touching  the  epistyle,  upon 
the  monuments  of  Persia  {Fig.  83),  and  also  upon  the  tombs  of  Lycia 
{Figs,  no  and  in),  so  closely  allied  to  the  Mesopotamian  tradition ; 
they  were  there  of  far  greater  size  than  in  the  Greek  Ionic,  where 
their  position  and  diminutive  dimensions  reduced  them  to  a  mere 
ornament.  The  members  of  the  cornice  stand  in  no  such  relation  to 
the  interior  construction  of  beams  and  rafters  as  did  the  mutules  and 
trunnels  of  the  Doric  temples.  The  curved  gutter,  however,  is  or- 
namented with  lion's-heads  and  anthemions,  which  seem  in  both 


THE  IONIC   ORDER.  235 

styles  to  have  been  derived  from  western  Asia.  The  stone  beams 
of  the  pteroma  ceiling  rest  directly  upon  the  epistyle,  and  are  con- 
sequently as  far  below  their  ex- 
terior representatives,  the  cornice 
dentils,  as,  in  the  Doric,  they 
were  above  the  triglyphs.  Be- 
tween them  are  the  rich  coffer- 
ings,  not  with  small  lacunae,  cal- 
culated to  produce  an  effect 
mainly  by  color,  but  in  broad 
surfaces,  frequently  stepped,  with 
carved  cyma- mouldings  in  the 
angles.  {Fig.  164.)  The  plan  of 
the  cella  differed  but  slightly 
from  that  of  Doric  temples.  The 
doors  are  usually  provided  with 
parotides,  the  doubly-spiral  brack- 
ets which  have  remained  a  popu- 
lar ornament  beneath  the  corona- 
tions of  door  and  window  open- 
ings until  the  present  day. 

The  historical  development 
of  the  Ionic  temple  is  not  illus- 
trated by  as  many  examples  as 
was  that  of  the  Doric  style,  and, 
indeed,  there  was  no  such  mark- 
ed and  regular  advance  as  that 
observable  in  the  temples  of  Se- 
linous,  Olympia,  and  Athens.  A 
great  number  of  Ionic  monu- 
ments stand  in  a  district  not  as 
yet  thoroughly  examined :  the 
southern  coasts  of  Asia  Minor. 
Towards  the  border  of  Lycia 
traces  of  an  archaic  or  proto-Ionic  style  have  been  observed,  more 
closely  allied  to  Eastern  motives  than  were  the  developed  tem- 
ples of  Greece.     The  capitals  of  Lycian  tombs  {Fig.  no)  have  no 


Fig.  164.  —  Ceiling  from  the  Peripteros  of 
the  Mausoleum  of  Halicarnassos.  Res- 
toration. 


236 


HELLAS.— ARC  HITECT  U  RE. 


echinos,  by  the  addition  of  which  so  great  an  advance  was  subse- 
quently made ;  the  formation  of  the  rolls  upon  the  sides  was  also 
primitive,  they  being  at  times  perfectly  straight,  at  times  dispropor- 
tionately curved.  The  difficult  transition  from  the  end  of  the  shaft 
to  the  volutes  was  evaded,  and  masked  by  anthemions  or  other  or- 
naments. The  only  example  of  such  an  imperfect  formation  in 
European  Greece  existed  in  the  interior  of  the  Temple  of  Apollo  at 
Bassae  {Fig.  159);  the  date  of  its  erection,  however,  shows  this  ex- 
ample not  to  have  been  archaic,  but  rather  archaistic, — that  is  to 
say,  intentionally  and  affectedly  imitated  from  primitive  peculiar- 
ities of  form.  ( Fig. 
165.)  The  columns, 
engaged  to  transverse 
walls,  have  bases  of  ex- 
cessive projection,  the 
thin  and  feeble  tore  be- 
ing out  of  proportion 
to  the  high  member 
beneath  it.  The  low- 
er end  of  the  shaft  it- 
self forms  a  second  pro- 
jection, which  greatly 
exceeds  the  usual  cong^ 
and  fillet  of  the  bottom 
drum.  The  shallow 
flutings  are  continued 
up  to  the  very  top  of  the  shaft,  there  being  concluded  by  an  almost 
straight  line.  The  capital  itself  is  most  strikingly  archaistic,  pre- 
senting the  helices  upon  each  of  its  three  exposed  faces ;  it  is  an  ap- 
plied decoration  which  has  given  up  all  semblance  of  constructive 
unity  or  function,  leaving  the  prismatic  kernel,  without  an  abacus 
moulding,  to  project  above  the  curves  and  support  the  imposed  en- 
tablature. The  narrow  space  remaining  between  the  two  large  spi- 
rals of  each  side  is  almost  entirely  filled  by  a  decoration  of  anthemi- 
ons, and  the  introduction  of  an  echinos  is  thus  rendered  unneces- 
sary The  sculptured  zophoros  of  the  interior  entablature,  now 
one  of  the  chief  treasures  of  the  British  Museum,  betrays  in  its  ng- 


Fig.  165. — Base  and  Capital  from  Bassae. 


IONIC   TEMPLES. 


237 


ures  the  greatest  freedom  from  convention,  in  marked  contrast  to 
the  affectedly  antique  character  of  the  architectural  forms. 

The  northern  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  as  far  as  it  is  at  present  known, 


Fig.  166.  —  From    the   Heraion         pig.  167.  —  From   the  Temple  of 
upon  Samos.  Apollo  Didymaeos,  Miletos, 


I       JUUUU 


Fig.  168.— From  the  Tem- 
ple of  Athene  at  Priene. 


Fig.  169. — From  the  Propylaea    Fig.  170. — From  the  Temple  of 
of  Cnidos.  Wingless  Victory,  Athens. 


offers  few  Ionic  remains  of  the  archaic  period.  The  original  Temple 
of  Artemis,  at  Ephesos,  according  to  Pliny  the  most  ancient  peripte- 
ros  of  the  style,  has  been  totally  obliterated  by  frequent  reconstruc- 
tions and  the  famed  conflaGrration  of  Herostratos.     A  second  fane  of 


238  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

national  importance,  the  Temple  of  Hera,  at  Samos,  is  at  present 
known  only  by  one  unfluted  column,  1.6  m.  in  lower  diameter,  and 
by  horizontally  fluted  tores  and  plinths.  These  two  buildings  were 
of  such  interest  that  their  architects  saw  fit  to  celebrate  their 
constructive  peculiarities  in  monographs,  as  had  been  done  for  the 
Doric  Parthenon.  The  writings  of  Chersiphron  and  of  the  Cretan 
Metagenes  upon  the  Artemision  at  Ephesos,  and  of  Theodoros,  the 
son  of  the  Samian  Illecles,  upon  the  Heraion  of  that  island,  are  men- 
tioned as  late  as  the  time  of  the  Roman  emperors.  These  peripteral 
temples,  built  about  the  middle  of'the  sixth  century  B.C.,  were  of 
very  considerable  dimensions,  but  were  far  surpassed  in  size  by  a 
third  national  shrine  of  the  lonians,  the  Temple  of  Apollo  Didy- 
maeo.s,  rebuilt  by  Paionios  of  Ephesos  and  Daphnis  of  Miletos 
almost  a  century  later  than  the  former  monuments,  470  B.C.,  upon 
the  site  of  an  ancient  structure  destroyed  by  the  Persians.  The 
temple  was  a  dipteros  decastylos,  that  is,  had  a  double  row  of  out- 
standing columns  around  the  cella,  with  ten  upon  the  front ;  it  meas- 
ured 91  m.  in  length  and  49  m.  in  breadth.  The  columns  were  pro- 
portionately tall,  19  m.  in  height,  which  equals  nine  and  a  half  lower 
diameters,  and  were  placed  closely  together,  the  intercolumniations 
being  only  one  and  a  half  diameters  wide.  The  scotia  of  the  base 
was  divided  by  a  projecting  moulding  and  elevated  upon  a  square 
plinth  ;  the  tore  had  no  horizontal  flutings.  {Fig.  167.)  The  capital 
had  a  straight  connection  between  the  spirals,  and  the  epistyle  was 
stepped  but  twice.  The  interior  of  the  temple  was  provided  with 
pilasters,  the  capitals  of  which  are  of  an  Oriental  character,  richly 
decorated  with  floral  motives.  A  Corinthian  capital  also  occurs 
upon  the  building  {Fig.  177),  which  will  be  referred  to  below.  The 
enormous  temple  of  which  there  are  fragmentary  remains  at  Sardis, 
supposed  to  be  that  of  Cybele,  appears  to  have  been  erected  during 
this  period,  and  resembles  the  shrine  of  Apollo  Didymaeos  at  Mile- 
tos. The  Temple  of  Athene  Polias  at  Priene,  the  work  of  the  ar- 
chitect Pythios,  who  celebrated  its  completion  in  a  monograph, 
dates  from  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.,  as  it  was  dedi- 
cated by  Alexander  the  Great.  It  was  a  hexastyle  peripteros,  of 
normal  dimensions,  35  m.  long  and  19  m.  broad.  The  plans  of 
Ionic  temples  differed  in  proportion  from  those  of  the  Doric  style, 


IONIC  TEMPLES.  239 

their  lengfth  being  less  than  twice  their  width.  The  base  of  the 
temple  at  Priene  (/V^.  168)  is  peculiar,  in  that  the  horizontal  flutings 
of  the  tore,  entirely  lacking  in  the  Didymaion,  were  restricted  to  its 
lower  half;  this  can  hardly  be  taken  to  prove  that  the  building  was 
never  completed,  but  is  rather  explained  by  the  consideration  that 
no  escape  was  possible  for  the  rain-water  which  dripped  into  the  up- 
per grooves.     The  connection  between  the  spirals  of  the  capital  face 


Fig.  171. — ^Temple  Ruin  at  Aphrodisias. 

is  curved  downward ;  the  ornaments  of  the  entablature  are  more 
florid,  and  the  gutter  is  almost  overladen  with  floral  motives.  The 
tetrastyle  Ionic  Propylaea  of  the  same  place  appear  to  be  of  more 
recent  date ;  the  capitals  of  the  inner  pilasters  are  decorated  simi- 
larly to  those  within  the  Didymaion.  Another  structure  of  this 
kind  at  Cnidos  is  of  more  beautiful  detail,  the  base  {Fig.  169)  being 
particularly  graceful  in  outline  and  proportions  ;  the  increased  curve 


240  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

of  its  tore  obviated  the  trouble  of  water  standing  in  the  horizon, 
ta!  flutings.  There  are  but  few  remains  of  the  temples  of  Artemis 
Leucophryne  at  Magnesia,  and  of  Dionysos  at  Teos,  built  towards  the 
end  of  the  fourth  century  B.C.,  and  celebrated  in  monographs  by  the 
architect  Hermogenes.  The  first  of  these  was,  according  to  Strabo, 
the  third  largest  fane  of  Asia  Minor,  measuring  64  m.  in  length  and 
29  m.  in  breadth.  The  influence  of  Attic  architecture  is  evident  in  the 
bases  and  in  the  rich  decoration  of  the  capital  rolls.  The  building 
is  thought  to  be  the  first  example  of  a  pseudodipteros,  that  is,  of  a 
peripteros  having  a  pteroma  equal  to  the  breadth  of  that  upon  a 
temple  with  two  ranges  of  outstanding  columns,  a  dipteros.  Re- 
sembling this,  though  smaller,  was  the  hexastyle  peripteros  of  Teos, 
at  first  intended  to  have  been  of  the  Doric  style,  the  plan  being 
altered  to  Ionic  after  all  the  material  had  been  provided.  Traces 
of  decline  in  the  art  prove  the  octastyle  peripteros  of  Apollo  at 
Claros,  near  Colophon,  and  the  temple  at  Pessinus,  in  Galatia,  to 
have  been  more  recent.  The  Temple  of  Panhellenic  Zeus  and  the 
Sanctuary  of  Aphrodite  at  Aphrodisias  {Fig.  171)  are  referred  to  the 
beginning  of  the  Christian  era.  The  excessive  attenuation  of  the 
columns  of  the  latter,  which  have  a  height  equal  to  ten  lower  diam- 
eters, the  extension  of  the  floral  ornaments  even  to  the  channels  of 
the  shaft  and  the  connection  of  the  capital  spirals,  the  so-called  Ggg- 
and-dart  moulding  in  the  cyma,  the  diminutive  dentils  and  the  in- 
troduction of  consoles  above  them,  all  betray  the  tasteless  magnifi- 
cence of  the  Roman  imperial  period. 

The  Ionic  style  in  Attica  developed  in  a  peculiar  manner,  being, 
there  superior,  both  as  regards  breadth  of  form  and  beauty  of  de- 
tail, to  the  works  of  Asia  Minor.  The  Doric  had  been  perfected  in 
Athens,  and  the  most  noble  Ionic  monument,  the  Erechtheion, 
stood  beside  the  Parthenon ;  the  Athenian  acropolis  presented  the 
noblest  examples  in  both  methods  of  building,  standing  unrivalled 
at  the  head  of  the  Hellenic  world  in  architectural,  as  in  poHtical  and 
intellectual  respects.  Characteristic  of  the  Attic  Ionic  are  the  so- 
called  Attic  base  and  the  entablature  without  dentils.  The  former 
consists  of  a  second  tore  beneath  the  concave  plinth  of  the  usual 
base ;  by  this  addition  its  symmetry  was  increased,  and  a  rhyth- 
mical profile  of  great  beauty  was  gained :  two  convex  and  two  con- 


IONIC  TEMPLES.  ^AJ 

cave  members  of  harmonious  proportion  alternating  from  the  upper 
sUp  to  the  commencement  of  the  fluting.  The  Attic  architect  evi- 
dently did  not  accept  the  significance  of  the  dentils  as  representa- 
tives of  the  ceiling-joists,  and  preferred  to  cut  a  decided  drip  upon 
the  lower  surface  of  the  corona,  which  had  so  marked  a  slant  in  the 
more  familiar  Doric  cornice.  In  the  place  of  the  dentils,  a  transi- 
tion was  provided  by  a  cyma  and  astragal,  which  mouldings  received 
in  Athens  their  typical  perfection.  The  few  Ionic  ruins  of  Europe- 
an Greece  do  not  illustrate  the  historical  development  of  the  Attic 


Fig.  172. — Temple  u\x)n  the  Ilissos. 

ionic  style.  The  interior  columns  of  the  Temple  of  Apollo  at  Bas- 
sae  {Figs.  159  and  165)  cannot  be  considered  in  this  connection; 
their  archaistic  details  by  no  means  express  the  influence  of  Athens, 
notwithstanding  that  the  work  is  attributed  to  the  architect  Icti- 
nos.  The  peculiarities  of  Attic  Ionic  architecture  are  well  exempli- 
fied by  the  small  amphiprostyle  temple  upon  the  Ilissos,  near  Ath- 
ens, which,  though  now  entirely  destroyed,  was  in  existence  up  to 
the  end  of  the  last  centurj'^,  and  was  measured  and  drawn  by  Stuart 
and  Revett.     {Fig.  172.)     The  lower  tore  of  the  base  is  here  small 

and  weak,  as  if  a  hesitating  attempt  to  improve  the  usual  outline. 

16 


242 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTU  RL. 


The  shaft  was  short,  perhaps  from  the  influence  of  the  Doric  exam- 
ples ;  the  epistyle,  from  the  same  consideration,  Was  without  the 
characteristic  steps.  Similar  to  this  is  another  tetrastyle  amphi- 
prostylos,  the  Temple  of  Wingless  Victory  before  the  Propylaea  of 
the  acropolis,  which,  as  if  to  compensate  for  the  loss  of  the  tem- 
ple upon  the  Ilissos,  was  rebuilt  in  1835,  with  overthrown  fragments 
rescued  from  a  Turkish  bastion,  and  has  become  one  of  the  chief 


Fig.  173. — Plan  of  the  Erechtheion.     (Boetticher.) 

ornaments  of  the  ascent.  {Fig.  158.)  The  entire  crepidoma  is  so 
small — 8  m.  long  and  5.5  broad — that  the  cella,  after  the  deduction 
of  the  front  and  rear  porticos,  is  even  broader  than  it  is  deep.  The 
architectural  details  are  of  exceeding  delicacy  and  perfection  {Fig. 
170);  the  sculptures  of  the  zophoros  and  of  the  balustrade  will  be 
considered  in  the  following  section.  The  inner  columns  of  the 
Athenian  Propylaea  show  the  lower  tore  fully  developed,  and  the 
base-mouldings  isolated  by  a  plinth  of  slightly  concave  profile,  else- 


THE  ERECHTHEION. 


243 


where  adopted  only  at  Eleusis,  in  imitation  of  this  building.  The 
highest  perfection  of  the  Ionic  style  was,  as  before  said,  attained 
in  the  second  national  sanctuary  of  the  Athenians — the  world-re- 
nowned Temple  of  Athene  Polias  upon  the  acropolis,  the  Erech- 
theion.  The  construction  of  the  edifice  seems  to  have  been  un- 
dertaken immediately  after  the  burning  of  the  ancient  building  by 
the  Persians,  in  480  B.C.,  but,  in  consequence  of  the  miseries  of  the 
Peloponnesian  war,  its  completion  was  delayed  until  eighty  years 
after  that  date.     It  was  a  combination  of  several  shrines  which, 


Fig.  174. — Northwestern  View  of  the  ErechtheJon. 

necessarily  con.structed  upon  different  levels,  rendered  a  perfect  sym- 
metry of  plan  impossible.  Other  double  temples,  like  those  of  Leto 
and  Asclepios,  and  of  Aphrodite  and  Ares  at  Mantinea,  or  of  Apol- 
lo Carneios  and  of  Hypnos  at  Sikyon,  were  not,  upon  the  exterior,  dis- 
tinguishable from  the  common  type,  as,  with  an  equal  division  of 
the  celia,  entrances  could  be  allowed  upon  either  front.  In  the 
Erechtheion  this  simple  arrangement  was  not  practicable,  because 
of  the  complicated  nature  of  the  combined  sanctuaries  and  the  irreg- 
ularity of  the  ground ;  yet  this  did  not  prove  a  disadvantage :  to 
the  architectural  perfection  of  the  monument  was  thus  added  a 


244 


HELLAS.— A  RC  HITECTURE. 


charm  of  picturesque  composition  usually  foreign  to  the  temple 
buildings  of  Greek  antiquity.  The  plan  given  {Fig.  173)  is  accord- 
ing to  Boetticher's  restoration,  but  the  mooted  question  of  the  inte- 
rior division  of  the  building  is  still  far  from  being  decided.  Upon 
the  principal  eastern  front  was  a  hexastyle  portico,  a,  through  which 

entrance  was  given  to  the  naos  of 
Athene  Polias,  b,  occupying  nearly 
one  half  of  the  cella.  Access  to  the 
other  division  was  obtained  through 
the  tetrastyle  hall,  e,  upon  the  north- 
western corner,  opening  directly  into 
the  narrow  sanctuary  of  Pandrosos, 
dy  from  which  four  portals  led  to  as 
many  chambers :  the  first,  g,  to  the 
Chapel  of  Boutes ;  the  second,  //,  by 
means  of  a  short  staircase,  to  the 
Crypt  of  Poseidon,  c ;  from  the  third, 
i,  was  a  descent  to  a  corridor  lead- 
ing to  a  space  under  the  Naos  of 
Athene  Polias ;  while  the  last,  oppo- 
site the  hall,  led  to  the  Porch  of  the 
Caryatides,/.  This  complicated  dis- 
position was,  as  has  been  said,  de- 
pendent upon  the  peculiar  natural 
position  of  the  ancient  national 
shrines  :  the  tomb  of  Cecrops  and 
the  memorials  of  the  contest  be- 
tween Poseidon  and  Athene  for  the 
possession  of  Athens, — the  impres- 
sion of  the  trident  with  which  Posei- 
don smote  the  cliff,  leaving  a  spring 
of  salt  water,  and  the  olive-tree  which,  at  the  command  of  Athene, 
sprang  from  the  same  rock.  Of  the  interior  of  the  building  there 
are  almost  no  vestiges ;  but  the  form  of  the  exterior  is,  in  the  main, 
clear.  {Fig.  174.)  The  capitals  upon  the  columns  of  the  eastern 
portico  {Fig.  175),  and  upon  the  pilasters  of  the  western  wall,  which 
was  pierced  by  windows,  are  of  almost  excessive  magnificence.     The 


Fig.  175. — From  the  Eastern  Pronaos 
of  the  Erechtheion. 


THE  ERECHTHEION.  245 

outlines  of  the  spirals  are  doubled,  the  side-rolls  are  grooved,  and 
ornamented  with  astragals ;  there  is  a  band  carved  with  a  woven 
ornament  above  the  egg-and-dart  moulding  of  the  echinos,  and  an 
entirely  new  feature  has  been  added  to  the  capital — a  broad  and 
rich  necking  of  carved  anthemions.  The  effect  of  this  band  was 
particularly  favorable  because  the  decoration  upon  it  could  be  re- 
peated beneath  the  capitals  of  the  pilasters,  and  a  greater  harmony 
of  the  corresponding  members  thus  secured.  The  columns  of  the 
northwestern  porch  are  larger  and  even  richer  in  detail,  especially 
the  bases,  the  upper  tore  being  ornamented  with  a  woven  motive  in 
place  of  the  customary  horizontal  grooving.  The  entablature,  from 
which  the  dentils  are  missing,  is  of  the  utmost  elegance  of  propor- 
tion, the  carving  of  its  cyma-mouldings  being  the  most  delicate 
work  of  architectural  carving  known.  The  reliefs  upon  the  zopho- 
ros  were  not  cut  from  its  substance,  but  were  merely  attached  to 
its  plane  surface ;  few  fragments  have,  consequently,  been  preserved. 
One  of  the  most  beautiful  features  of  the  building  is  the  Porch  of  the 
Caryatides  in  the  southwestern  corner  (F).  In  place  of  columns,  the 
figures  of  virgins  support  the  horizontal  marble  ceiling,  which  is  of 
no  great  weight.  The  model  for  these  was  doubtless  taken  from  the 
basket-bearing  maidens  of  the  Panathenaic  procession,  the  Canepho- 
rae.  The  origin  of  the  term  caryatides  is  not  known.  Both  geo- 
graphical and  historical  proofs  are  wanting  to  make  probable  the 
account  given  by  Vitruvius, — that  the  motive  for  these  figures  was 
derived  from  the  women  of  the  Peloponnesian  town  Carya,  who 
were  condemned  to  slavery  for  treachery  during  the  Persian  war. 
From  the  baskets  of  the  Canephorae  has  been  developed  a  capital 
member,  like  an  echinos,  decorated  with  the  egg-and-dart  moulding 
and  an  astragal,  and  provided  with  an  abacus.  The  frieze  is  lacking 
from  the  entablature,  in  recognition  of  the  fact  that  roof  and  ceiling 
are  here  one  and  the  same  member.  The  dentils  appear  in  the  cor- 
nice, it  being  possible  for  them  to  take  their  true  position  upon  the 
epistyle.  The  faultless  beauty  of  the  decorative  carving  is  particu- 
larly evident  upon  the  casings  of  the  portals. 

Monuments  of  the  Ionic  style,  not  numerous  in  Attica,  are 
rare  in  the  Peloponnesos,  and  exceptional  farther  west,  where  the 
Doric  element  of  the  population  predominated.     When  Ionic  ruins 


246  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

are  found  in  the  latter  districts,  they  generally  betray  the  influence 
of  the  Attic  school,  which  is  perceptible  even  in  the  Ionic  order  of 
Rome.  It  is  not  strange  that,  after  the  acquaintance  of  the  Ro- 
mans with  Hellenic  lands,  this  method  of  building  should,  in  their 
universal  eclecticism,  have  been  frequently  adopted.  It  will  be  seen 
in  the  following  section  how  Italy,  the  heir  of  the  decaying  civiliza- 
tion of  the  East,  reduced  the  forms  of  Ionic  architecture  to  a  facile 
and  commonplace  scheme. 

During  the  age  of  Pericles  a  foreign  growth,  the  Corinthian  cap- 
ital, had  been  engrafted  upon  the  Ionic  style,  which  changed  the 
character  of  the  whole,  the  more  decidedly  because  introduced  upon 
the  most  prominent  feature.  This  "  Corinthian  "  innovation  affect- 
ed the  capital  alone,  and  cannot  be  considered  as  an  order,  still  less 
as  a  style,  when  compared  to  the  Doric  and  Ionic.  It  was  a  mere 
variety  of  the  latter,  which,  in  all  other  respects  than  the  capital,  re- 
mained unaltered.  The  new  form  is  mentioned  as  an  innovation  of 
Callimachos,  a  sculptor  celebrated  for  the  magnificent  golden  lamp 
and  funnel  made  by  him  for  the  Erechtheion.  The  name  of  that 
artificer  may  have  given  authority  to  the  first  introduction  of  the 
Corinthian  capital  into  Greek  lands ;  but  the  detailed  account  of  Vi- 
truvius  in  regard  to  its  origin  can  hardly  be  deemed  more  than  a 
fable.  He  relates  that  a  loving  nurse  had  placed  a  basket  of  toys, 
covered  with  a  tile,  upon  the  grave  of  a  Corinthian  girl,  and  that  in 
the  spring-time  an  acanthos-plant,  upon  which  it  stood,  sent  forth 
shoots  covering  the  basket  and  curling  beneath  the  tile,  thus  pro- 
viding a  model  directly  imitated  by  Callimachos.  The  calyx  capi- 
tals of  Egypt  had  long  been  known  to  the  Greeks.  In  transferring 
this  floral  motive  across  the  Mediterranean,  the  decorative  foliage 
of  papyrus  and  lotus  had  been  given  up,  those  unknown  plants  not 
being  adapted  to  Hellenic  conventionalization.  National  art  ever 
seeks  the  subjects  for  floral  ornament  from  the  growths  of  its  native 
soil.  It  was  on  this  account  that  oak-leaves,  thistles,  grape-leaves, 
and  ivy  were  employed  in  Gothic  architecture ;  and,  in  a  similar 
manner,  the  Greek  could  make  no  more  fortunate  choice  than  the 
Hellenic  thistle,  the  acanthos,  the  forms  of  which  even  surpass  in 
beauty  the  serrated  outline  of  the  grape-leaf.  The  Corinthian  cap- 
ital suited  well  the  prevalent  tendency  to  attenuate  the  shaft,  and, 


THE  CORINTHIAN  CAPITAL.  247 

at  the  same  time,  it  furthered  an  harmonious  agreement  between  the 
capitals  of  columns  and  of  pilasters.  Its  forms  presented  a  better 
solution  of  the  problem  of  the  capital,  and  were  more  perfect  in  an 
abstract,  if  not  in  an  artistic,  point  of  view  than  any  of  the  preced- 
ing varieties.  The  two  functions  of  the  transitional  member  —  the 
projection,  the  oblique  line  between  the  vertical  and  the  horizontal, 
and  the  change  from  a  circular  to  a  rectangular  plan  —  had,  in  the 
Doric  and  Ionic  capitals,  been  effected  by  two  separate  bodies ;  in 
the  Corinthian  they  were  accomplished  by  one  alone.  The  kernel 
gave  the  projection,  considerably  steeper,  according  to  its  height, 
than  the  Doric  or  Ionic  echinos.  The  oblique  line,  convex  in 
the  former  style,  is  here  slightly  concave,  although  still  sufficient- 
ly vigorous  in  character  to  bear  the  light  entablature.  The  sur- 
rounding floral  decoration  effects  the  transition  from  the  circle  to 
the  rectangle ;  the  upper  leaves  project  towards  the  corners  of  the 
thin  abacus,  under  which  they  curl,  giving  to  the  capital,  at  some 
little  distance  below  its  plinth,  a  section  nearly  square.  A  canonical 
form  of  the  Corinthian  capital  did  not  exist  in  progressive  Hellenic 
art.  This  does  not  appear  until  the  order  was  reduced  to  a  system 
by  the  thought-saving  and  practical  Romans.  The  completed  type, 
so  familiar  in  the  monuments  of  Italy,  and  used  for  centuries  since 
in  all  parts  of  the  world,  does  not  occur  in  Greece,  the  creation  of 
the  Corinthian  order,  as  such,  being  emphatically  a  work  of  the  Ro- 
mans. The  Corinthian  capital  was,  in  Hellenic  architecture,  merely 
a  fanciful  and  ever -varied  decoration  of  foliage  around  a  concave 
calyx.  The  before-mentioned  example  from  the  Temple  of  Apollo 
in  Bassae  shows  how  imperfect  the  arrangement  was  at  first.  {Fig. 
176.)  The  single  row  of  leaves  at  its  base  does  not  sufficiently  or- 
nament the  kernel;  the  spirals  upon  the  four  corners  and  the  an- 
themions  between  them  leave  too  much  of  its  surface  uncovered. 
The  thin  abacus  is  neither  provided  with  a  profile  moulding,  nor  at 
all  carved ;  upon  its  edge  is  painted  a  Doric  meander ;  its  sides  are 
curved  in  plan,  advancing  above  the  corner  spirals  so  that  these 
might  project  farther  from  the  calyx.  A  decided  advance  is  shown 
by  the  capital  of  an  engaged  column  employed  within  the  Temple 
of  Apollo  Didymaios  at  Miletos  {Fig.  177),  which  appears  to  be  of 
more  recent  date.     A  double  wreath  of  acanthos-leaves  surrounds 


248 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


the  calyx,  those  upon  the  corners  being  made  sufficiently  tall  to 
support  the  spirals ;  between  them  are  anthemions.  Fragments 
brought  from  the  ruins  of  Knidos  to  the  British  Museum  are  of 
similar  form.  These  remains  all  resemble,  in  a  more  or  less  marked 
degree,  the  ultimate  typical  development  of  the  Corinthian  capital- 


Fig.  177. — From  the  Temple  of  Apollo,  near 
Miletos. 


Fig.  178.- 


-From  the  Tower  of  the  Winds, 
Athens. 


Others,  and  among  them  some  of  a  later  period,  lack  important  con- 
stituent parts.  A  second  variety,  discovered  in  the  Didymaion,  had 
only  one  wreath  of  leaves,  and  no  connection  with  the  square  aba- 
cus by  corner  spirals.  The  capitals  of  the  so-called  Tower  of  the 
Winds  in  Athens  {Fig.  178)  resemble  them.  Behind  the  acanthos- 
leaves  rises  a  simple  row  of  lanceolate  reeds,  which  follows  the  out- 


THE  CORINTHIAN   CAPITAL.  249 

line  of  the  calyx.  The  Choragic  Monument  of  Lysicrates,  built 
more  than  a  century  previous,  in  334  B.C.,  presents  a  beautiful  in- 
stance of  a  fanciful  Corinthian  capital.  Between  the  shaft  and  the 
calyx  there  is  a  preparatory  necking  of  small  leaves,  similar  to 
those  which  existed  upon  the  example  within  the  temple  at  Bas- 
sae.  Above  the  low  acanthos  wreath  rises  a  rich  garland  of  foliage 
and  flowers,  with  a  central  anthemion  rising  to  the  top  of  the  ab- 
acus. The  heavy  corner  volutes  cannot  compensate  for  the  exces- 
sive contraction  of  the  calyx,  which  takes  away  from  the  unity  and 
force  of  the  main  transitional  curve. 

The  Corinthian  capital  appears  to  have  attained  the  form  under 
which  it  is  now  known  in  the  middle  of  the  second  century  B.C. 
The  Temple  of  Olympian  Zeus  in  Athens  received  its  peripteros 
of  Corinthian  columns  under  Antiochos  Epiphanes,  176-164  B.C.; 
though  its  crepidoma,  probably  intended  for  an  edifice  of  the  Doric 
style,  had  been  prepared  as  early  as  the  time  of  Peisistratos.  The 
architectural  direction  of  the  building  had  been  intrusted  to  a  Ro- 
man, Cossutius,  and  it  was,  in  fact,  destined  to  provide  material 
for  Rome  itself,  as,  soon  after  its  completion,  the  columns  were  car- 
ried away  by  Sulla  and  employed  in  the  restoration  of  the  temple 
upon  the  Roman  Capitol,  shortly  before  destroyed  by  fire.  The 
capitals  thus  removed  appear  to  have  been  regarded  as  models, 
and  to  have  exercised  a  great  influence  upon  the  development  of 
the  Corinthian  order,  as  cultivated,  almost  exclusively,  by  the  Ro- 
mans. The  calyx  decorated  with  acanthos  foliage  corresponded  to 
the  taste  of  the  imperial  epoch  for  architectural  magnificence,  and 
its  employment  was  not  embarrassed  by  the  diflficulties  upon  the 
comers  of  peripteral  temples  which  have  been  discussed  in  the  con- 
sideration of  the  Doric  frieze  and  the  Ionic  capital.  The  floral  dec- 
oration soon  extended  to  the  entablature,  increasing  the  number 
and  dimensions  of  its  minor  members.  The  most  striking  result 
was  the  transformation  of  the  dentils  into  the  richly  carved  con- 
soles of  doubly  spiral  profile,  which  were  imitated  from  the  paro- 
tides of  the  Ionic  portal  coronation,  but  were  placed  horizontally 
instead  of  vertically.  The  use  of  both  dentils  and  consoles  is  a  bar- 
baric duplication,  characteristic  of  the  tasteless  architectural  mag- 
nificence of  the  Roman  decline.     The  so-called  Corinthian  base  is 


250 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


no  real  characteristic  of  the  order,  being  only  a  combination  of  Io- 
nic and  Attic  forms,  with  a  double  scotia  between  the  two  tores. 

Hellenic  architecture  has  thus  far  been  considered  exclusively 
in  its  relations  to  sacred  edifices,  because  the  art  of  building,  among 
nations  whose  civilization  has  been  influenced  by  religious  concep- 
tions, is  always  best  exemplified  by  temples.  But  it  was  natural 
that  Doric  and  Ionic  forms  should  be  employed,  though  in  a  less 
conventional  manner,  for  all  the  buildings  of  Greece,  being  richly 
elaborated  in  monumental  works,  and  more  or  less  simplified  and 
adapted  in  structures  intended  for  private  or  public  usefulness,  as 
economy  and  civic  destination  alike  forced  restrictions  upon  the 
disposition  and  decoration  of  the  design. 

The  sacred  nature  of  monumental  tombs  allied  them  most  near- 
ly to  the  temples.  The  conical  tumulus  had  preceded  the  Hellenic 
peripteros,  and  when  that  helpless  form  was  entirely  given  up,  after 
the  perfection  of  the  columnar  temple,  the  cinerary  urn  remained  as 
a  leading  motive,  which  excluded  the  lengthened  plan  of  the  perip- 
teral temple  and  rather  tended  to  increase  the  height  of  the  mon- 
ument— otherwise  a  subordinate  dimension.  Graves  of  less  impor- 
tance were  marked  by  columns,  upright  blocks  of  stone  with  an 
ornamental  cap,  or  by  steles,  the  angular  termination  of  which  of- 
ten betrayed  the  influence  of  the  temple  gable,  while  the  shaft  re- 
tained the  nature  of  the  pier.  More  prominent  sepulchres  consist- 
ed of  ranges  of  columns  upon  a  cube,  which,  containing  a  sarcopha- 
gus; took  the  place  of  the  cylinder  beneath  the  conical  tumulus.  As 
the  columns  had,  in  general,  only  a  decorative  importance,  it  was 
not  necessary  to  construct  a  cella  in  connection  with  them.  This 
was  only  added  when  a  chapel  was  required  for  funeral  worship,  or 
when,  as  in  mausoleums  of  great  dimensions,  inner  walls  were  need- 
ed to  provide  a  bearing  for  the  ceiling  beams.  The  termination  of 
these  structures  was  characteristic.  The  sacred  gable  was  general- 
ly avoided,  in  just  appreciation  of  its  significance,  and  the  form  of 
the  tumulus  was  retained,  so  far  as  the  rectangular  plan  would  per- 
mit, a  pyramidal  superstructure  taking  the  place  of  the  cone. 

That  this  pyramid  was  constructed  in  steps  is  evident  from  a 
small  tomb  without  a  cella  at  Mylassa  {Fz£^.  179),  and  from  that  mag- 
nificent monument,  the  Mausoleum  of  Halicarnassos,  one  of  the  won- 


Till-:    MAUSOLEUM. 


J5I 


ders  of  the  antique  world.  {Fig.  180.)  The  latter  was  erected  by 
Artemisia,  the  widow  and  successor  of  King  Mausolos,  who  called 
to  her  assistance  the  most  celebrated  architects  of  the  time,  Satyros 
and  Pythios ;  as  well  as  the  greatest  sculptors,  Scopas,  Bryaxis,  Le- 
ochares,  and  Timotheos.  It  is  known  by  the  extensive  English  ex- 
cavations of  1856  and  1857.     Although  the  opinions  of  prominent 


Fig.  179. — Tomb  at  Mylassa. 


authorities  differ  greatly  as  to  its  design,  it  is  yet  certain  that  upon 
the  massive  oblong  foundation,  30  m.  long,  24  m.  broad,  and  over  15 
m.  high,  which  contained  the  small  sepulchral  chamber,  there  stood 
a  ceila  surrounded  by  thirty-six  Ionic  columns,  and  terminated  by  a 
stepped  pyramid,  the  truncated  apex  of  which  bore  a  colossal  mai- 
ble  quadriga,  with  the  statues  of  the  queen  and  of  a  female  chariot- 
eer, the  whole  attaining  a  height  of  42  m.     The  works  of  sculpts 


252 


HELLAS— ARCHITECTURE. 


ure — the  figures  which  stood  in  the  intercolumniations  and  the  re- 
liefs upon  the  wall  of  the  cella,  and  perhaps  also  upon  the  substruct- 
ure— will  be  considered  in  the  next  section.  It  is  possible  that  the 
destination  of  the  edifice  was  not  that  usually  attributed  to  it,  Ur- 
lichs  having  argued  that  it  was  a  heroon,  and  a  memorial  of  victory. 
The  Monument  of  the  Nereides  at  Xanthos  {Fig.  i8i)  resembled 


Fig.  i8o. — Mausoleum  of  Halicarnassos. 

the  Mausoleum  in  many  respects.  It  was  a  peristyle  of  sixteen 
Ionic  columns  elevated  upon  a  massive  foundation.  Statues  stood 
in  its  intercolumniations,  while  the  zophoros  and  substructure  were 
carved  with  reliefs.  A  gabled  roof  seems,  however,  to  have  indicat- 
ed the  sacred  character  of  the  edifice.  The  cella  and  the  surround- 
ing columns  of  this  class  of  buildings  were  united  in  various  man- 


MONUMENTS.  253 

ners,  a  remarkable  example  of  a  pseudo-peripteros  being  offered  by 
the  so-called  Tomb  of  Theron  in  Acragas  in  Sicily.  In  other  in- 
stances three  stories  resulted  from  a  duplication  of  the  foundations 
beneath  the  penpteros,  as  in  the  alleged  Tomb  of  Mikipsas  at  Con- 
stantina,  the  ancient  Cirta  in  Numidia.  This  multiplication  was  par- 
ticularly frequent  in  the  Roman  period.  The  tomb  of  this  nature  at 
Saint -Remi,  in  Southern  France,  the  ancient  Glanum,  built  during 
the  reign  of  Augustus,  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  ruins  known. 

Among  the  choragic  monuments  of  Greece,  the  most  interesting 
is  that  erected  by  Lysicrates  in  commemoration  of  the  victory  gain- 
ed by  a  chorus  of  boys  of  the  Phyle  Acamantis  led  by  him.  It 
served  as  a  pedestal  for  the  prize  bestowed,  a  tripod,  and  was  a 


Fig.  t8i. — Monument  of  the  Nereides  at  Xanthos. 

pseudo-monopteros  of  small  dimensions  and  beautiful  details.  En- 
gaged columns  with  Corinthian  capitals  supported  a  monolithic 
ceiling,  the  floral  termination  of  which  originally  served  as  a  base 
for  the  tripod.  The  so-called  Tower  of  the  Winds  was  a  clepsy- 
dra, built  by  Andronicos  Kyrrhestes,  and  was  also  furnished  outside 
with  dials  and  a  weathercock.  It  is  especially  interesting  on  ac- 
count of  the  peculiar  forms  of  its  Corinthian  capitals.     {Fig-  178.) 

The  most  extensive  employment  of  columns  in  civic  architect- 
ure was  in  the  porticos,  the  stoas,  which  surrounded  the  market- 
places and  extended  through  many  streets,  being  connected  with 
baths,  gymnasions,  palaestras,  stadia,  and  hippodromes,  and  even 
appearing  as  independent  buildings.  The  market-place,  the  agora, 
was,  in  ancient  cities,  commonly  of  an  irregular  form ;  when  possi- 


254 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


ble  it  was  surrounded  by  colonnades.  In  more  recent  settlements 
care  was  taken  to  provide  a  rectangular  space  for  the  purpose,  in 
which  double  porticos  of  considerable  extent  were  built  for  shelter 
in  bad  weather.  In  view  of  the  effeminacy  of  the  lonians,  it  is  easy 
to  credit  the  account  that  this  race  first  provided  the  chief  places 
in  towns  with  the  protection  of  stoas,  introducing  this  custom  in 
Greece,  where  it  soon  became  general.  Extended  colonnades  were 
frequently  connected  with  them,  traversing  the  principal  streets. 
The  independent  stoas,  which  were  arranged  in  the  greatest  va- 
riety of  combinations,  are  of  particular  interest.  The  Stoa  Poikile 
(the  many- colored),  upon  the  market-place  of  Athens,  was  built 
by  Peisianax,  the  brother-in-law  of  Cimon,  this  latter  causing  the 
walls  to   be  decorated   by   Polygnotos  and   his  assistants  —  upon 


Fig.  182. — Stoa  Diple  at  Thoricos. 


one  wing  with  scenes  from  the  battle  of  Marathon,  upon  the  other 
from  that  of  Oinoe,  while  the  long  background  of  the  principal  hall 
was  similarly  treated.  Upon  the  market-places  the  porticos  were 
often  increased  in  width  by  a  second  row  of  columns,  and  in  later 
times  a  dividing-wall  was  frequently  placed  between  these  ranges 
as  a  spina.  According  to  Pausanias,  this  was  the  case  with  the  so- 
called  Kerkyraion  Hall  of  Elis.  The  form  of  a  stoa  diple,  or  double 
colonnade,  was  more  customary ;  in  it  the  central  wall  was  replaced 
by  a  third  range  of  columns,  as  the  case  appears  to  have  been  at 
Thoricos  {Fig.  182),  where  the  entrance  was  provided  in  the  middle 
of  the  longer  sides  by  wider  intercolumniations.  The  enlargement 
was  carried  still  farther  by  making  the  colonnade  of  three  aisles, 
with  two  inner  ranges  of  columns,  as  in  the  Stoa  of  the  Hellanodi- 


SECULAR  BUILDINGS.  255 

k«e :  covered  spaces  of  great  breadth,  open  upon  all  sides,  and  admira- 
bly adapted  to  their  purpose,  were  thus  provided.  It  is  natural  to  as- 
sume that  the  great  grain  market  of  the  Piraios  was  such  an  extend- 
ed stoa,  as  was  likewise  the  so-called  Basilica  of  Paestum,  a  structure 
of  three  aisles,  lacking  exterior  enclosure.  The  latter  building  is  as- 
suredly misnamed,  the  nature  of  a  basilica  being  dependent  upon 
outer  walls.  The  prototype  of  the  Roman  and  Christian  basilicas  is 
rather  to  be  sought  in  the  law  courts  of  the  Archon  Basileus  in  Ath- 
ens, a  combination  of  enclosed  halls  and  chambers,  which,  by  their 
future  development,  received  an  historical  and  practical  importance 
e.xceeding  that  of  any  other  work  of  Hellenic  architecture,  not  ex- 
cepting the  temples,  which  became  useless  with  the  extinction  of 
Hellenic  religious  conceptions.  The  columns  of  stoas  were  multi- 
plied above,  as  well  as  beside,  one  another,  analogous  to  the  galler- 
ies over  the  side  aisles  of  the  larger  temples.  This  appears  to  have 
been  the  case  upon  the  so-called  Persian  Hall  at  Sparta,  where,  in- 
stead of  upper  shafts,  there  were  piers  decorated  with  the  statues 
of  Persians,  comparable  to  the  corresponding  architectural  members 
of  the  Incantada  at  Thessalonica,  though  the  figures  of  gods  and 
heroes  were,  in  the  latter  instance,  attached  to  the  supports  in 
three-quarter  relief,  while  the  statues  at  Sparta  appear  to  have 
been  in  the  full  round.  It  is  evident  from  the  Roman  basilicas,  to 
be  considered  in  another  section,  that  the  employment  of  galleries 
was  general  in  the  enclosed  stoas  of  Greece. 

Chief  among  the  public  buildings  of  Hellas,  after  the  agoras  and 
stoas,  were  the  arrangements  for  the  festive  games.  These  were  di- 
vided into  two  classes:  bodily  exercises  and  scenic  representations. 
The  former  were  the  more  important,  forming  a  prominent  part 
in  the  education  of  every  Greek  citizen.  Palaistras  and  gymnasia 
were  provided  for  the  mancEuvres,  stadia  and  hippodromes  for 
the  public  contests  and  races.  In  primitive  times  the  palaistras 
had  no  architectural  character;  a  meadow  and  a  sandy  reach,  gen- 
erally upon  the  bank  of  a  brook  and  shaded  by  trees,  sufficed  as 
a  training -ground.  The  private  palaistras  seem  never  to  have 
exceeded  this  simplicity;  but  the  great  importance  of  drill  for 
the  military  power  of  the  State  early  demanded  the  erection  of 
suitable  structures,  and  there  resulted   the  gymnasion,  a  combina- 


256 


HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 


tion  of  covered  chambers  and  halls  with  open  courts,  which  provided 
separate  and  fitting  spaces  for  the  different  gymnastic  exercises 
and  for  the  baths,  as  well  as  for  the  higher  intellectual  entertain- 
ments of  the  philosophers,  rhetoricians,  and  poets.  These  struct- 
ures were  probably  varied  in  character  until  the  most  suitable  ar- 
rangement was  decided  by  experience.  It  seems  early  to  have  be- 
come customary  to  surround  a  rectangular  space  by  colonnades,  to 
which  were  added  extensive  wings,  semicircular  exedras,  and  the  like, 
for  scientific  and  aesthetic  instruction.  Upon  one  side  were  grouped 
a  number  of  chambers  known  as  the  Ephebeion,  Apodyterion,  Elaio- 
thesion,  Conisterion,  Corykeion,  Laconicon,  Lutron,  etc.,  serving  the 


''flUW'i%iiim\\\v'''"^/,,„^lll^i,„Ml'^W;|™\ii|iirft 


/^ifl 


Fig.  183. — Stadion  at  Messene. 

youths  as  places  of  assemblage,  rooms  for  dressing  and  anointing,  hot 
and  cold  baths,  etc.  Opposite  to  them  extended  the  stadion,  while, 
within  the  enclosure,  promenades  between  groups  of  trees  and  beds 
of  flowers  alternated  with  grounds  for  shorter  races,  quoit-throwing, 
wrestling,  and  other  contests.  Some  examples,  like  those  of  Ephe- 
SOS,  Hierapolis,  and  Alexandria,  still  display  in  their  ruins  the  chief 
features  of  this  arrangement,  though  more  or  less  influenced  by  the 
customs  of  imperial  Rome,  where  the  baths  had  been  in  great  meas- 
ure  separated  from  the  gymnasia.  The  spirit  of  emulation  was  ex. 
cited  by  the  publicity  of  these  institutions,  and  increased  by  the  pe- 
riodical festive  competitions  to  a  height  far  exceeding  our  modern 


HIPPODROMES.  257 

conceptions.  A  wreath  of  laurel  or  olive  leaves,  a  small  quantity  of 
oil,  a  tripod,  or  other  similar  rewards  of  victory,  such  as  were  given 
as  prizes  in  the  games  of  Olympia,  Delphi,  Nemea,  Corinth,  and 
Athens,  conferred  almost  divine  honor,  even  the  years  being  known 
by  the  name  of  the  temporary  hero  of  Olympia.  The  five  chief  di- 
visions of  the  gymnastic  exercises,  the  pentathlon — running,  jump- 
ing, wrestling,  boxing,  and  the  throwing  of  the  discos — were  practised 
in  the  stadion,  a  space  from  180  m.  to  300  m.  long,  usually  chosen 
close  to  the  side  of  a  hill,  which,  more  or  less  prepared  by  terracing 
and  grading,  provided  seats  for  spectators.  If  a  narrow  valley  were 
near  at  hand,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Athenian  stadion  of  the  suburb 
Agrae,  the  opposite  slopes  were  thus  occupied.  The  seats  near  the 
goal  were  naturally  the  more  desirable,  and  it  was  here  that  the  archi- 


Fig.  184. — Hippodrome  at  Olympia. 

tectural  features  were  concentrated,  terraces  being  carried  in  a 
semicircle  around  this  centre.  Examples  are  not  wanting,  as  in 
Aphrodisias  in  Asia  Minor,  where  both  ends  were  thus  terminated, 
and  the  space  for  spectators  carried  around  the  entire  race-course, 
thus  pointing  the  way  to  a  building  of  this  form,  the  amphitheatre, 
which  was  to  become  the  delight  of  the  Roman  world.  The  stadion 
of  Messene  {Fig.  183)  shows  how  natural  inclinations  were  followed 
and  utilized,  though  at  the  expense  of  a  symmetrical  disposition  ;  yet 
this  example  dates  from  the  later  extravagant  period  of  Greek  his- 
tory, and  is  far  removed  from  the  patriarchal  simplicity  of  primitive 
times.  The  stadion  did  not  suffice  for  the  races  of  horses  and  chari- 
ots which  had  been  favorites  with  the  Greeks  since  the  Trojan  war. 
In  such  early  ages,  any  goal  chosen  in  the  plain  was  sufficient,  like 

17 


258  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

the  oak-trunk  mentioned  by  Homer;  but  it  could  not  have  been  long 
before  the  need  was  manifest  of  a  sloping  stand  for  the  spectators 
and  an  enclosure  for  the  contestants,  and  thus  the  hippodrome,  the 
race-course,  was  developed  similarly  to  the  smaller  stadion.  The 
most  celebrated,  and  perhaps  the  oldest,  hippodrome  of  Greece,  that 
of  Olympia,  is  described  by  Pausanias.  The  right  side,  the  longer, 
consisted  of  an  artificial  embankment  of  earth,  while  the  slope  of  a 
hill  was  employed  for  the  left ;  at  the  entrance  was  a  colonnade  de- 
voted to  the  preparations  of  the  charioteers.  The  starting-point, 
the  aphesis,  had,  according  to  the  expression  of  Pausanias,  a  form, 
like  the  prow  of  a  vessel — that  is,  advanced  in  a  pointed  form — to 


Fig.  185. — Scheme  of  the  Greek  Theatre,  according  to  Vitruvius. 

facilitate  the  start.  The  plan  here  given.  Fig.  184,  is  altered  from 
Visconti's  restoration  by  these  gates  being  opened  towards  the  first 
turning-point,  the  taraxippos,  or  terror  of  the  horses. 

The  theatres,  as  enclosures  for  musical  and  scenic  representations, 
offered  greater  scope  for  architectural  development.  When  possible, 
the  auditorium  was  in  a  situation  where  a  natqral  semicircular  in- 
clination served  instead  of  the  immense  foundations  which  would 
otherwise  have  been  necessary  for  the  elevated  seats ;  the  stage  and 
surrounding  buildings  were,  however,  free-standing  works  of  archi- 
tecture. The  arrangement  of  the  Greek  theatre  is  described  by  Vi- 
truvius :  three  squares  were  inscribed  in  a  circle,  thus  forming  a 


THEATRES.  259 

twelve-pointed  star  {Fig.  185);  one  of  the  sides,  a  b,  served  as  the 
line  of  the  front  foundation  of  the  stage.  This  platform,  the  logei- 
on,  was  closed  at  the  rear  by  a  wall,  treated  like  a  facade,  and  form- 
ing a  background,  the  skene ;  its  position  being  -decided  by  the 
tangent  c  J,  parallel  to  the  front  side.  The  remainder  of  the  cir- 
cle, the  orchestra,  was  reserved  for  the  evolutions  of  the  chorus  and 
for  the  stand  of  the  musicians,  the  thymele ;  it  was  not  until  the 
development  of  the  Roman  theatre  that  spectators  were  admitted 
to  this  enclosure.     Its  extent  was  slightly  increased  by  drawing  the 


Fig.  186. — Restored  View  ot  the   1  heaire  of  Segesta. 

outline  from  the  diameter,  e  f,  to  the  stage  with  a  doubled  radius. 
Around  seven  twelfths  of  the  original  circle  was  constructed  the  con- 
centrical  auditorium  of  ascending  seats,  divided  by  a  platform  at  half- 
height,  the  diazoma,  into  two  parts,  and  accessible  by  radial  passages. 
The  statement  of  Vitruvius,  who,  as  usual,  substitutes  a  thought-sav- 
ing canon  for  the  living  individuality  of  Hellenic  art,  is  not  borne  out 
by  the  numerous  remains  of  Greek  theatres.  The  orchestra  and  au- 
ditorium exceed  the  semicircle  in  every  instance  where  local  confor- 
mations have  not  rendered  this  impossible ;  but  they  either  do  this 


26o  HELLAS.— ARCHITECTURE. 

by  elongating  the  arc  with  tangents,  as  in  the  theatres  of  Segesta 
{Fig.  1 86),  Syracuse,  Tyndaris,  and  Tauromenion,  or  by  continuing  the 
circumference  of  the  original  circle  without  deviation,  as  in  those  of 
Athens,  Epidauros,  Megalopolis,  Delos,  Melos,  Cnidos,  Laodikeia, 
Side,  Myra,  Telmissos,  Patara,  Aizanis,  etc.  Among  all  known  Greek 
theatres  only  two,  those  at  Mantinea  and  Alabanda,  are  situated  in 
the  plain  and  entirely  built  of  masonry ;  the  others,  contrary  to  Ro- 
man custom,  utilize  natural  inclinations,  as  before  explained.  The 
seats  were  either  cut  in  the  native  rock,  or  were  walled  and  reveted 
with  slabs  of  marble ;  when  the  slope  was  of  earth,  important  foun- 
dations were  undertaken. 

The  arrangements  of  odeions,  or  partially  covered  theatres  for 
festive  musical  representations,  appear  to  have  preceded,  and  in 
some  degree  influenced,  the  architecture  of  the  theatres.  The  old- 
est known  example  of  these  structures  is  the  Skias  in  Sparta,  a  cir- 
cular building  provided  with  a  pitched  roof,  which  was  probably 
built  in  accordance  with  forms  customary  in  Asia  Minor,  as  a  Sa- 
mian  architect  (Theodoros,  the  son  of  Telecles)  was  called  from 
Samos  to  superintend  its  erection.  The  odeion  upon  the  Ilissos 
near  Athens  appears  to  have  been  of  similar  disposition,  and,  like 
the  former,  constructed  chiefly  of  wood. 

The  private  dwellings  of  Greece  stood  in  no  relation  to  the  mon- 
umental public  buildings.  That  we  are  acquainted  with  no  Greek 
house  is  a  proof  that  these  were  of  the  same  subordinate  importance 
as  was  the  family  in  the  Hellenic  state.  The  house  was  nothing 
more  than  the  scene  of  the  family  labors,  and  turned  modestly  in- 
ward, confined  and  simple  chambers  being  grouped  around  a  cen- 
tral court.  The  life  of  the  Greeks  was,  for  the  most  part,  spent 
away  from  home,  upon  the  market-places  and  in  the  g}'^mnasia  and 
stoas ;  it  was  only  at  meal-times  and  for  repose  that  he  sought  the 
retirement  of  his  house.  This  was  completely  separated  from  the 
outer  world,  the  dwelling-chambers  having  no  windows  upon  the 
street  and  the  fa9ade  being  unimportant.  The  rooms,  with  the  ex- 
ception, perhaps,  of  the  dining-hall,  were  but  little  developed,  being 
generally  lighted  through  the  door  alone.  Their  windowless  walls 
presented  no  opportunity  for  architectural  treatment,  this  being  re- 
stricted to  the  court,  a  space  of  considerable  size,  surrounded  by  a 


PALACES.  261 

colonnade.  For  centuries  there  was  nothing  to  lead  to  any  increase 
of  this  simple  dwelling,  or  to  the  development  of  a  palace  archi- 
tecture ;  in  the  ages  of  the  heroes  and  tyrants  the  constructive  abil- 
ity was  insufficient,  and  later  republican  equality  was  inimical  to  all 
individual  ostentation.  It  was  not  until  royal  power  had,  in  the 
Macedonian  epoch,  taken  the  place  of  democracy  that  private  ar- 
chitecture made  a  decided  advance, — less,  however,  in  monumental 
importance  than  in  luxury  and  display.  The  chambers  were  multi- 
plied by  a  repetition  of  the  courts,  the  rooms  still  remaining  small ; 
while  a  refined  extravagance,  borrowing  its  decoration  from  the  sis- 
ter arts,  took  the  place  of  architectural  invention.  Notwithstanding 
the  Greek  terms  applied  to  various  forms  of  rooms  by  Vitruvius, 
they  appear  to  have  been  comparatively  restricted  in  size.  The  so- 
called  Corinthian  hall,  covered  with  a  barrel-vault,  is  specifically  a 
Roman  creation  ;  the  Egyptian  hall,  with  a  clerestory  over  the  central 
aisle,  may  have  been  built  in  remembrance  of  Alexandrian  models, 
while  that  of  Kyzicos  is  illustrative  of  methods  customary  in  Asia 
Minor,  and  especially_in-Pergamen.  The  three  chief  cities  of  the 
Diadochi  must  have  presented  imposing  monuments  of  private 
and  palatial  architecture:  Alexandria,  the  Egyptian  residence  of 
the  Ptolemies,  had  been  founded  by  Alexander  himself,  and  in 
great  part  designed  by  his  architect,  Deinocrates ;  Antioch,  upon 
the  Orontes  in  Syria,  was  built  by  Seleucos  Nicator,  with  the  aid  of 
the  architect  Xenaios,  and  rapid  increase  soon  quadrupled  its  origi- 
nal extent ;  Pergamon  had  been  restored  and  enlarged  by  Eumenes. 
The  wonderful  works  of  that  time  show  architecture  to  have  lost  all 
earnestness  and  truthfulness  through  the  extravagant  demands  cre- 
ated by  the  luxurious  courts  of  the  Ptolemies,  Seleucidae,  and  Attali- 
dae ;  their  sham  theatrical  pomp  was  surpassed  only  by  the  Orien- 
tal costliness  and  splendor  of  the  materials.  The  monuments  were 
expressive  of  the  weakness  and  superficiality  into  which  the  Eastern 
Hellenic  world  had  fallen,  and  for  which  the  forms  of  Greek  art 
were  employed  only  as  a  transparent  varnish.  Alexander  the  Great 
had  himself  led  the  way  to  this  profusion  of  monumental  and  pri- 
vate buildings.  It  was  he,  for  instance,  who  had  caused  Deionoc- 
rates  to  erect  a  pyramidal  pyre  for  the  burning  of  the  body  of 
his  favorite  Hephaisteion,  which  was  a  marvel  of  tastelessness  and 


262  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

extravagance :  the  square  substructure  of  brick  masonry,  with  sides 
one  stadion  long,  each  ornamented  with  two  hundred  and  forty 
golden  prows  of  vessels  and  nine  hundred  and  sixty  statues,  bore  a 
second  terrace  decorated  with  golden  wreathed  torches ;  the  third 
and  fourth  stages  were  reveted  with  reliefs  of  gold  representing 
hunting  scenes  and  the  battles  of  the  centaurs ;  the  fifth  with  gold- 
en lions  and  bulls,  upon  which  followed  Macedonian  arms  and  tro- 
phies taken  from  the  barbarians.  The  whole  was  terminated  by 
golden  figures  of  sirens,  the  hollow  bodies  of  which  accommodated 
the  singers  of  the  funeral  chant.  A  similar  piece  of  display  was  the 
magnificent  wagon  for  the  funeral  procession  of  Alexander.  Other 
works  were  the  gigantic  tent  for  the  Dionysian  procession  of  Ptol- 
emy II.,  Philadelphos,  with  its  supports  formed  like  palms  and  thyr- 
ses,  with  its  cupola-shaped  roof,  secret  grottoes,  etc. ;  and  the  Tha- 
lamegos,  or  colossal  Nile  bark,  a  floating  palace  built  by  Ptolemy 
IV.,  Philopator,  with  its  Temple  of  Aphrodite  and  many  halls,  one 
of  which  had  chryselephantine  Corinthian  columns,  and  was  dec- 
orated by  a  frieze  of  reliefs  executed  in  ivory  and  affixed  to  a  gold- 
en ground.  A  dining-saloon  was  built  in  the  Egyptian  manner,  as 
a  hypostyle,  and  the  hall  of  Dionysos  was  provided  with  an  apse 
formed  like  a  grotto.  At  the  same  time,  wonders  of  technical  and 
mechanical  skill  divided  attention  with  these  works  of  barbarous 
luxury.  As  early  as  the  time  of  Hiero  II.  of  Syracuse,  Archimedes 
and  Archias  built  a  monstrous  ship,  intended  for  the  transportation 
of  grain,  which  is  said  to  have  comprised  an  entire  city,  with  a  gym- 
nasion,  a  public  park,  towers,  reception-rooms,  dining-halls,  etc.  It 
had  three  decks,,  and  was  propelled  by  twenty  rows  of  oarsmen. 
Even  this  was  surpassed  by  Ptolemy  IV.,  who  built  a  vessel  with 
forty  rows  of  oars.  In  short,  gigantic  dimensions  and  tasteless  mag- 
nificence, favored  by  the  insane  competition  among  the  followers 
of  Alexander,  extinguished  true  art,  the  more  rapidly  as  works  of 
these  later  ages  were  not  executed  with  the  solidity  which  pre- 
served Roman  architecture  from  similar  decline,  even  though  it 
accepted  many  unsound  artistic  influences  from  these  Hellenic  and 
barbarian  despots. 

The  sculpture  deserves  even  more  unlimited  admiration  than 


ITS    PRE-EMINENCE.  263 

the  architecture  of  Greece.  Hellenic  building  shows  monumental 
ideals  such  as  the  creative  power  of  no  other  people  has  attained ; 
yet  the  problems  which  presented  themselves  for  solution  were  of 
a  limited  nature.  In  sculpture,  on  the  other  hand,  a  height  was 
reached  which  the  artists  of  all  later  times  have  scarcely  been  able 
,  to  comprehend,  far  less  to  equal.  For  centuries  cultivated  nations 
have  drawn  from  this  inexhaustible  fountain,  in  unconditional  ad- 
miration,— learning  from  Greek  statues,  and  acknowledging  their 
matchless  perfection.  Although  it  may  justly  be  concluded  that 
a  direct  reconstruction  of  the  architectural  remains,  as  a  whole, 
were  it  possible,  is  not  to  be  recommended,  still  no  one  can  hesi- 
tate to  regard  the  best  examples  of  Hellenic  sculpture  as  a  model 
worthy  of  direct  emulation,  the  controlling  influence  of  which  upon 
the  present  age  is  only  to  be  desired.  And  though  the  Gothic  ca- 
thedral may  appear  to  some  a  higher  artistic  conception  than  the 
Doric  peripteros,  no  one  would  give  preference  to  the  sculptures 
of  the  ancient  Orientals,  of  the  Mediaeval  Christians,  or  even  of  the 
great  masters  of  the  Renaissance,  over  the  marble  treasures  gath- 
ered in  any  of  the  larger  collections  of  antiques. 

As,  among  all  the  works  of  antiquity,  it  is  to  Hellenic  sculpture 
that  the  undisputed  palm  of  precedence  is  given,  it  is  befitting  that 
particular  attention  should  be  devoted  to  it  —  that  it  should  be 
treated  as  the  central  point,  the  focus,  of  the  history  of  ancient  art. 
This  is  made  possible  by  the  accounts  of  classic  authors  handed 
down  concerning  it,  and  by  the  multitudinous  remains  preserved 
and  accessible  in  the  museums  of  all  great  cities ;  it  is  rendered  easy 
by  the  circumstance  that  the  attention  and  industry  of  the  archaeo- 
logical explorer  and  of  the  student  of  art  have  been  directed  to  no 
other  field  of  antique  life  with  equal  zeal  and  with  equally  impor- 
tant results.  The  history  of  the  development  of  Hellenic  sculpture 
thus  lies,  in  its  main  features,  more  clearly  before  us  than  does 
that  of  any  other  ancient  art.  Although  different  views  still  exist 
in  regard  to  many  particulars,  the  arguments  advanced  in  their  sup- 
port only  serve  for  greater  general  enlightenment.  The  lively  dis- 
cussion which  the  question  of  the  beginnings  of  Greek  sculpture  has 
called  forth  may  be  considered  as  terminated,  since  the  Egyptian 
origin,  advocated  by  Thiersch,  Ross,  Feurbach,  Julius  Braun,  Stahr, 


264  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

and  others,  has  been  refuted,  or  at  least  reduced  to  the  secondary 
and  later  influence  assumed  by  Friedrichs.  Indeed,  the  oldest  Gre- 
cian sculptures,  when  compared  with  those  of  Egypt,  display  a  com- 
olete  contrast,  and  prove  that  such  a  connection,  if  it  existed  at  all, 
was  by  no  means  intimate.  Egyptian  art  worked  upon  purely  me- 
chanical principles,  according  to  a  typical  network  of  lines.  Sculpt- 
ure was  drawn  into  the  province  of  architecture,  and  slavishly  sub- 
ordinated to  it ;  carved  figures  became  little  else  than  architectural 
members  through  uniformity,  symmetrical  regularity,  and  multiplic- 
ity of  repetition.  Piers  masked  by  the  form  of  Osiris  were  thus 
substituted  for  columns,  and  long  rows  of  sphinxes  or  colossal 
statues  were  set,  like  the  obelisks,  to  decorate  the  avenues  lead- 
ing to  the  temples.  The  fixed  standard  after  which  the  heads  of 
such  figures  were  patterned — more  like  the  capitals  of  columns  than 
imitations  of  life — and  the  members,  without  action,  and  construct- 
ed according  to  an  established  height  or  breadth,  like  the  shafts  of 
pillars,  and  similarly  regulated  in  proportions  by  their  diameter — 
took  away  all  independence  as  works  of  sculpture,  and  caused  the 
statues  rather  to  appear  as  parts  of  an  architectural  composition. 
The  ordinary  Egyptian  stone-cutter  knew  of  only  two  positions, 
well  established  by  custom  ;  he  renounced  fundamentally  the  count- 
less different  appearances  of  life,  and,  with  this,  all  representation  of 
action  and  of  individuality.  Primitive  Greek  sculpture,  on  the  con- 
trary, arose  from  a  sound  naturalism,  which  directed  the  eye  of  the 
artist  to  real  and  peculiar  appearances  from  the  outset,  often  neg- 
lecting the  proportions  of  the  whole  in  the  desire  characteristically 
to  express  important  details.  The  first  Hellenic  figures  are  want- 
ing in  that  which  was  so  prominent  in  the  Egyptian :  a  correct,  or 
at  least  a  schooled,  outline  and  modelling ;  while  the  pleasing  imi- 
tation of  life  in  detail,  utterly  foreign  to  Egyptian  sculptures,  is 
most  forcibly  presented.  This  naturalistic  tendency  prevented  Hel- 
lenic sculpture  from  degenerating  into  an  Egyptian  formalism ;  the 
Greek  artist  did  not  blindly  attach  himself  to  a  hieratic  model,  but 
studied  organic  life,  thus  keeping  his  works  free  from  that  ossified 
conventionalism  common  to  all  Eastern  civilization.  The  very  first 
carvings  of  Greece  had  a  power  of  development  which  was  wanting 
in  all  the  other  nations  of  that  period. 


ITS  CHARACTERISTICS.  265 

To  these  differences  of  artistic  principle  must  be  added  differ- 
ences in  characteristic  forms,  dependent  partly  upon  race  and  part- 
ly upon  the  different  conceptions  of  the  two  nations — differences  so 
marked  as  to  enable  us  to  distinguish  their  works  without  hesita- 
tion. The  Egyptian  head  differs  decidedly  from  the  Greek  head  in 
the  high  position  of  the  ear,  the  long,  narrow,  and  somewhat  oblique- 
ly placed  eyes,  the  wide  flat  nose,  and  the  thick  lips.  {Fig.  28.)  The 
Egyptian  figure  is  slim,  the  primitive  Greek  almost  stunted ;  in  the 
former  the  shoulders  are  high  and  broad,  in  the  latter  sloping  and 
narrow ;  there  the  hips  are  small,  here  large.  The  garments  of 
Egyptian  works  are  either  elastic,  without  natural  folds,  clinging  so 
closely  to  the  body  as  often  to  be  recognizable  only  at  the  bor- 
ders, or  are  heavily  pressed  together  in  broad  and  angular  masses. 
The  scanty  clothing  introduced  into  ancient  Hellenic  sculptures 
shows  throughout  a  close  observation  of  nature ;  and  the  dra- 
pery is  pleasing  even  in  unsuccessful  imitations,  because  it  betrays 
the  loving  care  of  the  artist.  In  the  oldest  productions  of  Greece 
we  perceive  a  slumbering  genius  and  capacity  for  development  which 
were  wholly  lacking  in  the  trained  handiwork  of  Egyptian  art, — as 
the  faulty  free-hand  drawing  of  an  intelligent  boy,  who  tries  to  show 
what  he  has  seen,  awakens  greater  interest  and  hope  than  do  the  la- 
bored copies  and  tracings  of  an  illiterate  mechanic. 

When  compared  with  these  weighty  reasons  against  the  depend- 
ence of  primitive  Grecian  sculpture  upon  that  of  Egypt,  the  argu- 
ments adduced  in  favor  of  the  supposition  seem  insufficient.  Chief 
among  these  is  the  opinion  of  several  ancient  writers  who  vaguely 
imply  that  the  oldest  sculpture  of  the  Greeks  was  related  to  that  of 
the  Egyptians,  and  derived  from  it  as  a  later  production.  But  it  is 
well  known  that  Pausanias  and  Diodoros  were  not  exacting  as  to 
proofs  of  their  opinions  in  regard  to  the  history  of  art.  In  this  in- 
stance, they  were  deluded  by  the  same  outward  resemblance  which 
has  been  so  deceptive  in  modern  times, — a  similarity  dependent  upon 
that  stiffness  of  archaic  statues  common  to  every  primitive  art,  and 
to  the  attenuation  and  union  of  the  extremities,  which  resulted  from 
the  economy  of  material  and  labor  natural  to  both  countries.  But 
though,  in  the  beginning  of  Greek  sculpture,  certain  difficulties  of 
execution  were  avoided  in  the  same  manner  as  in  Egypt,  and  the 


266  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

material  of  the  carved  figures,  whether  wood  or  stone,  was  meted  out 
as  scantily  as  possible,  it  does  not  follow  that  they  were  directly 
dependent  upon  the  Egyptian  works  which  were  influenced  by  like 
considerations. 

It  is  otherwise  with  the  relations  between  Western  Asiatic  art 
and  the  early  sculpture  of  Greece.  The  preceding  section  has  made 
it  evident  that  the  most  prominent  characteristics  of  the  Ionic  style 
were  developed  from  this  root,  and  the  influence  of  Asiatic  motives 
was  as  marked  in  regard  to  the  sculpture  as  to  the  architecture  of 
Hellas.  The  fully  perfected  flower,  however,  but  little  betrays  an 
Oriental  derivation  in  either  province.  The  art  of  Asia  Minor  and 
of  Syria  had  taken  an  essentially  different  starting-point  from  that 
of  Egypt — one  more  nearly  allied  to  the  Greek  point  of  view.  In- 
stead of  formulating  the  human  figure  by  a  fixed  canon  after  the 
manner  of  the  Egyptians,  it  looked  to  nature  itself,  with  a  decided 
realistic  tendency.  But  in  its  later  development,  as  already  shown, 
Mesopotamian  art  went  as  much  too  far  beyond  reality  as  that  of 
Egypt  had  remained  behind  it ;  and  the  self-sufficiency  of  the  East- 
ern despotisms  resulted  in  that  utter  standstill  which  checked  the 
life  of  art  in  Assyria,  Persia,  and  Phoenicia.  The  acquired  forms,  as 
upon  the  Nile,  stiffened  into  conventional  types,  with  the  difference 
that  those  of  Egypt  took  more  the  character  of  a  written  chronicle, 
those  of  Mesopotamia  and  its  dependencies  more  that  of  ornament. 
Hellenic  genius  could  only  remain  upon  such  a  low  level  during  its 
immaturity ;  there  are,  therefore,  almost  no  traces  of  direct  Asiatic 
influence  evident  in  the  sculptures  of  Greece  after  the  most  primi- 
tive period,  although  in  this  it  is  unmistakable.  We  may  call  this 
period  of  development  the  heroic  age,  and  understand  by  it  the  epoch 
from  the  earliest  times  to  the  first  Olympiad,  TJ^  B.C.  Even  the 
native  legends  concerning  the  beginning  of  Greek  art  point  towards 
the  East.  The  mythical  founders  of  monumental  buildings,  the  Cy- 
clops, to  whom  were  ascribed  the  oldest  stone  sculptures,  like  those 
upon  the  Lions'  Gate  of  Mykenae,  came  from  Lycia.  The  Dactylae 
appear  in  groups  upon  the  mountains  of  Phrygia  and  Crete  often 
bearing  names  characteristic  of  their  significance  as  cunning  artisans 
— Kelmis,  Damnameneus,  and  Acmon  (hammer,  tongs,  and  anvil); 
while  the  Telchinae — Chryson,  Argyron,  and  Chalkon  (workers  in 


WOUU-WOKK.  267 

gold,  silver,  and  copper) — inhabited  Rhodes.  The  personification  of 
various  metal-workers  in  these  mythical  guilds  is  unequivocal,  and 
the  attributed  locality  of  their  dwellings  has  a  corresponding  mean- 
ing, pointing  to  the  coasts  of  Western  Asia,  where  the  process  of 
overlaying  wooden  carvings  with  beaten  metal  was  predominant,  as 
in  Phoenicia  and  the  intermediate  island  of  Cyprus.  This  empaistic 
work,  of  plates  shaped  upon  a  model  by  hammer  and  punch,  presup- 
poses the  carving  of  the  model  itself,  without  which  the  creation  of 
the  sphyrelaton  was  obviously  impossible.  The  gold  overlaying  of 
Solomon's  Temple  was  formed  upon  reliefs  carved  in  cedar-wood,  and 
was,  perhaps,  beaten  over  them  :  before  the  discovery  of  bronze-cast- 
ing, we  may  conclude  this  also  to  have  been  the  case  with  works  of 
statuary  in  the  round.  The  art  of  sculpture  in  wood  seems  to  have 
been  native  among  the  early  Greeks;  carved  idols,  xoana,  soon  ap- 
pearing as  substitutes  for  those  stones  and  trunks  of  trees  (Paus.  vii. 
32),  which,  provided  at  times  with  the  attributes  of  trident,  caduceus, 
lance,  or  sceptre,  were  at  first  worshipped  as  divine  symbols.  These 
were  frequently  so  old  that  no  account  could  be  given  of  their  ori- 
gin, and  they  were  consequently  said  to  have  fallen  from  the  skies. 
It  is  difficult  adequately  to  conceive  the  rudeness  of  these  most  an- 
cient xoana.  The  arms  were  not  at  all  separated  from  the  body,  and 
were  indicated  only  in  as  far  as  was  necessary  to  attach  to  them 
characteristic  attributes,  like  the  garment  and  spindle  in  one  hand, 
and  the  lance  in  the  other,  of  the  Trojan  Athene  described  by  Ho- 
mer. The  sacred  figure  was  frequently  quite  covered  with  real  doll- 
like clothing,  as  is  the  Virgin  or  the  Bambino  in  many  modern  places 
of  pilgrimage  provided  by  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  The  difficul- 
ty of  representing  the  hair  of  these  pupptts  appears,  from  the  later 
treatment  of  the  heads  in  marble,  as  seen  in  the  Apollo  of  Tenea,  to 
have  been  evaded  by  the  use  of  a  woolly  covering  like  a  wig.  The  want 
of  definition  in  the  faces  is  evident  from  the  statement  that  some 
xoana  had  closed  eyes.  This  is  not  to  be  explained  by  the  pious  leg- 
ends of  antiquity  that  the  image  had  refused  to  look  upon  some  deed 
of  sacrilege, — such,  for  instance,  as  the  rape  of  Cassandra, — but  by  the 
fact  that  the  eye  was  indicated  only  by  a  horizontal  painted  line.  It 
was  from  such  rude  figures  that  Daidalos  advanced.  It  was  not  only 
said  that  he  was  the  inventor  of  various  instruments  for  wood-work- 


268  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

ing,  such  as  the  axe,  saw,  auger,  and  plummet ;  but  certain  improve- 
ments in  the  shaping  of  the  statues  were  also  ascribed  to  him,  such 
as  the  opening — that  is  to  say,  the  formation — of  the  eye,  and  the  sep- 
arating of  feet,  as  if  in  the  act  of  stepping.  The  progress  cannot,  in 
fact,  have  been  great.  The  traditional  account  that  the  images  had 
to  be  bound  after  the  freeing  of  their  legs,  to  prevent  their  running 
away,  must  not  lead  us  to  imagine  an  ideal  perfection,  or,  indeed,  any- 
striking  resemblance  to  life.  The  classical  authorities  who  knew  the 
works  attributed  to  Daidalos  say,  indeed,  that  they  were  "  wonderful 
to  look  upon,"  and  that  "the  master  would  have  made  himself  ridic- 
ulous by  such  works  in  our  day."  The  personality  of  Daidalos  is 
hardly  better  assured  than  that  of  the  mythical  workers  in  metal, 
the  Dactylae  and  Telchinae ;  the  name  itself,  signifying  the  cunning 
workman,  is  nothing  else  than  a  personification  of  artistic  skill,  a  col- 
lective term  for  all  primitive  skill  and  activity  in  wood-carving.  As 
this  had  developed  from  handiwork,  the  legend  calls  the  father  of 
Daidalos,  Palamaon,  the  contriver,  or  Eupalamos,  the  skilful  artisan. 
The  travels  which  Daidalos  is  said  to  have  made  from  Athens  to 
Crete,  Sicily,  Thebes,  Pisa,  Egypt,  etc.,  merely  result  from  the  ap- 
pearance of  so-called  Daidalian  works  in  those  places.  In  the  time 
of  Homer,  the  ninth  century  B.C.,  these  images  were  already  regarded 
as  of  great  age;  so  that  the  period  of  the  beginning  of  Greek  sculpt- 
ure must  be  at  least  as  remote  as  the  tenth  century  B.C.  The  one 
statue  directly  mentioned  in  the  Iliad,  the  sitting  Athene  at  Troy, 
upon  whose  knees  the  Trojan  women  laid  a  garment,  appeared  to 
the  author  of  the  Homeric  epics  to  be  a  work  in  the  manner  of  Dai- 
dalos. If  another  passage  (Iliad,  i.  14)  may  be  understood  as  refer- 
ring to  an  image  of  Apollo,  this  must,  like  the  Athene,  have  been  at 
least  partially  covered  with  real  clothing.  Such  figures  were  also 
overlaid  with  metal ;  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  the  gold  and  silver 
dogs,  and  the  youthful  torch-bearers  of  gold,  in  the  Palace  of  Alkinoos 
were  carved  models  of  wood  covered  with  beaten  plate.  The  em- 
paistic  process,  native  to  Phoenician  countries,  was  early  imitated  in 
heroic  Greece.  Though  the  island  of  the  Phaeacians  was  idealized 
by  the  fancy  of  the  poet,  he  yet  cannot  be  supposed  to  have  invent- 
ed new  technical  processes  in  an  account  which  was  to  be  generally 
intelligible.     It  seems,  however,  that  sculptural  art  had  no  great 


METAL- WORK.  260 

range  during  the  heroic  ages ;  perhaps  the  works  overlaid  with  beaten 
metal,  which  were  known  to  Homer,  may  have  been  the  results  of 
an  accidental  and  superficial  knowledge  gained  by  intercourse  with 
the  Oriental  peoples  inhabiting  the  coasts  of  Western  Asia. 

The  manufacture  of  furniture  and  smaller  decorative  objects  was 
probably  more  important.  Homer  was  acquainted  with  the  use 
of  the  lathe  ;  while  relief-carving  in  wood,  and  inlaying  of  metal,  ivory, 
and  amber,  were  early  practised.  The  latter  process  can  also  be  re- 
ferred to  Phoenician  influence,  in  consideration  both  of  the  mate- 
rials employed  and  of  historical  analogy.  Even  kings  busied  them- 
selves with  such  handiwork,  as  the  building  of  his  nuptial  couch  by 
Odysseus  proves ;  and  royal  ladies,  such  as  Penelope,  Andromache, 
and  Helen,  embroidered  and  wove  elaborate  textures.  Professional 
workmen  are  also  mentioned :  Icmalios  was  the  maker  of  Penelope's 
seat ;  and  some  productions  of  this  nature,  like  the  chest  of  Kypselos, 
were  as  late  as  the  beginning  of  the  historical  ages  of  Greece.  Sculpt- 
ured utensils  of  metal,  vessels,  tripods,  and  weapons,  are  particularly 
and  distinctly  described  in  the  Homeric  epics.  The  jars  and  vases 
described  as  *'  embossed  with  flowers  "  may  be  imagined  as  decorated 
with  wreaths,  like  those  found  in  Assyria  and  on  Cyprus,  and  as  simi- 
lar to  the  early  Italian  bronzes.  Cups  with  knobs  (Iliad,  xi.  633)  were 
discovered  in  the  excavations  at  Nineveh  ;  conventionalized  animals, 
serpents  and  birds  (Iliad,  xi.  17  and  634  ;  Odyssey,  xi.  610,  and  xix. 
227),  are  to  be  found  upon  many  primitive  vases,  and  may  be  sup- 
posed to  have  existed  as  handles  to  vessels  as  well  as  upon  clasps, 
sword-belts,  and  armor.  References  to  the  Asiatic  derivation  of  the 
bronze-works  known  in  prehistoric  Greece  are  given  by  Homer,  who 
mentions  craters  from  Sidon  and  a  Cyprian  coat  of  mail.  The  shields 
were  especially  rich,  being  formed  by  several  thin  plates  of  metal 
secured  one  over  the  other ;  every  disk  was  of  greater  circumference 
than  that  above  it,  only  a  narrow  concentric  rim  of  each  thus  remain- 
ing visible.  The  inner  circle  alone  upon  the  comparatively  simple 
shield  of  Agamemnon  (Iliad,  xi.  32)  was  ornamented  with  sculpture, 
in  this  case  a  Gorgoneion,  the  outer  edges  being  provided  with  ten 
knobs  of  tin ;  upon  the  handle  was  a  three-headed  dragon.  The 
shield  of  Achilles  (Iliad,  xviii.  468)  was  wonderfully  elaborate,  and,  as 
the  work  of  Hephaistos,  probably  exceeded  by  far  the  ordinary  orna- 


2'jo  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

mentation  of  heroic  arms ;  but  it  does  not,  on  this  account,  give  less 
reliable  information  concerning  the  general  form  and  nature  of  pre- 
historic armor.  Five  layers  of  metal  were  superimposed, — two  of 
bronze,  two  of  tin,  perhaps  alternating,  that  in  the  centre  being  of 
gold  ;  four  rings  were  thus  formed  around  the  inner  circle,  each  cov- 
ered with  rich  sculptural  decoration.  Symbols  of  earth,  sea,  and  sky, 
with  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  were  within  the  golden  di.sk.  Upon 
one  side  of  the  first  concentric  band  was  shown  a  city  in  time  of 
peace,  with  a  wedding  procession  and  a  court  of  justice ;  upon  the 
other  a  besieged  city,  with  a  sally  of  the  defenders  and  a  general 
engagement.  Upon  the  second  ring  were  the  four  seasons,  indicated 
by  ploughing,  harvesting,  the  vintage,  and  by  a  herd  of  peacefully 
grazing  cattle  attacked  by  lions.  A  harvest  dance  of  youths  and 
maidens,  before  whom  was  a  singer  with  a  harp,  decorated  the  third 
ring ;  while  the  fourth  and  outermost,  probably  narrower  than  the 
others,  was  ornamented  by  waves  representing  the  sea,  which,  accord- 
ing to  the  conception  of  the  ancients,  surrounded  the  circular  land 
of  the  earth.  The  figures  were  cut  from  thin  sheets  of  different 
metals,  and  were  riveted  to  the  ground ;  it  is  uncertain  whether 
these  were  first  beaten  to  a  relief,  or  were  left  flat,  giving  the  effect 
of  a  silhouette.  The  metals  were  naturally  chosen  of  colors  differ- 
ent from  that  of  the  band  to  which  they  were  affixed,  and  the  treat- 
ment, in  principle,  thus  somewhat  approached  the  art  of  painting. 
The  ground  and  the  vineyards,  in  the  pictures  of  the  seasons,  were 
of  gold,  yet  "  the  grapes  shone  blackish  ;"  the  poles  appear  to  have 
been  of  silver,  the  trenches  of  iron,  and  the  hedges  of  tin,  while  upon 
the  dancers  "  hung  golden  daggers  upon  silver  straps."  Such  em- 
paistic  work  must  have  been  more  closely  related  to  surfaces  of  in- 
laid metal  upon  wooden  forms  than  to  the  statuesque  Phoenician 
.sphyrelaton.  Homer's  account  of  the  shield  of  Achilles  should  be 
considered  not  from  a  technical,  but  from  an  artistic,  point  of  view. 
The  vivid  description  is,  of  course,  due  altogether  to  poetical  license  ; 
but  we  may  well  believe  that  subjects  like  the  harvest  dances,  festive 
processions,  warlike  scenes,  symbols  of  the  seasons,  etc.,  may  have 
been  attempted  upon  utensils  and  weapons,  though  in  a  more  simple 
and  decorative  manner,  their  object  not  being  an  artistic  .setting- 
forth  of  details,  but  an  intelligible  indication  of  the  whole.      With 


THE  SHIELD   OF   ACHILLES. 


271 


what  limited  means  this  is  possible  is  proved  by  Egyptian  coilana- 
glyphics,  Assyrian  reliefs,  and  the  paintings  upon  Greek  vases  of  the 
most  primitive  style.  {Fig.  187.)  The  artist  of  the  heroic  age  cut 
his  figures  from  thin  sheets  of  metal,  just  as  children  snip  paper,  and 
set  them  together  upon  the  background,  filling  up  the  intervening 
spaces  as  best  he  might  with  ornaments  and  names.     Direct  Orien- 


Fig.  187. — Cover  of  Dodwell's  Vase,  in  Munich.    Full  size. 

tal  models  were  hardly  needed  for  this ;  but  it  is  probable  that,  as  in 
the  sphyrelaton,  the  influence  of  Asia  Minor  was  felt :  the  conven- 
tional character  of  the  types  painted  upon  the  oldest  Greek  vases 
bears  distinct  evidence  of  a  Phoenician  impulse.  There  was  little 
that  was  artistic  in  the  details  of  such  early  decorations,  but  all  the 
more  in  the  conception  as  a  whole :  the  manner  of  expression  was 
weak,  but  the  thought  was  admirable.     Figures  appear  upon  As- 


272  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

Syrian  sculptures,  so  similar  to  those  described  by  the  poet  that  by 
their  help  one  might  almost  reconstruct  the  Homeric  shield  ;  in 
Mesopotamia,  however,  the  representations  lacked  unity  in  the  fun- 
damental conception,  they  were  not  well  grouped  in  the  given  space, 
and  appear,  as  Brunn  says,  like  a  chronicle  written  in  figures  when 
compared  with  such  a  poem  as  the  artistic  compositions,  made  up, 
perhaps,  of  the  same  elements,  described  by  Homer.  The  pseudo- 
Hesiodic  shield  of  Heracles  resembled  that  of  Achilles,  the  chief  dif- 
ference in  outward  form  being  that  the  three  inner  of  the  five  cir- 
cular layers  were  bordered  upon  the  outer  edges  by  narrow  rings  of 
steel.  The  middle  plate  was  decorated  with  the  head  of  Phoibos, 
encircled  by  twelve  serpents  like  a  Gorgon.  The  next  band  dis- 
played a  warlike  scene  and  one  of  peace  :  the  combat  of  the  Lapithae 
and  Centaurs  in  one  half,  and  Apollo  among  the  Muses  in  the  other. 
The  third  had  a  like  contrast  between  a  besieged  and  a  peaceful 
city,  similar  in  composition  to  those  upon  the  shield  of  Achilles ; 
while  the  fourth  was  also  a  representation  of  the  seasons,  chiefly  dis- 
tinguished from  those  of  Homer  by  the  substitution  of  a  hare-hunt 
as  the  symbol  of  winter.  The  reliefs  upon  the  four  narrow  steel 
rings  must  have  differed  in  action  from  the  larger  groups ;  in  the 
latter  the  radial  lines  of  the  upright  figures  prevailed,  in  the  for- 
mer a  contrary  movement  was  predominant.  On  the  innermost 
steel  ring  boars  and  lions  moved  concentrically  around  the  shield ; 
upon  the  next  following  was  an  arm  of  the  sea,  over  which  flew 
Perseus,  pursued  by  the  Gorgons.  The  third  was  a  chariot-race  at 
full  speed ;  and  upon  the  outer  rim  were  conventionalized  waves, 
with  fishes  and  swans,  forming  an  ornamental  band  similar  to  the 
border  of  the  Homeric  shield. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  sculptural  activity  of  Greece  in  the  he- 
roic ages  has,  up  to  the  most  recent  times,  been  derived  almost 
entirely  from  the  poets,  whose  idealized  descriptions  are  supported, 
in  regard  to  form,  only  by  the  analogy  of  Assyrian  reliefs  and  the 
paintings  upon  archaic  vases.  Works  of  a  primitive  period  have, 
indeed,  not  been  entirely  wanting ;  but  it  being  impossible  to  date 
them,  they  lend  no  aid  to  an  historical  consideration.  The  deriva- 
tion and  age  of  only  two  are  assured,  and  the  characteristic  forms 
of  one  of  these — the  Niobe  upon  Mt.  Sipylos,  near  Magnesia,  men- 


STONE-WORK.  273 

tioned  in  the  Iliad,  xxiv.  613 — are  entirely  obliterated.  It  is  so 
rudely  executed,  or  so  weather-beaten,  that  even  in  antiquity  it 
appeared  to  Pausanias,  even  when  seen  from  the  immediate  vicini- 
ty, as  but  a  shapeless  rock,  in  which  the  human  figure  was  scarcely 
to  be  recognized,  while,  at  a  distance,  it  resembled  a  woman  bowed 
down  with  grief  and  weeping.  The  account  has  been  verified  in  re- 
cent times  by  the  discovery  of  a  rock-cut  relief  of  three  times  the 
size  of  life,  so  disintegrated  that  satisfactory  drawings  of  its  human 


Fig.  188. — Relief  from  the  Gate  of  the  Lions  at  Mykenae. 

forms  could  not  be  made.  This  renders  the  other  pre  -  Homeric 
monument,  the  most  ancient  known  sculpture  of  Greece  and  of  Eu- 
rope, all  the  more  important — namely,  the  relief  over  the  gate  of 
Mykenae,  called  by  the  poet  that  of  the  Lions — the  chief  portal  of 
the  fortress  of  the  Atridae,  the  witness  of  the  departure  of  Agamem- 
non for  the  Trojan  war,  and  of  the  downfall  of  his  house  on  his  re- 
turn. {Figs.  188  and  126.)  The  structure  has  been  already  described 
from  an  architectural  point  of  view.  The  relief  upon  the  slab  which 
closes  the  triangle  above  the  lintel  represents  two  lions  standing 


274  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

upright  upon  either  side  of  a  column  ;  their  heads,  turned  outward, 
were  separate  pieces,  fastened  with  dowels  to  the  background,  and 
have  disappeared.  The  designation  of  these  animals  need  not  be 
deemed  erroneous  because  they  have  no  manes.  Pausanias  speaks 
of  them  as  lions  (though  this  in  itself  may  not  be  of  great  weight), 
and  in  the  Phoenician  examples  of  beaten  metal-work,  as  in  the  ar- 
chaic paintings  upon  Greek  vases,  the  indication  of  hair  is  always 
wanting.  The  Asiatic  influence  which,  in  architectural  respects,  had 
made  itself  felt  upon  the  Tholos  of  Atreus,  must  be  acknowledged 
here  also ;  thus  alone  is  it  possible  to  account  for  a  peculiar  model- 
ling of  the  forms,  entirely  foreign  to  sculpture  in  stone.  The  resem- 
blance of  these  lions  to  the  animal  figures  of  Assyria  is  readily  rec- 
ognizable ;  it  is  the  same  resemblance  as  that  which  the  art  industry 
of  the  Syrian  coasts  showed  to  that  of  Mesopotamia.  The  Phoenician 
tradespeople,  themselves  skilled  in  many  novel  technical  processes, 
formred  the  medium  between  the  cultured  countries  upon  the  Tigris 
and  the  ^gean  Sea.  The  Lycian  Cyclops  had  also  borrowed  from 
these  neighbors,  and  to  them  was  traditionally  attributed  this  won- 
derful stone  carving  at  Mykenae,  a  work  which,  from  all  appearance, 
was  an  isolated  attempt.  Such  sculptures  could  not  become  national 
and  native  so  long  as  the  requirements  of  the  heroic  Greeks  were 
satisfied  with  the  mere  decoration  of  useful  objects.  The  impulse 
towards  monumental  art  seems  first  to  have  been  awakened  with 
the  introduction  of  the  columnar  temple.  Schliemann's  excavations 
upon  the  Acropolis  of  Mykenae  in  1876  have  brought  to  light  some 
few  works  of  sculpture  which  deserve  to  be  considered.  Prominent 
among  them  are  the  memorial  stones,  two  of  which  are  shown  in  Fig. 
189.  They  are  remarkable  for  a  naive  primitiveness  of  conception 
and  the  desire  to  display  the  subject  chosen  as  distinctly  as  possible. 
A  vigorous  action  and  a  certain  observation  of  nature  are  not  lack- 
ing, though  the  forms  are  incorrect,  both  in  general  effect  and  in  de- 
tail. The  similarity  of  these  works  to  Asiatic  sculptures  is  marked  ; 
but  no  trace  of  Egyptian  influence  is  to  be  recognized  in  the  atten- 
uated figures.  The  same  derivation  is  evident  in  the  spiral  orna- 
ments, which  closely  resemble  those  upon  the  facade  of  the  Tholos 
of  Atreus,  and  upon  Phoenician  and  Cyprian  remains.  All  the  re- 
liefs imply  models  of  beaten  metal,  and  lend  further  support  to  the 


TOMBSTONES.  27? 

hypothesis  which  connects  the  heroic  age  of  Greece  with  the  civili- 
zation of  Western  Asia,  through  the  medium  of  Phoenician  traders. 
The  golden  masks  found  in  the  graves  are  not  less  interesting, 
whether  the  assignment  of  these  to  the  Homeric  worthies  —  Aga- 
memnon, Eurymedon,  etc. — be  accepted  or  not.  {Fig.  190.)  It  is 
at  least  certain  that  they  are  memorials  of  the  heroic  age,  and  the 
great  quantities  of  gold  found  in  the  sepulchres  make  it  probable 
that  they  appertained  to  a  royal  race,  and  were  buried  at  a  time 
when  the  prosperity  of  Mykense  was  great  and  its  power  extensive. 


Fig.  189. — Steles  from  the  Acropolis  of  Mykenae. 

The  masks,  like  the  grave-stones,  are  formed  with  the  helpless  real- 
ism peculiar  to  the  art  of  Western  Asia,  and  entirely  foreign  to  that 
of  Egypt.  It  is  easy  to  believe  that  they  were  imported  directly 
from  Phoenicia.  This  must  certainly  have  been  the  case  with  the 
beautifully  executed  ornaments  o^cold — disks,  diadems,  stars,  etc. — 
the  beaten  workmanship  of  which  isN^f  a  perfection  only  possible  to 
trained  and  practised  manufacturers.  The  spirals  and  other  linear 
designs  are  executed  with  exceeding  accuracy,  by  peculiar  instru- 
ments. Their  motives  are  taken  from  the  animal  and  vegetable 
world,  from   cuttle-fishes,  butterflies,  and  various  forms  of  leaves 


276  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

and  flowers.  It  is  certain  that  the  perforated  cylinders,  cut,  like  gems, 
in  intaglio,  with  scenes  of  war  and  hunting,  were  introduced  directly 
from  Asia;  they  are  strikingly  similar  to  the  rolling  seals  of  carne- 
lian  and  agate  found  in  Mesopotamia.  A  small  model  of  a  temple 
is  peculiarly  Phoenician,  like  that  repeated  upon  Paphian  coins. 

During  the  first  two  historical  centuries,  after  the  commencement 
of  reckoning  time  by  Olympiads,  the  direction  of  activity  in  art  ap- 
pears to  have  changed  but  little.  Sculpture,  represented  by  guilds, 
or  families,  of  handicraftsmen  in  Athens,  Argos,  and  Sikyon,  remain- 
ed little  else  than  decoration,  though,  at  least  in  the  selection  of  sub- 
jects, it  opened  for  it- 
self new  fields.  In  the 
heroic  ages  the  scenes 
were  limited  to  the 
most  immediate  reali- 
ties; but,  after  the  Ho- 
meric epics  had  be- 
come the  property  of 
the  nation,  the  pictu- 
resque treasures  of 
many  legends  became 
available.  Arctinos  of 
Miletos,  in  the  middle 
of  the  eighth  century, 
and,  somewhat  later, 
Fig.  i90.-Golden  Mask  from  Mykenae.  LeschesofLesbos, 

continuing  the  Iliad,  sang  of  the  downfall  of  Troy.  Stasimos 
of  Cyprus  chose  preceding  events  as  his  theme ;  while  the  myths 
of  the  Seven  against  Thebes,  of  the  Titanomachia,  and  of  the 
exploits  of  Heracles  and  Theseus  found  similar  epic  illustration. 
These  poems  not  only  provided  the  subjects  for  sculpture,  but  de- 
scribed them  with  plastic  vividness.  This  is  shown  by  the  two 
chief  works  of  this  period, — the  Chest  of  Kypselos  and  the  Throne 
of  Apollo  at  Amyclae.  The  first  was  an  oblong  shrine  of  cedar- 
wood,  which  Kypselos,  tyrant  of  Corinth,  consecrated  in  the  He- 
raion  of  Olympia,  in  memory  of  his  preservation  as  a  child,  when, 
hidden  in  a  fruit-box,  he  had  escaped  from  the  persecution  of  the 


DECORATIVE   WORK.  277 

Bacchiadx.  This  chest,  either  upon  three  sides — the  fourth  stand- 
ing against  the  wall — or  upon  the  long  Iron:  side  alone,  was  orna- 
mented with  carvings,  in  five  bands,  one  over  the  other,  probably  of 
unequal  height.  The  reliefs,  partly  inlaid  with  ivory  and  gold,  must 
have  been  of  a  workmanship  similar  to  that  customary  in  the  he- 
roic ages.  The  uncommonly  rich  and  varied  representations,  almost 
exclusively  mythological  and  heroic,  were  taken  from  the  before- 
mentioned  cyclic  poems  (Pausanias,  v.  17  to  19).  The  figures  ap- 
pear to  have  somewhat  resembled  in  style  those  upon  the  Vase  of 
Clitias  and  Ergotimos  in  Florence  {Fig.  191),  which,  on  account  of 
its  banded,  arrangement  and  the  similarity  of  its  mythical  subject, 
deserves,  rather  than  the  cover  of  Dodwell's  vase  given  above  {Fig. 


Fig.  191. — From  the  Vase  of  Clitias  and  Ergotimos. 

187),  to  be  compared  to  the  Chest  of  Kypselos.  The  Throne  of 
Apollo  at  Amyclae,  near  Sparta,  has  been  connected  with  the  name 
of  one  of  the  oldest  artists  known,  Bathycles  of  Magnesia,  who  lived 
half  a  century  later  than  the  maker  of  the  Chest  of  Kypselos.  This 
throne  also  has  been  minutely  described  by  Pausanias  (iii.  18  to  19). 
In  regard  to  its  sculptured  decoration,  his  account  of  its  construc- 
tion is  unintelligible ;  it  is  only  clear  that  the  framework  was  co- 
lossal, and  that  the  ancient  doll-like  image  stood  within  it,  without 
any  seat.  Not  less  than  forty-one  scenes,  besides  the  larger  compo- 
sitions upon  the  pedestal  of  the  statue,  covered  the  outer  and  inner 
sides  of  the  throne  with  carvings  in  low -relief,  similar  in  style  to 
those  of  the  Chest  of  Kypselos.  Upon  the  legs  in  full,  or  at  least 
in  three-quarter,  relief  were  figures  of  the  Graces,  the  Hours,  Tri- 


278  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

tons,  etc. ;  upon  the  back  were  portraits  of  the  master  and  of  his 
Magnesian  assistants,  besides  sphinxes,  panthers,  and  lions. 

These  works  were  still  chiefly  of  a  decorative  character.  Monu- 
mental sculpture  had  not  yet  freed  itself  from  the  trammels  of  inad- 
equately developed  technical  processes.  So  long  as  the  artisan  had 
no  choice  other  than  the  sphyrelaton  and  the  xoanon,  a  material 
foundation  was  wanting  for  the  development  of  an  independently 
artistic  sculpture.  Even  when  isolated  works  of  a  higher  order 
were  attempted,  as  in  the  colossal  Zeus,  of  beaten  gold-plate  over 
a  wooden  form,  dedicated  in  Olympia  by  Kypselos  or  his  son  Peri- 
ander,  they  can  be  considered,  like  the  other  sphyrelata  of  this  and 
of  the  heroic  age,  only  as  figures  of  great  material  value  but  of  littie 
artistic  importance.  Want  of  skill  in  execution  favored  that  clinging 
to  old  honored  types  of  devotional  figures  inherent  in  the  nature  of 
all  religions.  These  influences  stood  in  such  close,  interchangeable 
relations  that  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether,  in  the  province  of 
sculptured  images,  the  slowness  of  progress  should  be  placed  more 
to  the  account  of  religious  prejudices  and  the  difficulties  thrown  in 
the  way  of  all  change  by  hieratic  institutions,  or  of  the  technical 
limitations  of  doll-like  xoana  and  sphyrelata. 

New  mechanical  acquirements  were  needed  for  the  furtherance 
of  the  art.  Three  great  discoveries,  or,  to  speak  more  correctly,  the 
extended  application  of  known  processes,  date  from  the  beginning 
of  the  sixth  century  B.C. :  the  casting  of  bronze,  the  sculpture  of 
marble,  and  chryselephantine  work  (the  inlaying  of  gold  and  ivory 
upon  a  wooden  kernel).  Each  of  these  had  its  gradual  development, 
at  least  the  first  and  the  last  being  furthered  by  auxiliary  inven- 
tions. It  was  indispensable  for  the  casting  of  bronze  that  model- 
ling in  clay  should  have  attained  a  certain  perfection.  The  name 
of  the  Sikyonian  potter  Boutades  is  connected  with  the  introduc- 
tion of  this  branch  of  art ;  it  appears  to  have  been  in  the  middle  of 
the  seventh  century  B.C.  that  he  ornamented  the  acroteria  and  an- 
tefixes  of  the  temple  roof,  first  with  low-relief  (prostypon)  and  then 
with  high-relief  (ectypon).  He  also  left  a  portrait  panel  in  terra- 
cotta, shown  in  the  Nymphaion  of  Corinth  until  the  destruction  of 
that  city  as  the  first  work  of  its  kind.  In  connection  with  it  was 
told  the  pleasing  anecdote  that  the  daughter  of  Boutades,  in  taking 


MODELLING    IN   CLAY.  379 

leave  of  her  lover,  sketched  his  shadow  upon  the  wall  with  char- 
coal, the  father  afterwards  filling  out  the  outline  with  clay  and  burn- 
ing the  relief  thus  produced.  Neither  of  these  accounts  are  of  great 
direct  value,  but  that  a  potter  could  achieve  a  lasting  reputation  as 
an  artist  may  perhaps  show  that  modelling  in  clay  had  already  made 
essential  progress,  and  thus  prepared  the  way  for  brass- founding, 
which  requires  an  original  and  mould  of  this  more  plastic  material. 
The  discovery  of  soldering  was  also  not  without  significance ;  it 
formed,  in  metal  work,  a  connecting  link  between  the  riveting  of 
the  sphyrelaton  and  casting,  even  indispensable  to  larger  statues  of 
the  latter  process,  which,  at  least  in  the  beginning,  were  executed  in 
pieces.  Soldering  seems  first  to  have  been  employed  upon  iron. 
Glaucos  of  Chios  attained  great  results  by  this  means,  and  attracted 
general  attention  to  it  in  the  seventh  century  B.C.  His  iron  crater- 
stand,  dedicated  at  Delphi  by  Alyattes,  was  an  elaborate  work,  orna- 
mented upon  the  legs  and  clasps  with  sculptured  animals  and  plants. 
The  way  was  thus  prepared  for  monumental  bronze-founding, 
which  was  not,  indeed,  discovered  by  the  Samians  Rhoicos  and  The- 
odoros,  the  sons  of  Phileas  and  Telecles,  to  whom  it  was  attributed 
by  antiquity, — for,  as  has  been  seen,  it  was  practised  by  the  Phoe- 
nicians,— but  was  by  them  first  introduced  into  Greek  art.  The  dates 
assigned  to  their  epoch  vary  from  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  to 
the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  B.C. ;  but  it  is  the  more  reasonable 
to  place  them,  with  Brunn,  at  the  close  of  this  period,  without  suppos- 
ing that  there  were  two  masters  by  the  name  of  Theodores,  a  father 
and  a  son.  The  innovation  probably  began  with  the  solid  casting 
of  smaller  works,  but  whether  Rhoicos  and  Theodores  were  limited 
to  this  is  at  least  doubtful.  Economy  of  material  and  the  lessening 
of  weight  in  figures  of  great  dimensions  must  soon  have  led  to  hol- 
low casting  upon  a  fire-proof  kernel ;  it  is  possible  that  it  was  this 
very  progress  that  made  the  two  artists  celebrated  as  discoverers. 
The  development  of  their  technical  improvements  seems  at  first  to 
have  impaired  the  artistic  aspects  of  the  works ;  Pausanias  says  of 
a  female  statue  by  Rhoicos,  probably  in  the  Temple  of  Artemis  at 
Ephesos,  that  it  was  even  more  archaic  and  rude  than  a  figure  of 
Athene  in  Amphissa  which  was  there  held  to  be  Trojan.  That  the 
two  Samians  also  practised  in  beaten  metal  work  is  clear  from  the 


28o  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

colossal  silver  mixing-vessel,  containing  six  hundred  amphoras  (about 
200,000  litres),  executed  by  Theodoros  and  dedicated  at  Delphi  by 
Croesus,  from  a  golden  vine  with  grapes  of  mounted  jewels,  and  a 
golden  plane-tree  in  the  possession  of  the  Persian  kings ;  the  latter 
works  remind  us  of  examples  of  similar  workmanship  in  the  As- 
syrian palaces,  the  existence  of  which  has  been  proved  by  the  frag- 
ments of  palms  in  gold-plate,  lately  found  by  Place  upon  a  portal  in 
the  palace  of  Sargon,  at  Corsabad.  If  Theodoros  worked  thus  ex- 
tensively in  the  precious  metals,  it  is  not  surprising  that  he  pro- 
duced such  small  toreutic  objects  as  those  indicated  by  the  legend 
of  the  ring  of  Polycrates,  ascribed  to  him,  and  the  fabulous  portrait 
statue  of  a  man,  with  a  quadriga  in  his  hand  which  a  fly  might 
have  covered  with  its  wings. 

A  still  more  brilliant  future  was  open  to  the  second  innovation, 
that  of  sculpture  in  marble.  Chios  was  the  birthplace  of  Hellenic 
marble  statuary,  as  Samos  had  been  of  bronze-casting.  Coarse  stone 
had  been  employed  from  the  earliest  times,  in  isolated  instances  like 
the  relief  over  the  Gate  of  the  Lions  at  Mykenae,  for  figures  and 
for  small  images  ;  and  the  introduction  of  marble  statuary  was  older 
than  bronze-founding,  for  Melas,  ancestor  of  a  long  race  of  sculptors 
in  Chios,  lived  about  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century  B.C.  Of 
Melas  himself  and  his  son  Mickiades  little  except  the  names  are 
known ;  an  artist  of  the  third  generation,  Achermos,  could  venture 
to  represent  a  winged  Victory,  yet  even  he  was  surpassed  by  his 
sons  Boupalos  and  Athenis.  It  is  evident,  from  several  notices,  that 
marble  sculpture  flourished  greatly  under  these  latter,  who,  living 
about  540  B.C.,  had  become  very  particular  in  the  choice  of  material 
— using  only  the  fine-grained  and  translucent  Parian  lychnites.  No 
one  venturing  to  dispute  their  precedence,  they  could  place  upon 
their  sculptures,  exhibited  in  Delos,  the  self-conscious  inscription  : 
"  Chios  is  celebrated,  not  alone  for  its  vineyards,  but  for  the  works 
of  the  sons  of  Achermos."  Numerous  works  by  them  are  mentioned 
by  ancient  visitors,  being  collected  in  later  times  by  princely  dilet- 
tanti. Augustus  employed  such  sculptures  upon  the  exterior  of 
many  of  his  buildings,  notably  in  the  gable  of  the  Palatine  temple 
of  Apollo  ;  he  had  an  especial  and,  as  it  appears,  a  not  ill-founded 
liking  for  them,  and  these  works  could  not  have  been  a  disfigure- 


MARBLE  WORK.  28 1 

mcnt,  even  to  the  universal  magnificence  of  imperial  Rome.  An 
explanation  of  this  marked  advance  at  so  early  a  date  is  given  by 
this  very  fancy  of  Augustus :  the  works  thus  architecturally  utilized 
could  not  have  been  devotional  images  of  the  deities ;  they  must  have 
been  decorative  sculptures.  The  former  class,  from  reasons  already 
touched  upon,  were  hindered  in  artistic  progress ;  the  latter  being 
beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  hieratic  institutions,  developed  untram- 
melled. It  was  only  in  ornamental  figures  that  the  assiduous  and 
talented  sculptors  of  early  times  found  free  scope,  and  it  was  fortu- 
nate that  the  demand  for  these  architectural  and  decorative  works 
must  naturally  have  been  greater  than  for  the  more  rare  devotional 
images,  which  were  piously  transferred  from  the  older  sanctuaries  to 
the  new  buildings  which  took  their  place.  The  gable  groups  of 
iEgina  show  how  unequally  art  advanced  in  these  different  and  dis- 
tinct fields. 

During  the  time  of  Boupalos  and  Athenis,  art  began  to  flourish 
in  other  places  than  Chios.  First  in  Sikyon,  with  the  two  Cretans 
Dipoinos  and  Skyllis,  who  may  have  been  even  older  than  the  last 
Chian  masters.  They  were  called,  it  seems,  to  Sikyon,  and  there 
chiefly  employed  their  energies  in  founding  a  school,  changing  at 
times  the  site  of  their  labors  to  Argos,  Cleonae,  and  Ambrakia.  Like 
the  masters  of  Chios,  they  chiefly  employed  the  marble  of  Paros,  and 
it  appears,  from  the  accounts  of  a  group  representing  Apollo,  Ar- 
temis, Athene,  and  Heracles,  that  they  too  sought  their  fame  less 'in 
devotional  images  for  the  interior  of  temples  than  in  monumental 
compositions  for  architectural  ornament.  Although  these  Cretan 
sculptors,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Pliny,  acquired  great  ce- 
lebrity in  marble  working,  they  are  more  important  as  the  founders 
of  the  third  among  the  statuesque  arts  above  mentioned — that 
process  of  gold  and  ivory  overlaying  which  culminated  in  the  great- 
est masterpieces  of  Pheidias.  It  seems  to  have  originated  from  the 
native  xoana  of  early  times,  by  transferring  the  inlaid  decoration 
observed  upon  the  furniture  of  the  heroic  ages  to  sculpture  in  the 
round.  It  developed  in  plainly  distinguishable  stages.  Dipoinos 
and  Skyllis  still  only  in  part  covered  the  carved  core  of  wood,  and 
restricted  this  overlaying  to  ivory.  This  is  illustrated  by  the  ac- 
counts of  a  group  of  the  mounted  Dioscuri,  with  their  mistresses 


282  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

Hilasia  and  Phoebe,  and  their  sons  Anaxis  and  Mnasinos,  in  the 
Temple  of  the  Isius  at  Argos,  which  was  cut  out  of  common  wood 
and  ebony,  the  former  being  covered  with  ivory.  Statues  were  made 
by  Hegylos  and  his  son  Theocles,  scholars  of  Dipoinos  and  Skyllis, 
for  the  treasure-house  of  the  Epidamnians  in  Olympia,  which  repre- 
sented Heracles  with  the  Nymphs  of  the  Hesperides,  and  Atlas 
bearing  the  heavenly  globe  ;  Pausanias  describes  this  work  as  cut 
from  cedar-wood,  and  the  serpent  and  the  tree  with  the  golden  ap- 
ples of  the  Hesperides  must  certainly  have  required  the  inlaying  of 
gold,  if  not  of  ivory.  The  author  particularly  mentions  the  employ- 
ment of  gold  upon  another  group :  the  struggle  of  Heracles  with 
Acheloos  for  Deianeira,  the  v/ork  of  Donycleidas  and  Dontas  of 
Lacedaemonia,  also  scholars  of  the  Cretan  masters.  The  perfection 
of  the  chryselephantine  process  seems  early  to  have  been  obtained, 
the  wood,  before  in  great  part  visible,  was  by  the  latter  artists  used 
only  as  a  kernel,  being  completely  covered  with  ivory  and  gold. 
This  was,  at  least,  the  case  with  the  Themis  of  Donycleidas  in  the 
Temple  of  Hera  at  Olympia.  That  Pausanias  considers  these  statues 
extremely  archaic  must  be  understood  as  a  relative  judgment ;  it  is 
to  be  borne  in  mind  that  works  by  which  a  new  process  is  intro- 
duced are  always  of  a  primitive  and  imperfect  appearance,  if  not 
artistically  backward.  A  sphyrelaton  of  beaten  copper-plates  riveted 
together  was  still  possible  to  this  school,  for  a  figure  of  Athene 
Chalkioicos  at  Sparta  was  the  work  of  Clearchos  of  Rhegion,  a  mem- 
ber of  this  guild.  The  sphyrelaton  was,  indeed,  nearly  related  to 
chryselephantine  work  which  was  virtually  a  combination  of  the 
sphyrelaton  with  the  ancient  xoanon.  The  iEginetan  Smilis,  of 
this  group  of  scholars,  was  celebrated  as  the  first  great  artist  of  his 
island.  His  connection  with  the  Cretans  is  more  certain  than  with 
the  later  sculptors  of  .^gina  ;  if  he  should  prove  to  be  older  than 
the  native  Sikyonian  masters,  as  has  recently  been  asserted,  this 
would  add  another  site  to  the  primitive  schools  of  Greek  art. 

The  history  of  sculpture,  drawn  from  the  remarks  of  ancient  writ- 
ers, would  bear  only  upon  the  development  of  these  technical  proc- 
esses, and  would  give  but  little  information  concerning  the  style  of 
this  period,  if  it  were  not  possible  to  compare  their  accounts  with 
several  ancient  monuments  which  by  great  good-fortune  have  been 


LOCAL  STYLES.  283 

preserved  to  our  own  time.  But  it  is  necessary  here  not  to  over- 
look one  point  which  is  frequently  lost  sight  of  altogether — name- 
ly, the  local  differences  betrayed  by  works  of  one  or  the  same  epoch. 
Examples  of  archaic  stone  sculpture  are  presented  by  European 
Greece,  by  the  Hellenic  colonies  of  the  East  in  Asia  Minor,  and  by 
those  of  the  West  in  Sicily,  which  show  the  two  latter  provinces  to 
have  followed  a  somewhat  different  course  of  artistic  development, 
and  even  the  works  of  the  Peloponnesos  early  to  have  betrayed 
considerable  variations,  in  conception  and  in  principle,  from  those 
of  the  more  northern  tracts  of  the  Continent.  Among  the  provincial 
monuments,  the  first  to  be  noted,  because  the  oldest  known,  are  the 
metope  reliefs  upon  the  middle  temple  of  the  Acropolis  of  Selinous 
in  Sicily.  The  city  was  founded  about  628  B.C.,  and,  though  this 
temple  may  not  have  been  the  first  built  in  the  new  colony,  it  must 
be  considered  as  dating  at  least  from  the  first  half  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury. Among  numerous  fragments  of  the  metope  sculptures  two 
tablets  have  been  preserved  almost  uninjured  which  are  of  the 
greatest  value  from  the  plainness  with  which  they  express  both  the 
artistic  advance  and  the  imperfections  of  this  early  age.  It  would 
be  a  mistake,  however,  to  see  in  them  representatives  of  the  sculpt- 
ural style  of  Greece  proper,  for  they  betray  in  many  respects  the  pe- 
culiar influences  of  Sicilian  Doric.  In  as  far  as  the  artistic  under- 
standing of  the  works  permitted,  they  evince  a  fresh  and  sound  nat- 
uralism, and  a  careful  observation  of  the  living  model.  But  this  did 
not  extend  beyond  the  more  independent  members;  while  arms  and 
legs,  hands  and  feet,  are  relatively  excellent,  the  body  and  head  are 
disagreeably  heavy,  rude,  and  ill-proportioned.  This  contrast  is  par- 
ticularly noticeable  in  that  of  the  two  reliefs  which  represent  Her- 
acles carrying  upon  his  bow  the  two  Kercopes.  The  more  success- 
ful modelling  of  the  details  of  the  limbs  shows  it  to  have  been  the 
work  of  an  abler  artist  than  the  other  {Fig.  192),  where  Perseus,  in  the 
presence  of  Athene,  cuts  off"  the  head  of  Medusa.  The  deity,  with 
naive  helplessness,  turns  her  right  foot  sideways,  though  otherwise 
facing  entirely  towards  the  front ;  the  insufficient  depth  rendered 
it  impossible  otherwise  to  give  the  foot  its  full  length,  and  the 
artist  was  perhaps  withheld  from  a  more  correct  form  by  an  un- 
conscious dependence  upon  the  more  familiar  style  of  low  relief. 


284 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


The  left  leg  of  the  Medusa  appears,  on  account  of  the  confining 
frame,  too  short  by  half,  and  the  little  Pegasos  stands  upon  long, 
kangaroo-like  hinder  legs,  in  order  that  the  body  may  come  within 
reach  of  the  arm  of  Medusa.  Yet  the  weakness  of  the  transition 
from  the  front  view  of  the  upper  body  to  the  profile  of  the  legs  is 


Fig.  192. — Metope  Relief  from  the  Middle  Temple  of  the  Acropolis  of  Selinous. 

less  striking  than  in  the  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  sculptures,  and  both 
Perseus  and  Heracles  are  wholly  free  from  that  typical  petrifaction 
which  characterized  the  art  of  the  Nile  and  of  the  Tigris.  In  spite 
of  the  first  impression  made  by  the  monstrous  and  disproportioned 
figures,  these  works  have,  with  all  their  imperfections,  the  peculiai 
charm  of  earnest  effort,  which  is  the  guarantee  of  ultimate  success. 


ASIA    MINOR.  28; 

The  most  ancient  Hellenic  sculptures  of  Asia  Minor  do  not 
show  the  same  self-reliance  and  direct  study  of  nature.  There  the 
influence  of  Mesopotamia,  Phoenicia,  Cyprus,  and  even  of  Egypt 
was  so  strongly  felt  that  art  could  not  remain  wholly  free  from 
canonical  tendencies,  and  did  not  develop  simply  and  directly  from 
natural  models.  The  sitting  colossal  statues  which  flanked  the 
sacred  way  from  the  port  of  Panormos  to  the  Temple  of  Apollo 
Didymaios  near  Miletos,  and,  according  to  the  characters  of  the  in- 


^g-  *93- — Statues  from  Miletos.     British  Museum. 

scriptions,  date  from  about  540  B.C.,  show  the  naturalistic  elements 
of  Greek  work  in  the  treatment  of  the  bodies,  and  especially  in  the 
garments,  with  their  scanty  but  correct  folds ;  though  it  is  not  to 
be  denied  that  the  arrangement  in  rows  like  the  avenues  of  sphinxes, 
and  the  enthroned,  Memnon-like  position  of  the  priests  and  priest- 
esses betray  reminiscences  of  Egyptian  conceptions, — while  the 
fulness  of  the  bodies  and  the  technical  details  of  the  seats  are  more 
similar  to  the  traditional  forms  of  Assyria  and  Phoenicia.  The 
Asiatic  influence  is  still  more  evident  in  the  epistyle  and  metope 


286 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


reliefs  of  the  remarkable  Doric  temple  at  Assos,  now  in  the  Louvre ; 
though  the  rudeness  of  their  forms  may  be  in  part  owing  to  the  loss 
of  the  stucco  coating  with  which  the  coarse  and  excessively  hard 
stone  was  doubtless  overlayed  and  in  which  many  of  the  finer  de- 
tails may  have  been  executed.  A  similarity  to  the  beaten  work  of 
metal  plate  peculiar  to  Phoenicia  is  easily  recognizable,  and  reliefs 
analogous  in  style,  and  even  in  subject,  to  the  sculptures  of  Assos  are 

offered  by  the  Etruscan  bronze- 
work  of  a  chariot  found  in  Peru- 
gia, now  in  the  Munich  Glyptothek. 
A  number  of  sculptures  found 
in  various  parts  of  European  Greece 
are  wholly  different  from  these  pro- 
vincial works.  Chief  among  them 
are  entirely  nude  youthful  figures 
standing  in  a  stiff  position,  the  arms 
hanging  close  to  the  body,  and  the 
legs  separated — the  left  being  gen- 
erally a  little  advanced  ;  the  head, 
with  receding  brow,  is  slightly  in- 
clined, and  looks  directly  forward  ; 
the  eyes  are  large  and  protruding ; 
the  smiling  mouth  drawn  outward 
at  the  corners;  while  the  wig-like 
hair  falls  low  over  the  shoulders. 
They  are  commonly  designated  as 
statues  of  Apollo,  although  the 
want  of  all  attributes,  such  as  were 
so  universally  employed  by  primi- 
tive art  for  the  figures  of  deities, 
and  which  were  so  necessary  for  their  characterization,  makes  this 
more  than  uncertain.  Moreover,  according  to  Plutarch,  a  Delian 
statue  of  Apollo,  the  work  of  Tectaios  and  Angelion,  teachers  of  the 
-^ginetan  Gallon,  and  consequently  of  this  period,  showed  the  god 
with  outstretched  hands ;  a  position  which  was  typical  in  early  an- 
tiquity, and  seems  long  to  have  been  retained,  as  in  the  Milesian 
Apollo  of  Canachos,  and  the  small  bronze  figure  in  the  Louvre.    The 


Fig.  194. — Apollo  of  Thera. 


AlHLETES.  287 

supposition  appears  plausible  that  these  figures  are  those  of  victors 
in  the  national  ga»nes  of  Greece ;  such  votive  offerings  are  known  to 
have  been  carved  of  wood  in  the  earliest  times,  but,  after  560  B.C., 
they  appear  to  have  been  of  stone,  like  that  of  Arrhachion  in  Phiga- 
lia,  described  by  Pausanias  (viii.  40).  The  Apollo  of  Thera,  now  in 
Athens  {Fig.  194),  is  one  of  the  more  ancient  of  these  works ;  the 
soft  and  yet  not  voluptuous  forms  of  the  body,  the  beauty  of  outline, 
united  with  an  evident  uncertainty,  do  not  denote  a  later  phase  of 
artistic  development  than  the  hard  sharpness  and  strict  conven- 
tionalism of  the  greater  number  of  archaic  statues.  The  beginning 
of  this  discipline  is  shown  by  the  Apollo  of  Tenea,  now  at  Munich,  in 
which  there  is  but  little  grace  and  artistic 
beauty,  but  all  the  more  an  earnest  striv- 
ing after  close  correctness  of  modelling, 
which  is  more  successfully  attained  in  the 
limbs  than  in  the  trunk.  Of  this  epoch, 
and  similar  in  style,  though  approaching 
more  nearly  to  the  Apollo  of  Thera,  are 
the  marble  statues  of  Orchomenos,  pre- 
served only  to  the  knees,  and  the  torsos  of 
Megara  and  Naxos,  now  in  Athens.  The 
more  ancient  sculptures  found  in  Greece 
proper  are  less  antique  in  style  than  the 
sculptures  and  reliefs  already  mentioned, 
with  the  exception  of  some  marble  steles 
from  Sparta,  the  most  important  of  which  represents  upon  the  one 
side  the  meeting  of  Orestes  and  Iphigenia,  upon  the  other  the  mur- 
der of  Clytaimnestra  {Fig.  195).  The  rude,  short  figures  are  some- 
what similar  to  those  in  the  metopes  of  the  middle  temple  upon 
the  Acropolis  of  Selinous.  This  excessive  heaviness  and  awkward- 
ness appears  almost  entirely  overcome  in  the  stele  of  Aristion,  found 
in  northern  Attica,  and  now  in  Athens.  The  low  relief  {Fig.  196), 
designated  as  the  work  of  Aristocles,  represents  a  man  armed  as  a 
hoplite,  and  is  similar,  in  many  important  respects,  to  the  Apollo  of 
Tenea,  though  a  decided  advance  beyond  that  work.  The  Attic  re- 
lief of  a  woman  mounting  a  chariot,  notwithstanding  a  primitive 
harshness  of  form,  shows,  in  the  graceful  drapery,  the  inclination  of 


Fig.  195. — Archaic  Relief  from 
Sparta. 


288 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


the  head  and  the  position  of  the  arms,  as  well  as  in  the  greater  cer- 
tainty of  the  drawing,  qualities  which  cannot  be  ascribed  exclusively 
to  the  superior  perception  of  the  inhabitants  of  Attica,  but  must  be 
due,  at  least  in  part,  to  a  later  and  more  advanced  stage  of  develop- 
ment. With  these  works  may  be  compared 
the  so-called  Leucothea  relief  in  the  Villa  Al- 
bani,  which  does  not,  indeed,  equal  them  in  com- 
position, but  is  superior  in  grace  of  bearing  and 
beauty  of  detail.  Another  sculpture  represents 
the  bringing  of  a  child  to  a  female  figure  seated 
upon  a  throne,  perhaps  the  dead  mother,  and 
is  similar  in  subject  to  the  celebrated  reliefs 
of  the  Monument  of  the  Harpies  at  Xanthos, 
now  in  the  British  Museum,  where  the  Harpies 
bear  children  or  souls  to  the  deities  of  the 
lower  world.  The  former,  by  greater  fulness 
and  softness,  as  also  by  less  clearness  and  un- 
derstanding in  the  general  treatment,  seems  to 
precede  the  latter  in  point  of  time,  dating  from 
the  period  between  the  Milesian  colossal  fig- 
ures and  the  Attic  reliefs  described,  that  is  to 
say,  from  520  to  500  B.C. 

The  older  metopes  of  Selinous,  the  statues 
of  Miletos,  the  reliefs  of  Assos,  and  even  the 
so-called  figures  of  Apollo  from  Thera,  Naxos, 
Orchomenos,  and  Tenea,  betray  great  looseness 
and  uncertainty  of  form ;  like  the  productions  of 
every  period  of  experiment,  they  give  no  evi- 
dence of  systematical  and  accepted  principles — 
the  canonical  establishment  of  a  certain  degree 
of  perfection.     In  the  subsequent  period  there 

Fig.  196.— Stele  of  Aristion,  was,  in  various  cities,  an  earnest  endeavor  to 
by  Aristocles. 

make  an  end  to  this  want  of  training  by  thor- 
ough and  academic  discipline.  These  efforts  could  not,  in  Greece, 
result  in  that  typical  lifelessness,  that  faulty  execution  and  man- 
nerism, universal  in  Egypt  and  the  despotic  lands  of  the  East, 
which  operated  against  all  direct  study  of  nature ;  but,  by  the  com- 


ATHENS.  289 

bination  of  individual  observations  and  improvements,  they  increased 
and  purified  the  artistic  appreciation,  no  longer  restricting  it  to  de- 
tails, to  the  partial,  but  directing  it  to  the  complete.  Athens  was 
most  active  in  this  advance,  as  is  evident  from  several  ancient  works 
closely  related  to  that  of  the  woman  mounting  the  chariot.  The 
progress  is  illustrated  by  the  statue  of  Athene  found  upon  the  north- 
ern side  of  the  Athenian  Acropolis.  A  strict  treatment  of  details, 
like  the  aigis,  the  folds  of  the  garments,  the  hair,  etc.,  is  united  to  a 
considerable  understanding  of  the  forms  of  the  body  and  the  func- 
tions of  the  limbs,  which  are  sharply  and  perhaps  a  little  hardly 
modelled ;  while  the  work  has  in  great  measure  freed  itself  from  the 
exactions  of  conventional  symmetry,  so  markedly  exemplified  by 
the  sitting  statues  of  Miletos  and  the  Apollo  of  Tenea.  The  figure 
of  Hermes  bearing  a  calf,  found  in  Athens,  is  a  somewhat  similar 
work ;  its  head  and  hair  are  hard  even  to  ugliness,  but  decided  abil- 
ity is  shown  in  the  formation  of  the  back  and  hams,  and  in  the  truth 
to  nature  of  the  calf,  held  by  the  legs  and  pressed  close  to  the  neck. 
The  progress  is  not  less  plain  in  the  bronze  statuette  of  Apollo  in 
the  Louvre,  nearly  one  meter  high,  with  the  Greek  inscription  "  to 
Athene  from  the  tithes;"  provided,  indeed,  that  the  period  of  its 
origin  is  certain,  and  the  work  does  not  belong  to  the  extensive 
group  of  archaistic  imitations. 

The  reliefs  from  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century  are  similar  in 
character.  That  upon  a  marble  fountain-drum  from  Corinth  repre- 
sents the  meeting  of  Heracles  and  Hebe ;  it  still  preserves  the  sil- 
houette-like outline,  the  small  parallel  folds  and  general  ornamental 
style  of  the  drapery,  and  the  stepping  of  both  feet  flatly  upon  the 
soles  ;  while  the  unschooled  endeavor  and  evident  embarrassment  of 
the  artist  does  not  give  an  unpleasing  expression  of  awkwardness  to 
the  figures,  which  have  a  certain  dignity  and  grace,  especially  re- 
markable in  the  garments  and  in  the  action  of  the  extremities.  Here 
is  attained  at  last  that  strict  and  completed  style  which  has  cast  off  all 
loose  uncertainty,  and  has  adopted  a  conventional  form  for  accesso- 
ries in  order  to  secure  the  harmonious  execution  of  the  whole.  This 
is  also  noticeable  upon  a  relief  discovered  in  Thasos,  now  in  the 
Louvre,  which,  when  compared  with  the  before-mentioned  Corinthi- 
an relief,  and  with  the  monument  of  the  Harpies,  displays  the  influ- 

19 


290 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


ence  of  the  neighboring  coasts  of  northern  Asia  Minor,  together  with 
a  certain  picturesqueness  of  conception  pecuHar  to  northern  Greece. 
A  beautiful  stele,  found  in  Orchomenos,  the  work  of  Alxenor,  an  ar- 
tist from  Naxos,  instead  of  giving  to  the  portrait  figure  the  stiff  po- 
sition of  parade,  formerly  universal,  rep- 
resents it  with  crossed  legs,  lazily  lean- 
1^^___^^  ing  upon  a  gnarled  stick.     The  archaic 

"""•',/   \         .,r7=^'1t      meagreness  is,  however,  still  to  be  seen 
L  dCn^^k    jj^  |.j^g  fQj.j^  Qj-  ^j^g  hand,  and  in  the  folds 

of  the  cloak  {Fig.  197).  The  stele  from 
the  Borgia  collection,  at  present  in  Na- 
ples, resembles  it  in  general  style.  All 
n  E!^^  \^^^y^\  w\  ^^^  merits  and  defects  of  the  period  are 
■S^B^  /^^««^U  '  m  to  be  seen  also  in  a  number  of  terra- 
cotta reliefs  from  Melos,  not  to  mention 
some  small  figures  in  clay  and  bronze, 
for  the  most  part  superficially  executed, 
the  clumsiness  of  which  may  be  ascribed 
to  the  maker's  individual  want  of  abil- 
ity. 

The  growth  of  art  in  Asia  Minor, 
Sicily,  and  Lower  Italy,  in  so  far  as  these 
lands  were  Hellenic,  does  not  appear  to 
have  kept  equal  pace  with  that  of  Greece 
proper;  yet  the  intercourse,  during  the 
last  decades  of  the  sixth  century,  was  so 
active  that  they  could  not  remain  far 
behind.  The  most  remarkable  examples 
of  the  sculptures  of  this  class,  perhaps 
of  a  little  later  date  than  the  Attic  works 
described,  are  the  metope  reliefs  from  the 
Fig.  197.— Stele  by  Alxenor,  found  in  Middle  Temple  of  the  Eastern  Plateau 

Orchomenos.  ^ 

at  Selinous,  representing  the  gigantoma- 
chia,  as  preserved  in  scanty  fragments.  Although  the  crudeness  of 
outline  and  modelling  in  the  bodies  of  the  fallen  giants  in  many 
respects  recalls  the  older  metopes  of  the  corresponding  temple  of 
the  acropolis,  the  draperies  of  the  goddesses,  on  the  other  hand,  show 


ARCHAISTIC    WORK. 


291 


a  skill  exceeding  in  truth  and  beauty  many  of  the  archaic  works  of 
Greece  itself.  The  one  remaining  head  of  a  giant,  wounded  and  out- 
stretched in  death  {Fig.  198),  shows,  in  spite  of  the  antique  hardness  in 
the  form  of  the  face  and  treatment  of  the  hair,  an  expression  which 
could  have  resulted  only  from  the  intelligent  study  of  nature.  A 
relief  from  Aricia,  now  in  Palma,  upon  the  island  of  Mallorca,  repre- 
senting the  murder  of  iCgisthos  by  Orestes,  is  known  only  through 
insufficient  representations ;  it  shows  weakness  in  composition  and 
inequality  in  rendering,  the  garments  be- 
ing sensibly  inferior  to  the  treatment  of 
the  nude. 

Before  mentioning  by  name  those  ar- 
tists who  carried  art  beyond  this  stage  of 
development,  another  class  of  monuments, 
numerically  very  important,  should  be  con- 
sidered. It  is  well  known  that  in  all  ages 
antiquity  has  had  a  certain  charm,  either 
as  appearing  strange  and  interesting  in 
comparison  with  existing  circumstances, 
or  from  religious  associations.  When  a 
devotional  figure,  with  which  many  leg- 
c.ids  have  become  associated,  as  is  the 
case  to-day  with  the  altar-pieces  of  our 
churches,  was  particularly  reverenced  on 
account  of  its  antiquity,  there  was  a  de- 
sire to  preserve  its  primitive  type,  even 
from  recognized  improvements.  Hence 
arose  an  imitation  of  the  original  work, 
called  archaistic  in  contradistinction  from  the  archaic,  or  really 
old.  This  imitative  style  became  fashionable  in  later  times ;  while 
an  amateur  with  the  means  of  the  Emperor  Augustus  was  able  to 
acquire  an  original  Boupalos  or  Athenis,  other  lovers  of  the  antique 
were  obliged  to  content  themselves  with  copies,  or  with  works 
conventionalized  after  the  manner  of  the  early  masters.  These 
products  are  not  always  to  be  distinguished  from  the  truly  archa- 
ic, as  is  also  the  case  with  some  modern  imitations;  but  usually  some 
conventional,  technical,  or  circumstantial  oversight  or  anachronism 


Fig.  198. — Head  from  a  Metope 
of  the  Middle  Temple  upon  the 
Eastern  Plateau  of  Selinous. 


292 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


furnishes  an  easy  criterion.  There,  can  be  no  doubt,  for  example, 
concerning  the  age  of  a  work  of  sculpture  in  which  a  Roman  Co- 
rinthian temple  stands  in  the  background,  as  upon  a  well-known 
relief  representing  Victory  filling  a  cup  for  Apollo  Kitharoidos,  who 

is  followed  by  Artemis  and 
Leto.  In  other  cases  the 
head,  hands,  or  feet, — the  ex- 
pression or  gesture, — or  the 
step,  which  in  ancient  works 
characteristically  rests  upon 
both  soles, — betray  a  much 
later  period  than  the  hard  or, 
regular  folds  of  the  drapery, 
as  is  the  case  with  the  Arte- 
mis at  Naples.  {Fig.  199.) 
Sometimes  the  accessories 
are  of  a  later  style,  as  in 
the  ten  scenes  from  the  Gi- 
gantomachia  upon  the  bor- 
der of  the  garment  of  Athene 
in  Dresden ;  or,  finally,  the 
drapery  upon  one  figure  of 
a  group  is  strictly  antique, 
while  that  of  the  others  is 
free,  as  upon  a  tripod  of  the 
same  museum, — not  to  men- 
tion other  less  important  in- 
consistencies. 

An  established  conven- 
tionalism,— that  contentment 
with  the  mere  handiwork  of 
acquired  forms  which  existed 

Fig.  I99.-Archaistic  Artemis  from  Pompeii.  ^^^  centuries  in  the  lands  of 
the  Nile  and  Tigris, — was  not  possible  in  the  early  art  of  progres- 
sive Greece.  Upon  the  foundation  of  the  artistic  ability  already 
attained  at  this  period,  various  local  schools  and  individual  sculp- 
tors  rose  to  a  higher   level,  and   effected   an   advance,  partly  by 


THE  SCHOOL  OF  MGINA.  293 

opening  new  channels  for  the  artistic  industry  of  all  Hellas,  partly 
hy  purs«iu{j  paths  which  remained  peculiar  to  themselves.  Athens 
and  ,/Egina  are  especially  prominent  in  this  activity ;  but,  notwith- 
standing many  scholarly  researches,  the  history  of  art  is  not  able  to 
distinguish  with  certainty  between  the  works  of  the  two  cities,  an 
Attic  example  analogous  to  the  chief  work  of  the  island  being 
wanting  for  instructive  comparison.  The  chief  difference  between 
the  two  may  have  been  that  the  former  school  had  a  less  strict  and 
trained  execution  than  the  latter,  with  more  grace  of  form  and  nobil- 
ity of  bearing.  Gallon  and  Onatas  were  prominent  artists  of  iEgina, 
the  latter  seeming  to  have  been  the  more  celebrated.  On  account 
of  the  hardness  of  their  work,  both  were  considered  inferior  to  Cala- 
mis.  Onatas  is  particularly  interesting  from  our  knowledge  of  two 
of  his  chief  sculptures — extensive  dedicatory  offerings  to  Olympia 
and  Delphi,  one  of  which  represented  the  Greeks  before  Troy,  cast- 
ing lots  to  determine  upon  an  opponent  for  Hector,  and  the  other 
the  combat  over  the  fallen  King  of  the  Tapygians,  Opis.  The  sub- 
jects of  these  works,  especially  the  latter,  and  the  peculiarity  em- 
phasized by  Pausanias  that  the  heroes  before  Troy  were  repre- 
sented armed  only  with  helmet,  spear,  and  shield,  probably  to  give 
scope  for  the  display  of  the  artist's  skill  in  the  treatment  of  the 
nude,  remind  us  of  the  two  well-preserved  groups  from  the  gables 
of  the  Temple  of  Athene  at  JEgina,  which,  in  point  of  style,  must 
have  been  closely  allied  to  those  of  Onatas.  These  priceless  mar- 
bles were  discovered  in  181 1,  and  the  next  year,  by  a  chain  of  fortu- 
nate circumstances,  came  into  the  possession  of  Louis  I.,  then  Crown- 
prince  of  Bavaria.  Ten  of  the  remaining  statues  belong  to  the  west- 
em  gable,  and  five  to  the  eastern ;  the  greater  part  of  the  former 
group  is  thus  preserved,  and,  as  the  scenes  in  both  gables  are  almost 
entirely  alike,  their  general  arrangement  may  be  restored  with  rea- 
sonable certainty.  That  over  the  chief  front  represents  the  strug- 
gle for  a  fallen  hero,  probably  Oicles  in  the  contest  of  Heracles  and 
the  iEginetan  Telamon  with  Laomedon  of  Troy.  In  the  rear  tym- 
panon  the  scene  is  the  recovery  of  the  body  of  Achilles  or  of  Patro- 
clos.  Subjects  so  closely  allied  could  lead  to  no  great  difference  of 
composition,  at  most  to  such  slight  variations  as  the  characterization 
of  Heracles  in  the  /irst  group  or  of  Paris  in  the  second,  if  this  latter 


294 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


be  considered  an  episode  in  which  that  hero  took  part.  In  both  ga- 
bles the  fallen  warrior  lay  at  the  feet  of  the  protecting  Athene  {Fig. 
200),  while  on  each  side,  symmetrically  disposed,  a  combatant  of 


Fig.  200. — Central  Figures  of  the  Western  Gable,  Temple  of  Athene  upon  ^gina. 

either  party  endeavors  to  seize  the  body  and  drag  it  forth  from  the 
fray.  Above  these  stooping  figures  warriors  threaten  each  other 
with  lances ;  but  it  is  not  certain  whether  there  were  two  or  four 


THE  itGINETAN    MARBLES.  295 

of  these  actively  engaged.  The  latter  number  has  been  recently  as- 
sumed from  numerous  fragmentary  remains,  which,  if  appertaining 
to  the  group  at  all,  it  is  impossible  otherwise  to  locate ;  the  refuta- 
tion of  this  theory  of  Lange,  which  has  been  attempted  by  Julius, 
does  not  terminate  the  vexed  question.  These  warriors  were  fol- 
lowed, according  to  Brunn's  arrangement,  by  two  kneeling  lance- 
bearers,  perhaps  protecting  the  two  archers  in  similar  position  with 
their  shields.  One  of  the  archers  is  shown  by  a  leathern  cuirass  and 
the  so-called  Phrygian  cap  to  be  an  Oriental,  perhaps  Paris.  With 
the  exception  of  Heracles  in  the  eastern  gable,  who  is  characterized 
by  his  lion's  skin,  none  of  the  other  combatants  are  personally  dis- 
tinguishable. The  corners  of  the  triangle  are  filled  by  two  fallen 
warriors.  The  whole  group  is  thus  composed  with  strict  reference 
to  symmetrical  correspondence,  and  to  the  conditions  imposed  by 
the  gable  ;  all  attempt  to  attain  relative  action  and  realism  is  aban- 
doned, and  the  impression  of  a  pantomine  is  inevitable.  The  out- 
lines of  the  bodies,  their  position  and  action,  are  correct  even  to  the 
minutest  details,  and  show  a  certainty  of  form  and  a  technical  per- 
fection, which,  in  the  absence  of  all  support  for  the  bodies,  or  for  the 
extreme  thinness  of  the  shields,  is  truly  astonishing.  The  figures 
of  the  eastern  gable  appear  particularly  perfect,  and  are  apparently 
the  works  of  later  sculptors,  less  limited,  in  point  of  style  and  artis- 
tic ability,  than  the  master,  or  masters,  of  the  western  group.  If  in 
the  latter,  as  before  remarked,  it  is  natural  to  think  of  Onatas,  the 
former  is  correspondingly  attributable  to  Calliteles,  the  son,  scholar, 
and  assistant  of  Onatas,  who  worked  in  great  measure  like  his  fa- 
ther, but  also  under  the  progressive  influence  of  a  younger  genera- 
tion. In  remarkable  contrast  to  the  excellent  and,  in  formal  char- 
acterization, almost  faultless,  anatomical  treatment  of  the  bodies, 
two  things  appear  particularly  important  as  indicating  the  limits  of 
the  artistic  ability  of  the  time — namely,  all  the  heads  and  the  two 
statues  of  the  deity  Athene.  The  former  are  without  ideal  beauty 
or  expression,  for  which  the  sculptor  evidently  felt  himself  incapa- 
ble. He  therefore  carved  the  features  according  to  a  certain  for- 
mula, and  the  apparent  smile,  resulting  from  the  mouth  being  drawn 
outward  and  the  comers  of  the  eyelids  extended,  is  to  be  regarded 
as  a  meaningless  reminiscence  of  the  older  style.     The  eyes  are  too 


296  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

protruding  and  the  chin  too  pointed  and  small,  defects  of  the  earlier 
practice,  not  as  yet  entirely  overcome.  The  Athene  shows  how  ob- 
stinately the  devotional  images  were  denied  the  advances  made  in 
other  sculptures,  so  that  the  traditional  and  hallowed  type  might  be 
preserved,  as  much  as  possible,  from  change.  While  for  the  other 
statues  the  artist  had  before  his  eyes  the  living  combatants  of  the 
palaistra,  his  model  for  this  was  the  sacred  image  standing  within 
the  temple.  The  evident  contrast  between  the  stiff  bearing  and 
archaic  garments  of  the  Athene  and  the  rest  of  the  group  is  thus 
more  naturally  explained  than  by  the  view  that,  in  the  artist's  con- 
ception, the  goddess  did  not  need  any  real  action,  that  a  slight  lift- 
ing of  the  shield,  as  a  divine  "  thus  far  and  no  farther,"  was  suffi- 
cient to  show  her  supernatural  power  and  to  protect  the  fallen.  The 
awkward  turn  of  the  feet,  which  was  owing  less  to  the  limitations  of 
space  than  to  the  reminiscence  of  an  antique  devotional  image,  might 
the  more  safely  be  ventured,  because  it  could  not  be  seen  at  all  from 
below.  That  the  sculptor,  however,  in  his  loving  devotion  to  his 
work,  took  small  advantage  of  this  last  consideration,  is  clear  from 
the  fact  that  the  bodies  are  as  carefully  finished  upon  the  back  as 
upon  the  front,  although  one  half  of  this  labor  could  never  have 
been  appreciated  from  the  first  installation  of  the  figures  until 
their  discovery  among  the  overthrown  ruins  and  their  reception 
in  the  Munich  Glyptothek.  The  effect  of  the  whole  was  essential- 
ly heightened  by  the  bronze  accessories,  such  as  lances,  belts  with 
swords,  bows,  arrows,  a  Gorgoneion  and  serpents  upon  the  aigis  of 
Athene,  etc. ;  and  even  more  by  the  intense  red,  blue,  and  other  col- 
ors upon  the  helmets  and  waving  crests,  shields,  and  borders  of 
the  garments,  sandals,  and  leather- work,  as  well  as  by  the  tint- 
ing of  the  hair,  eyes,  and  lips — all  which  painting  was  probably  in 
strict  harmony  with  the  neighboring  architectural  members,  which 
were  doubtless  treated  with  similar  pigments.  Of  other  statues  of 
archaic  stamp  only  one  has  proved  to  be  contemporaneous  with,  and 
of  the  same  school  as,  the  gable  sculptures  of  JEgina. — namely,  the 
so-called  Strangford  youth  in  the  British  Museum.  The  work  is 
more  closely  allied  to  the  statues  of  the  western  than  to  those  of 
the  later  eastern  gable  of  the  temple  ;  but,  notwithstanding  a  mark- 
ed similarity  in  the  treatment  of  the  torso,  the  formation  of  the  feat- 


ONATAS. 


297 


ures  differs  so  distinctly  that  the  figure  can  hardly  be  ascribed  to  the 
same  master.  When  Pausanias  says  of  Onatas  that,  although  be- 
longing to  iCgina,  he  still  does  not  rank  him  below  any  contempo- 
raneous sculptor  of  Attica,  this  summary  praise  speaks  less  directly 
for  the  individuality  of  Onatas  than  for  the  decided  relative  position 
of  the  two  schools.  It  shows  that  in  general  the  style  of  yEgina  was 
esteemed  inferior.  It  may  be  concluded  that  there  were  at  least 
three  Athenian  sculptors  of  this  time  who  surpassed  the  artists  of 


Fig.  201. — Harmodios  and  Aristogeiton.     (Copies  in  Naples.) 

the  gable  groups  of  the  temple  upon  iEgina,  namely,  Hegias  (He- 
gesias),  Critios,  and  Nesiotes,  not  to  mention  the  somewhat  older 
Endoios,  Antenor,  and  Amphicrates.  Literary  notices  of  their  works 
do  not  convey  any  valuable  information  ;  but  Friedrichs  has  discov- 
ered in  the  sculptures  of  the  Museum  of  Naples  which  hitherto  had 
passed  under  the  name  of  the  Gladiators,  copies  from  one  of  the  best 
works  of  Critios  and  Nesiotes.  {^Fig.  201.)  They  represent  Har- 
modios and  Aristogeiton,  the  assassins  of  the  tyrant  Hipparchos, — a 


298 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


group  recognized  by  an  Attic  tetradrachm,  by  the  relief  ornament- 
ing a  marble  seat  at  Athens,  and  by  a  weaker  reproduction  now  in 
the  Giardino  Boboli  at  Florence.  As  copies  of  this  kind  do  not  al- 
low definite  conclusions  concerning  the  style  of  celebrated  monu- 
ments, we  must  regard  in  them  only 
the  general  composition.  They  suf 
fice,  however,  to  show  that  the  fig- 
ures, which  are  of  a  free  and  bold  ac- 
tion, cannot  be  referred  to  the  Monu- 
ment of  Antenor,  built  as  early  as  509 
B.C.  Besides  the  schools  of  ./Egina 
and  Athens,  there  were  at  this  period 
sculptural  workshops  of  good  repute 
in  Sikyon,Argos,  Corinth,  and  Thebes. 
As  early  as  the  time  of  the  Cretan 
Daidalidae  Dipoinos  and  Skyllis,  Sik- 
yon  was  one  of  the  chief  cities  of  ar- 
tistic industry ;  and  at  the  beginning 
of  the  fifth  century  two  celebrated 
brothers,  Canachos  and  Aristocles, 
stood  at  the  head  of  a  local  school 
which  lasted  for  seven  generations. 
The  chief  work  of  Canachos,  the  co- 
lossal Apollo  of  the  Branchidae  sanct- 
uary in  Miletos,  holding  a  movable, 
probably  automatic,  stag  in  the  out- 
stretched right  hand,  is  known  only 
by  representations  upon  coins,  and  by 
a  bronze  statuette  in  the  British  Mu- 
seum {Fig.  202) ;  the  latter  ."shows  that 
the  master  was  but  little  removed 
from  the  archaic  hardness  of  earlier 
times,  though  endeavoring  to  attain 
greater  power  and  nobility  of  form,  particularly  in  the  head  and 
features.  Another  colossal  Apollo  by  Canachos  in  Thebes  differed 
from  the  figure  in  Miletos  in  being  made  of  wood.  The  chrysele- 
phantine Aphrodite  in  Sikyon,  represented  with  the  polos  upon  the 


Fig.  202. — Apollo  after  Canachos. 
(British  Museum.) 


THE  SCHOOL  OF   ARGOS.— CALAMIS.  299 

head  and  with  poppy  flower  and  apples  in  the  hands,  must  have 
been  particularly  archaic  in  conception.  Two  other  works,  more  re- 
moved from  hieratic  influences  and  limitations,  were  probably  of  a 
less  restricted  style:  namely,  the  Muse  with  the  Syrinx,  executed 
with  two  others  by  the  master's  brother,  Aristocles,  and  the  Young 
Racers. 

The  school  of  Argos  is  celebrated  by  one  great  name,  immedi- 
ately connected  with  the  highest  development  of  art,  Ageladas,  the 
contemporary  of  the  masters  of  iCgina,  Athens,  and  Sikyon  previ- 
ously mentioned.  From  the  silence  of  ancient  authors  in  regard  to 
this  master's  style,  little  information  can  be  given  concerning  it ;  it  is 
only  known  that  the  Muse  with  the  Barbiton,  his  many  figures  of 
Zeus  and  Heracles,  various  statues  of  victors,  quadrigas,  and  groups 
of  votive  offerings  in  Delphi,  were  of  bronze.  Ageladas  was  the 
teacher  of  three  of  the  greatest  sculptors  of  Greece — Myron,^PQly; 
cleitos^and  Pheidjas;  and  he  must,  if  on  this  account  alone,  be  rank- 
ed above  his  contemporaries.  The  history  of  art  would  receive  but 
little  furtherance  by  a  detailed  consideration  of  the  other  Argive 
sculptors,  Aristomedon,  Glaucos,  and  Dionysios;  of  the  Corinthi- 
ans, Diyllos,  Amyclaios,  and  Chionis ;  of  the  Thebans,  Aristomedos, 
Socrates,  and  others;  of  Gallon  of  Elis;  or  of  the  Spartan  Gitiades. 
Prominent  as  these  must  have  been,  they  appear  rather  to  have 
demonstrated  the  vigor  of  their  schools,  and  the  influence  of  those 
of  i£gina  and  Athens,  than  by  individual  gifts  to  have  raised  them- 
selves above  the  academic  art  of  their  time.  As  masters  of  per- 
sonal importance,  in  whom  the  progress  made  by  their  own  genius 
far  exceeded  their  early  training,  may  be  mentioned  three  younger 
sculptors :  Calamis,  probably  of  Athens ;  Pythagoras  of  Rhegion, 
in  Magna  Graecia ;  and  Myron  of  Eleutherae,  on  the  borders  of  Boe- 
otia.  Calamis  worked  chiefly  in  devotional  figures,  and  in  these 
could  not  entirely  throw  off"  the  hieratic  limitations  in  regard  to  po- 
sition and  treatment  of  details.  He  was  accounted  somewhat  less 
hard  in  style  than  Canachos  or  Gallon,  but  inferior  to  Myron  in  truth- 
fulness to  nature.  This  master  seems  to  have  made  little  advance 
in  the  modelling  of  the  body  as  a  whole,  though  Lucian  praises 
the  rhythmical  position  of  the  feet  and  the  beauty  of  the  joints 
of  his   Sosandra;   but  in  the  representation  of  the  head  he  sue- 


30O 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


ceeded  in  making  decided  progress  when  compared  with  the  artists 
of  the  gable  groups  of  JEgina..  In  this  respect  his  Alcmene  must 
have  been  highly  important ;  but  chief  among  the  works  of  Calamis 
was  the  Sosandra,  probably  an  Aphrodite,  which  became  proverbial 
on  account  of  its  grace  and  beauty.  Lucian,  when  comparing  the 
most  distinguished  examples  among  all  the  works  of  art  to  illustrate 
perfect  beauty,  did  this  with  the  significant  words,  "  Calamis  may 
ornament  our  ideal  with  chaste  modesty,  and  its  smile  may  be  hon- 
orable and  unconscious  as  that  of  Sosandra."  In  view  of  this  judg- 
ment, it  is  plain  that  the  stiff,  ugly  heads  of  the  ^Eginetan  marbles 
are  not  to  be  imputed  to  the  works  of  Calamis ;  that  the  graceful  and 
beautiful  formation  of  the  features  was  one  of  the  chief  improve- 
ments effected  by  him.  The  limitations  of  his  art  are  indicated  by 
another  notice.  Pliny  relates  that  Calamis  was  unsurpassed  in  his 
representations  of  horses ;  but  Praxiteles  removed  a  charioteer  from 
one  of  the  older  quadrigas,  and  created  another  in  its  place,  "  that 
the  men  of  Calamis  might  not  appear  inferior  to  his  animals."  His 
charioteer  must  consequently  have  contrasted  unfavorably  with  the 
horses  and  disturbed  the  harmony  of  the  whole ;  this  need  by  no 
means  be  considered  as  contradictory  to  the  accounts  of  the  beauty 
of  his  devotional  images,  for  the  charming  grace  which  distinguished 
the  quiet  figures  of  deities  and  heroes  was  to  be  exchanged  in  the 
charioteer  for  an  athletic  life,  corresponding,  in  position  and  action, 
to  the  exciting  situation,  and  such  representations  evidently  were 
beyond  the  powers  of  the  otherwise  able  master.  Examples  authen- 
tically referable  to  Calamis  do  not  exist,  though  the  statue  of  Apollo 
upon  the  Omphalos,  found  in  Athens,  shows  at  once  the  archaic  lim- 
itations and  the  advancing  mastery  which  may  be  ascribed  to  this 
period  of  Greek  sculpture  ;  while  the  so-called  Vesta,  now  in  the  pos- 
session of  Torlonia,  may  have  preserved  reminiscences  of  the  Sosan- 
dra. Both  these  works  are  evidently  the  products  of  artists  who  did 
not  conceive  the  gods  as  merely  graceful  and  pleasing,  but  as  strict 
and  serious  beings.  Statues  of  Apollo  by  Calamis  are  known  to  have 
been  brought  from  the  Kerameicos  in  Athens,  and  from  a  city  upon 
the  shores  of  the  Pontes,  to  the  Roman  capitol ;  but  this  can  hardly 
be  adduced  as  an  argument  in  favor  of  the  authenticity  of  the  figure 
upon  the  Omphalos. 


PYTHAGORAS.  5OI 

To  those  very  points  in  which  Calamis  failed,  the  two  other  ar- 
tists named  devoted  themselves  with  signal  success.  The  works  of 
Pythagoras  of  Rhegion,  who  limited  himself  to  bronze  as  a  material, 
while  Calamis  worked  in  marble,  gold,  and  ivory,  betray  no  connec- 
tion with  those  of  the  latter  in  regard  to  subjects,  for  the  greater 
number  were  statues  of  victors  and  representations  of  heroes  in 
somewhat  genre-like  conception.  Of  the  former,  Pausanias  and  Pliny 
praise  the  Enthymos  as  one  of  the  most  excellent  among  the  forest 
of  images  dedicated  at  Olympia:  of  the  latter,  the  limping  Philoctetes 
was  celebrated  by  many  epigrams,  as  causing  the  observer  to  himself 
feel  the  pain  of  the  wounded  foot.  To  attain  such  an  expression,  it 
is  not  sufficient  to  characterize  the  suffering  in  the  affected  limb 
alone,  but  the  pain  must  be  evident  in  the  entire  body,  in  bearing  as 
well  as  in  step ;  in  the  continued  tension  of  all  the  muscles,  and  in  the 
one-sided  strain  upon  the  sound  leg.  The  Philoctetes  illustrates  an 
otherwise  incomprehensible  account  of  the  master's  ability.  Dioge- 
nes of  Laerte  says  that  Pythagoras,  of  all  sculptors,  first  regarded 
rhythm  and  symmetry.  This  unity  of  motion  or  rhythm,  with  the 
equipoise  or  symmetry  which  alone  lends  a  feeling  of  security  and 
harmonious  perfection  to  the  different  members  of  figures  under  ex- 
citement, is  that  which  made  the  work  so  effective.  The  same  prin- 
ciples must  have  distinguished  the  statues  of  victors,  which  were  ap- 
parently intended  rather  as  examples  of  the  various  modes  of  com- 
bat, or  the  preparations  therefor,  than  as  individual  portraits.  The 
chief  merit  of  this  master  appears,  according  to  this,  to  have  consist- 
ed in  the  organic  truthfulness  to  nature  of  his  figures,  and  this  is  by 
no  means  contradicted  by  the  rather  trivial  judgment  of  Pliny  that 
Pythagoras  was  the  first  to  indicate  sinews  and  veins,  and  to  more 
carefully  model  the  hair ;  for  increased  anatomical  correctness  came 
naturally  with  the  organic  action  and  realism  of  these  works. 

In  this  expression  of  the  movement  by  every  part  of  the  body 
exercised,  Pythagoras  was  still  surpassed  by  Myron.  A  founder  of 
metal,  like  the  former,  he  acquired  his  fame  chiefly  as  a  maker  of  the 
statues  of  victors,  although,  with  acknowledged  versatility,  he  ex- 
ecuted numerous  images  of  deities  and  heroes.  Two  of  the  first 
were  highly  celebrated — the  Runner  Ladas  and  the  Discos-thrower ; 
both  of  them  belonging  to  that  class  of  works  which  illustrated  the 


302 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


nature  of  the  game  itself.  For  Ladas  was  shown  at  the  moment 
when,  after  overstrained  effort,  he  had  reached  the  goal,  and  there, 
as  victor,  had  fallen  dead :  according  to  the  expression  of  an  epi- 
gram upon  the  work,  it  was  as  if  the  last  breath  from  the  empty 

lungs  were  passing  his 
lips.  For  such  a  creation 
even  the  most  perfect 
position  of  running,  and 
indication  of  relative  ac- 
tion in  trunk  and  arms, 
were  not  sufficient ;  the 
great  point  lay  in  the 
panting  breast  and  the 
open  mouth  and  nos- 
trils: the  last  effort  of  the 
lungs  must  have  been 
wonderfully  shown.  An- 
other epigram  speaks  of 
the  "  breather"  not  of 
the  runner,  Ladas.  That 
this  marvellous  repre- 
sentation of  concen- 
trated action  was  not  to 
the  disadvantage  of  the 
outer  members  is  shown 
by  the  other  victor  be- 
fore mentioned,  the  dis- 
cos-thrower, the  fame  of 
which  is  demonstrated 
not  only  by  the  praise 
of  Lucian,  but  by  the 

Fig.  203.— Marble  Copy  of  the  Discos-thrower  by  Myron,    numerous   COpics    made 

(In  the  Palazzo  Massimi  alle  Colonne  in  Rome.)  j      •  ,  •       .,        ■.» 

dunng  antiquity.  Many 

of  the  latter  have  been  preserved,  marbles  of  the  size  of  the  original, 
and  bronze  statuettes,  giving  evidence  of  the  fascinating  action  in 
the  swing  of  the  discos ;  the  athletic  body  of  the  youth  bending  for- 
ward to  gain  greater  impetus ;  the  toes  of  one  foot  clinging  to  the 


MYRON.  303 

ground,  those  of  the  other  slid  along  its  surface ;  and  everything 
prepared  for  the  fling  which  is  instantly  to  follow.  "And  yet  the 
best-preserved  copy,  that  in  the  Palazzo  Massimi  {Fi^.  203),  must 
certainly  be  in  every  respect  inferior  to  the  original.  A  mytholog- 
ical genre-group  by  Myron  appears  from  existing  copies  to  have 
been  equally  eflfective  :  it  illustrated  the  legend  of  the  flute,  invented 
and  cast  away  with  a  curse  by  Athene,  and  found  by  the  unfortunate 
Marsyas.  Statues  in  the  Lateran  and  British  Museum  show  the 
Satyr  starting  back  in  surprise,  the  momentary  action  of  desire  and 
fear  being  seized  and  expressed  with  as  consummate  mastery  as 
were  the  athletic  movements  of  the  runner  and  the  discos-thrower. 
It  was  this  same  spirit  of  life  that  caused  Myron's  cow  to  be  so  cel- 
ebrated in  antiquity  that  no  less  than  thirty-six  epigrams  have  been 
handed  down  concerning  it.  Petronius,  in  praising  this  master,  says 
that,  in  representing  animals,  Myron  seemed  to  enclose  the  very 
breath  of  life  in  the  bronze ;  and  when  Pliny  says  that  he  multiplied 
nature,  he  can  have  no  other  meaning  than  that  the  artist  attained 
so  life-like  an  effect  that  his  works  appeared  rather  to  have  grown 
than  to  have  been  an  artistic  creation. 

The  schools  of  iEgina,  Athens,  Sikyon,  Argos,  Rhegion,  and  the 
other  cities  where  art  had  chiefly  centred,  flourished  during  the 
Persian  wars — that  greatest  period  of  Greece,  from  490  to  450  B.C., 
when  Myron,  the  scholar  of  Ageladas,  was  still  young.  The  une- 
qualled grandeur  of  this  age,  which  resulted  in  the  splendid  culmina- 
tion of  all  Hellenic  life,  must  have  furthered  art,  all  the  more  as  the 
devastation  of  the  war,  and  the  subsequent  enrichment  of  the  vic- 
tors, offered  full  opportunity  and  means  for  monumental  activity. 
What  influence  this  had  upon  architectural  industry  has  been  de- 
scribed in  a  foregoing  section,  and  it  may  be  easily  understood  that 
sculpture  went  hand-in-hand  with  this ;  the  larger  temples  needed 
their  images  of  the  gods,  their  gable  groups,  metope  reliefs,  and 
friezes,  as  also  their  complement  of  sculptural  votive  offerings, 
prompted  by  the  gratitude  of  the  victors.  Athens,  more  than  any 
other  place  in  Greece,  found  occasion  and  means  for  these  works, 
having  been  laid  waste  in  480  and  479  B.C.  by  Xerxes  and  Mardo- 
nios  as  no  other  large  city  of  Greece  had  been.  By  means  of  the 
taxes  levied  upon  the  confederated  states  after  the  siege  of  Mycale, 


304  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

its  possessions  were  greater  than  those  of  all  the  other  Hellenic  re- 
publics together.  Athens  therefore  saw  the  most  perfect  flower  of 
Grecian  architecture  come  forth  from  the  ashes  of  the  Persian  catas- 
trophe, and  by  its  side  appeared  the  grandest  creations  of  sculpture. 
Yet  neither  of  these  arose  like  magic  from  the  wasted  ground ;  it 
was  necessary  that  the  nation  should  first  take  breath,  should  recov- 
er from  the  almost  supernatural  exertions  made  during  the  war,  and 
provide  for  defence  and  shelter  by  the  building  of  fortifications  and 
dwellings.  It  was  not  until  after  this  that  they  could  devote  them- 
selves to  great  monumental  undertakings,  the  perfect  completion  of 
which  required  more  than  one  generation,  and  sculptured  ornamen- 
tation was  thus  still  further  postponed.  The  older  masters  hitherto 
considered  had  little  or  no  part  in  the  chief  works  of  this  period. 
The  mind  of  Themistocles  was  so  practical,  and  so  much  directed 
towards  fortifications,  that  he  could  have  little  thought  for  occupy- 
ing the  artists  with  monumental  sculpture.  His  successor,  Kimon, 
son  of  Miltiades,  began  to  build  anew  the  places  of  worship,  but  did 
not  go  so  far  as  to  institute  sculptural  ornament,  at  least  in  its  chief 
constituent,  statuary.  This  first  ripened  to  perfection  in  the  reign 
of  Pericles,  and  a  favorable  fate  ordained  that,  just  at  this  time,  when 
it  was  needed  as  never  before,  a  genius  appeared  under  whose  guid- 
ance the  most  complete  development  was  attained.  This  greatest 
of  sculptors  was  Pheidias,  the  son  of  Charmides,  an  Athenian  by 
birth.  When  a  boy  of  ten  years,  he  had  seen  his  countrymen,  un- 
der Miltiades,  go  forth  to  Marathon,  and,  as  a  youth,  had  shared  in 
the  rejoicing  over  the  glorious  victory  of  Salamis.  At  that  time, 
having  probably  left  the  school  of  Hegias,  his  first  teacher,  he  turn- 
ed towards  Ageladas  the  Argive,  who  may  have  come  to  Athens  in 
order  that,  in  the  rebuilding  of  the  city,  he  might  employ  his  art 
in  works  which  have  remained  unknown  to  us.  When  Pericles 
entered  upon  his  much  celebrated  presidency  (444  B.C.),  Pheidias, 
already  advanced  in  years,  enjoyed  a  fame  so  great  throughout  all 
Greece  that,  as  soon  as  Pericles  had  installed  him  at  the  head  of  the 
entire  monumental  work  of  Athens,  artists  of  distinguished  rank 
placed  themselves,  without  envy,  under  his  lead.  With  only  the 
scanty  and  scattered  literary  notices  that  we  possess,  it  is  impossi- 
ble, from  the  works  of  this  master,  to  illustrate  his  life  before  the 


PHEIDIAS. 


305 


time  of  Pericles,  these  being  not  only  imperfectly  known,  but  con- 
nected with  but  few  chronological  facts.  Chief  among  his  produc- 
tions is  to  be  mentioned  a  group  in  bronze  consecrated  at  Delphi 
by  the  Athenians  under  Kimon,  from  a  tithe  of  the  booty  taken  at 
Marathon.  It  represented  Miltiades  between  Athene  and  Apollo, 
surrounded  by  the  ancestral  heroes  of  the  ten  Attic  Phylae.  In  ar- 
tistic respects  nothing  more  is  known  of  this  than  of  the  statue  of 
a  youth  crowning  himself  with  the  victor's  band  in  Olympia ;  of  a 
wounded  Amazon,  a  work  prepared  for 
a  competition  in  which  Pheidias  was 
surpassed  by  Polycleitos ;  of  a  marble 
Hermes  in  Thebes ;  or  of  three  draped 
statues  of  Aphrodite,  one  of  which, 
that  in  Elis,  was  chryselephantine,  the 
other  two  having  been  of  marble.  The 
artist  employed  his  powers  mostly  in 
a  higher  province — in  figures  of  Athene 
and  of  Zeus.  Six  of  the  former  are 
more  or  less  known ;  the  most  celebrat- 
ed was  the  bronze  Athene  of  Lemnos 
upon  the  Acropolis  of  Athens,  so  called 
because  dedicated  by  Attic  colonists 
from  that  place,  and  distinguished  by 
the  name  of  "  the  beautiful ;"  a  second 
was  the  colossal  statue,  likewise  of 
bronze,  standing  between  the  Erech- 
theion  and  the  Propylaea,  whose  hel- 
met-crest and  lance -point  gleamed 
above  the  roof  of  the  Parthenon,  twenty  metres  high,  and  was  vis- 
ible(^t  sea  as  far  as  the  promontory  of  Sunion.  The  shield  stand- 
ing upon  the  ground  —  and  perhaps  a  later  creation  —  was  orna- 
mented by  Mys,  after  a  design  by  Parrhasios,  with  an  embossed 
centauromachia.  Not  to  speak  of  the  Athene  Areia  at  Plataea,  a 
colossal  wooden  figure  with  garments  of  gold,  the  nude  parts  being 
of  marble,  we  come  finally  to  the  incomparable  chryselephantine 
figure  in  the  Parthenon  at  Athens,  in  which  the  type  of  Athene 
was  forever  firmly  established.     Some  few  accounts — a  marble  stat- 

20 


Fig.  204. — Statuette  of  the  Athene 
Parthenos,  Athens. 


306  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

uette  lately  found  in  Athens  {Fig.  204),  a  miserably  careless  imita- 
tion ;  and  also  a  poor  copy  in  marble  of  the  shield,  discovered  soon 
after,  in  the  British  Museum  {Fig.  205)— render  it  possible  to  under- 
stand the  composition  in  its  chief  outlines.  Standing  erect,  the 
head  slightly  inclined  forward,  clothed  with  the  sleeveless  chiton 
and  the  aegis,  the  helmet  decorated  with  the  sphinx,  she  supported 


Fig.  205. — Fragment  in  the  British  Museum,  imitated  from  the  Shield  of  the  Athene  Par- 

thenos. 

her  left  arm  upon  the  shield,  at  the  same  time  holding  the  lance, 
which  leaned  against  her  shoulder  and  bore  the  serpent  of  Erichtho- 
nios,  coiling  upward  ;  the  right  arm,  outstretched,  carried  a  figure  of 
Victory,  two  metres  in  height,  which,  turned  towards  the  goddess, 
offered  her  a  wreath  of  gold.  The  base  of  the  statue,  and  even  the 
rims  of  the  thick-soled  sandals,  were  ornamented  with  reliefs.  The 
golden  shield  showed,  within,  the  gigantomachia,  and,  without,  the 


PHEIDIAS.  307 

battle  of  the  Amazons,  concerning  which  we  have  further  information 
from  the  discovery  above  mentioned.  The  fatal  portrait  of  the  ar- 
tist himself  may  be  plainly  recognized  in  the  strongly  individualized 
features  of  a  bald-headed  man  with  the  battle-axe  in  his  uplifted 
hands,  prominent  because  of  his  almost  entire  nakedness  among  the 
completely  equipped  youths.  This  portrait  caused  the  merciless 
persecution  of  the  sculptor  and  his  patrons,  after  the  charge  of 
embezzling  the  gold  upon  the  garments  of  the  Athene  had  been 
proved  groundless  by  the  removal  and  weighing  of  the  metal,  this 
figure  gave  opportunity  for  complaint  of  sacrilege,  and  the  artist 
was  forced  to  pass  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  a  prison.  The 
Athene  Parthenos  was  surpassed  by  the  colossal  statue  of  the  Pan- 
hellenic  Zeus  in  Olympia,  likewise  chryselephantine,  which  exhibit- 
ed the  highest  triumph  of  Pheidias.  The  god,  with  a  green  enam- 
elled olive-wreath  crowning  his  golden  locks,  and  in  garments  bright- 
ly bordered  with  gold,  was  seated  upon  a  magnificent  throne,  the 
legs  of  which  were  ornamented  with  figures  of  Victory  in  two 
rows,  and  the  arms  with  sphinxes,  while  the  back  was  terminated 
with  groups  of  Horae  and  Charites,  the  steps,  cross-bars,  sheathing- 
boards,  etc.,  of  the  support  being  decorated  with  many  other  sculpt- 
ures in  the  round  and  in  relief.  In  his  right  hand,  turning  towards 
him,  was  a  Victory,  and  in  his  left  a  sceptre,  tipped  with  the  eagle, 
formed  from  a  combination  of  many  metals.  This  figure  was  majes- 
tic, with  an  expression  mild,  yet  so  powerful  that  a  gesture  would 
seem  sufficient  to  make  earth  and  heaven  tremble.  The  artist  had 
made  this  double  expression  his  aim,  guided  in  his  creation  by  the 
lines  of  Homer  where  he  portrays  the  God  of  gods  nodding  in  assent 
to  Thetis,  who  begs  for  the  glorification  of  her  son  Achilles: 

"  He  said,  and  nodded  with  his  s'.iadowy  brows, 
Wav'd  on  th'  immortal  head  th'  ambrosial  locks. 
And  all  Olympos  trembled  at  his  nod." 

That  Pheidias  attained  his  ideal  was  unanimously  attested  by  his 
own  time,  and  by  the  later  world  so  long  as  it  had  opportunity  to 
see  this  wonderful  production.  Even  divinity  itself  must  have  ap- 
proved, since,  according  to  the  beautiful  legend,  as  the  master,  at  the 
perfecting  of  his  work,  prayed  for  a  sign  of  favor  from  heaven,  a 
stroke  of  lightning  entered  the  temple  and  fell  upon  the  floor  in 


308  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

a  spot  which  was  marked  in  later  times  as  sacred.  A  feeling  per- 
vaded all  antiquity  that  the  Olympian  Zeus  of  Pheidias  was  the 
grandest  and  most  divine  of  all  works  of  art,  which  not  to  have  seen 
was  a  misfortune  to  be  lamented,  and  the  sight  of  which  lifted  from 
the  soul  its  cares  and  sorrows.  Instead,  therefore,  of  dwelling  upon 
the  praises  given  by  the  ancients  to  the  details,  we  should  seek 
rather  to  understand  the  principal  traits  which  justified  this  opinion, 
and  which  were  characteristic  of  the  master.  The  archaic  constraint 
prevalent  in  works  of  Ageladas  and  Calamis  had  been  overcome ; 
but  the  combination  of  all  previous  results,  and  a  nearly  absolute 
correctness  of  form,  united  to  an  ideal  beauty  quite  beyond  any  real 
experience,  could  not  have  been  the  chief  causes  of  this  admiration. 
These  were,  indeed,  important,  especially  in  view  of  the  enormous 
difficulties  presented  by  the  chryselephantine  process — in  the  work- 
ing of  gold-plate ;  in  the  preparation,  shaving,  and  uniting  of  the 
ivory,  so  unpliant  to  the  chisel,  and,  finally,  in  securing  it  to  the 
wooden  form.  But  the  essential  and  characteristic  merit  lay  in  the 
bodily  incarnation  of  a  grand  and  truly  godlike  ideal,  employing 
the  human  form  only  as  a  word  through  which  the  elevated  thought 
found  expression.  The  artist  had  set  before  himself  the  most  ex- 
alted aim — namely,  to  present  to  the  eyes  of  the  world  the  highest 
conception  of  divinity  as  seen  in  Athene,  the  goddess  of  the  mind, 
and  in  Zeus,  the  king  of  gods.  Hence  the  large  number  of  Athenes 
executed  by  Pheidias,  and  the  Aphrodite  Urania,  the  great  "  heaven- 
ly "  goddess,  the  feminine  principle  of  the  universe  ;  hence,  also,  the 
fewer  representations  of  masculine  or  heroic  forms,  or  of  subordi- 
nate deities,  in  which  this  master  might  be  excelled — as  by  Poly- 
cleitos  in  his  Amazon — because  they  did  not  accord  with  his  nature, 
or  contain  within  themselves  that  ideal  greatness  which  he  wished 
to  unfold.  Although  the  two  chryselephantine  colossal  statues,  not- 
withstanding the  perishable  nature  of  their  construction,  were  com- 
paratively long  preserved  —  being  in  existence  at  the  end  of  the 
fourth  century  A.D. — still,  there  are  no  copies  which  show  more 
than  their  general  composition.  The  marble  statuette  of  Athene 
{Fig.  204)  has  already  been  mentioned ;  in  regard  to  the  Olympian 
Zeus,  a  copy  upon  a  coin  of  Hadrian,  which  shows  the  usual  care- 
lessness and  weakness  {Fig.  206),  has  in  later  times  been  justly  pre- 


PHEIDIAS. 


309 


ferred  to  the  mask  of  Zeus  from  Otricoli,  formerly  considered  a  copy 
after  Pheidias.  Though  the  classical  notices  frequently  give  the 
only  information  concerning  the  masterpieces  of  Pheidias,  numer- 
ous original  remains  from  his  workshop  still  exist.  We  cannot  ad- 
duce as  examples  the  glorious  metopes  and  frieze  of  the  so-called 
Theseion  in  Athens,  perfect  as  appear  these  representations  of  the 
deeds  of  Heracles  and  Theseus  upon  the  former,  and  of  the  battle 
of  the  Centaurs  and  Titans  upon  the  latter ;  for  as  it  is  not  known 
when  this  temple  was  dedicated,  it  cannot  be  shown  that  its  orna- 
ments were  executed  in  the  period  which  came  under  the  artistic 
direction  of  Pheidias.    Nor  can  we  attribute  to  this  school  the  sculpt- 


Fig.  206. — Coins  of  Elis,    One  third  enlarged. 

ures  of  the  Erechtheion,  which  were  not  completed  until  408 — the 
beautiful  caryatides  of  the  portico,  or  the  remnants  of  relief  from 
the  frieze,  preserved,  unfortunately,  only  in  scanty  fragments.  Thes 
figures,  indeed,  instead  of  being  carved  from  the  blocks  of  the  frieze 
itself,  were  formed  piecewise  of  Pentilic  marble,  and  fastened  upon 
a  dark  ground  of  Eleusinian  stone,  probably  for  the  effect  of  color. 
As  little  may  we  cite  the  better-preserved  reliefs  upon  the  frieze 
and  balustrade  of  the  small  temple  of  Wingless  Victory  before  the 
Propylaea,  which,  from  their  great  likeness  to  the  sculptures  upon 
the  mausoleum  of  Halicarnassus,  seem  rather  to  belong  to  the  fol- 
lowing period.  Overbeck  thinks  it  probable  that  the  frieze  has 
reference  to  the  battle  at  Plataea ;  and  the  balustrade,  according  to 


3IO  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

Kekule,  may  have  something  to  do  with  the  return  of  Alkibiades. 
In  judging  the  Pheidian  school,  the  Parthenon  offers,  however,  abun- 
dant material  in  the  three  kinds  of  sculpture — round  statues,  high 
and  low  relief;  although  the  unhappy  bombardment  of  Athens  by 
the  Venetians  in  1687,  when  the  bursting  of  a  bomb  in  the  beauti- 
ful temple,  then  used  as  a  powder-magazine,  and  the  succeeding 
explosion,  destroyed  more  than  half  the  work.  The  last  two  cent- 
uries also  have  not  passed  without  leaving  their  mark ;  so  that 
Lord  Elgin's  robbery  may,  after  all,  have  proved  an  advantage,  the 
greater  part  of  the  sculptures  having  been  protected  and  rendered 
accessible,  since  the  beginning  of  this  century,  in  the  halls  of  the 
British  Museum.  It  is  particularly  unfortunate  that  the  gable 
groups  have  suffered  most ;  for  the  perfection  of  these  chief  works 
must  have  appeared  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  artist,  and 
these  colossal  statues  would  have  given  the  best  exposition  of  his 
ability.  Before  the  catastrophe  above  mentioned,  however,  these 
were  badly  injured  in  consequence  of  the  Temple  of  Athene  Par- 
thenos  having  been  transformed  into  the  Church  of  Maria  Par- 
thenos,  and  later  into  a  mosque,  the  destruction  appearing  also  to 
have  been  aided  by  the  wilful  malice  of  Christian  and  Moslem 
fanatics.  They  were  still  further  reduced  after  the  explosion  by  the 
unsuccessful  attempt  of  the  Venetians  to  carry  off  as  trophy  a  mar- 
ble chariot  and  horses.  The  few  notes  of  Pausanias  upon  the  sub- 
jects of  the  gable  groups,  the  drawings  of  a  French  artist,  Carrey 
(taken  not  long  before  the  bombardment),  and  the  remains  preserved 
in  the  British  Museum  are  sufficient  to  convey  a  conception  of  the 
general  composition.  The  eastern  gable  represented  the  birth  of 
Athene ;  not  the  unfortunate,  artificial  scene  where  the  goddess 
springs,  ready  equipped,  from  the  head  of  Zeus,  as  frequently  shown 
in  pictures  upon  vases  and  bronze  mirrors,  but  the  moment  after, 
when  she  appears  before  the  deities  of  Olympos.  The  entire  cen- 
tral part  of  the  group  including  the  highest  deities,  the  chief  feat- 
ure of  the  composition,  is  lost ;  the  rest  is  in  greater  part  preserved. 
As  the  scene  was  in  Olympos,  Helios  and  Selene,  with  their  quad- 
rigas,  were  fittingly  chosen  as  the  limits  of  the  composition ;  the 
former  rising  from  the  sea,  in  the  left  angle  of  the  gable,  the  latter 
sinking  in  the  right ;  night  disappearing  before  the  dawn.     The  ad- 


THE   PARTHENON.  3II 

joining  statues,  though  much  mutilated,  have  been  preserved.  Next 
to  Helios  was  Dionysos,  resting  upon  his  tiger's  skin  ;  with  two  sitting 
female  figures,  Demeter  and  Persephone  {Fig.  207),  to  whom  hastens 
Iris,  announcing  the  birth  of  Athene.  Upon  the  other  side,  next 
to  Selene,  lay  Aphrodite  in  the  lap  of  Peitho  {Fig.  208) ;  and  then 
Hestia,  to  whom  Hermes,  as  the  other  messenger,  brings  the  glad 
tidings:  these  latter  sculptures  were  almost  entirely  destroyed  in 


Fig.  207. — From  the  Eastern  Gable  of  the  Parthenon.     Demeter  and  Persephone. 

the  time  of  Carrey.  Nike — Victory — remaining  only  as  a  torso,  ap- 
pears to  have  followed  with  Ares,  advancing  towards  the  middle  of 
the  gable  bringing  greetings  to  the  newly  bom  goddess.  All  the 
rest  was  destroyed  before  1680  A.D.,  and  the  principal  figures  of  the 
composition  are  consequently  unknown ;  but  it  is  probable  that  be- 
tween the  Victory  and  Athene  stood  Hephaistos,  recoiling  after 
having  delivered  the  blow  upon  the  head  of  Zeus.  Athene  stood 
beside  her  father,  but  it  is  not  certain  whether  the  latter  was  ex- 


312  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

actly  in  the  centre  of  the  gable,  or  whether  the  two  figures  were 
equally  removed  from  it.  If  this  last  were  the  case,  which  is  per- 
haps probable,  the  division  of  the  space  would  require  still  another 
deity  upon  the  right  side.  The  remaining  gods  of  Olympos,  Posei- 
don, Artemis,  and  Apollo,  were  probably  arranged  in  this  order  be- 
tween Zeus  and  Iris.  The  group  of  the  western  gable  represented 
the  contest  of  Athene  and  Poseidon  for  the  Attic  land.  The  com- 
position is  reasonably  certain,  though  the  middle  figures  have  here 
also  disappeared.     The  two  chief  deities,  standing  at  either  side  of 


Fig.  208.— From  the  Eastern  Gable  of  the  Parthenon.    Aphrodite  and  Peitho. 

the  olive-tree  in  the  centre,  turn  towards  their  chariots,  that  of 
Athene  being  driven  by  Victory,  that  of  Poseidon  by  Amphitrite ; 
horses  were  harnessed  to  both,  that  of  Poseidon  not  having  been 
drawn  by  dolphins  or  hippocamps,  as  formerly  supposed.  The  con- 
sciousness of  victory  was  expressed  by  the  bearing  of  Athene  and 
of  her  steeds,  while  the  bowed  head  of  Poseidon  acknowledged  his 
defeat :  the  exclusion  of  the  salt  waves  of  the  sea  from  the  bloom- 
ing meadows  and  groves  watered  by  the  Kephissos.  The  angles  of 
the  gable  beyond  the  chariots  were  occupied  by  the  retinue  of  the 
contestants,  and  by   local  deities  ;   the   accurate  determination  of 


THE   PARTHENON.  313 

these  is  impossible,  though  upon  the  side  of  Athene  may  have  been 
grouped  the  representatives  of  the  Athenian  continent,  and  upon 
that  of  Poseidon  those  of  the  sea  and  the  islands ;  while  the  figure 
of  Kephissos  is  supposed  to  have  filled  the  extreme  corner  at  the 
left,  and  Ilissos  with  Callirrhoe  that  of  the  right.  The  scene  was 
laid  in  Attica ;  and,  as  the  earthly  locality  was  to  be  clearly  charac- 
terized and  populated,  it  was  advisable  not  to  introduce  again  all 
the  Olympian  deities  of  the  eastern  gable.  It  is  probable  that 
during  antiquity  the  landscape  seen  from  this  chief  front  of  the 
Acropolis  was  famous  for  many  local  myths  no  longer  familiar  to 
the  scholar,  in  ignorance  of  which  an  adequate  explanation  is  im- 
possible. The  compositions  alone  give  evidence  of  the  grandeur 
and  elevation  of  the  master  who  produced  and  arranged  them,  in  a 
truthfulness  to  nature  at  once  ornamental  and  unconstrained.  The 
remains,  with  great  simplicity  and  breadth  of  detail,  show  a  force 
and  majesty  which  raise  them  above  all  known  works  of  sculpt- 
ure. In  their  loving  and  perfect  modelling  of  the  nude  and  of  the 
drapery,  in  their  freedom  from  affectation  of  motive  or  of  rendering, 
and  in  their  utter  lack  of  any  striving  after  meretricious  effects,  they 
appear  rather  the  creations  of  magic  than  the  labored  carvings  of 
men. 

The  glorious  and  celebrated  frieze,  or,  to  speak  more  correctly, 
zophoros,  surrounded  the  entire  cella.  It  is  preserved  in  nearly  four 
fifths  of  its  entire  length,  the  chief  part  of  the  remains  being  in 
the  British  Museum.  It  is  evident  that  but  little,  if  any,  of  this 
extensive  decorative  work  could  have  been  executed  by  the  hand 
of  Pheidias  himself;  but  the  grand  design  may  be  assumed  to 
have  been  his,  and  the  carving  was  certainly  done  under  his  super- 
vision. The  scene  represented  is  the  festive  Pan-Athenaic  proces- 
sions, an  imposing  consecration  of  elaborate  gifts  to  the  guardian 
deity,  and  probably  also  a  division  of  prizes  to  the  victors  in  the 
various  hippie,  gymnastic,  and  musical  games.  The  movement  of 
the  train  commences  upon  the  southwestern  corner  of  the  cella,  and 
advances  thence  to  the  east,  the  entrance  side  of  the  temple.  It  is 
thus  naturally  divided  into  two  parts,  one  of  which  occupies  the 
western  and  northern,  the  other  the  southern  side  of  the  cella; 
these  are  united  above  the  pronaos,  where  the  double  procession  is 


3H 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


shown  as  having  arrived  at  the  temenos  before  the  temple ;  a 
priest  and  priestess,  with  the  persons  directly  employed  in  the  sacri- 
fice, are  preparing  themselves  for  the  sacred  act — the  former  by  lay- 
ing aside  his  upper  garment,  which  he  gives  to  the  youth  standing 
beside  him,  the  latter  by  taking  a  folding-seat  from  a  female  ser- 
vant. {Fig-  209.)  Between  this  central  group  and  the  remainder 
of  the  divided  procession  several  deities,  turned  from  the  former 
figures,  are  watching  the  approach  of  the  train.  At  the  left  sits 
Zeus,  enthroned,  beside  the  veiled  Hera ;  these  are  followed  by  the 
Winged  Victory,  Ares  clasping  his  right  knee  with  both  hands.  De- 
meter  with  the  torch,  and  Dionysos,  who  rests  his  right  arm  care- 


Fig.  209. — Fragment  from  the  P^ieze  of  the  Parthenon  Cella. 

lessly  upon  the  shoulder  of  Hermes.  Upon  the  right,  next  to  the 
high  priest,  was  naturally  the  place  of  Athene,  and  upon  her  left 
hand  are  still  traces  of  the  fallen  ^Egis ;  beside  her  was  Hephaistos, 
leaning  upon  his  knotted  stick ;  then,  looking  towards  him,  Apollo, 
and  further  Peitho,  Aphrodite,  and  Eros,  the  latter  carrying  a  shade 
for  the  sun.  The  gods  sit  comfortably  as  spectators  who  feel  them- 
selves to  be  invisible.  The  first  figures  of  the  train,  the  leaders,  have 
already  attained  their  destination,  and  stand  quietly  conversing,  sup- 
ported upon  their  wands.  In  the  succeeding  women  and  virgins, 
who  bear  vases,  cups,  cooling -vessels,  braziers  for  incense,  and  bas- 
kets— a  wonderful  train  of  perfectly  beautiful  forms — the  advance 


TIIL    rANATHENAlC    FRIEZE.  315 

decreases  in  movement  as  they  approach  the  centre.  Upon  the  two 
long  sides  follow  herds  of  animals  for  sacrifice ;  the  cows,  proceed- 
ing quietly,  scarcely  need  guidance,  while  the  bulls  are  more  or  less 
restless,  reminding  one,  in  their  forcible  and  momentary  action,  of 
the  life-like  works  of  Myron.  After  them  follows  the  music  of  the 
procession — players  upon  the  flute  and  lyre  and  the  festive  chorus; 
then  begins  the  long  line  of  chariots  and  of  horses  with  their  riders, 
which  fill  the  greater  part  of  the  zophoros  upon  the  longer  sides  and 
all  of  that  over  the  epinaos.  The  beauty  and  truth  in  the  action 
of  these  figures  are  unsurpassed  ;  the  most  manifold  variation  of  po- 
sition is  combined  with  perfect  adaptation  to  the  peculiar  style  of 
low-relief,  and  the  wisest  reference  to  the  fitting  of  the  composition 
within  the  space  defined  by  the  architectural  lines.  While  upon  the 
eastern  front  the  procession  had  arrived  at  its  destination,  on  the 
western  the  scene  was  still  at  the  place  of  assemblage  and  marshal- 
ling. Here  the  horses  are  bridled  and  arranged  in  ranks ;  but  the 
groups  of  men  and  youths  stand  in  disorder,  some  hastily  arming  them- 
selves, others  binding  their  sandals  or  adjusting  iheir  mantles.  Every 
action  and  gesture  is  simple  and  full  of  meaning;  they  never  mar  the 
unity  of  the  whole  nor  interfere  with  the  neighboring  figures.  The 
nude  forms  and  the  drapery  are  most  carefully  and  equally  execut- 
ed throughout ;  the  accessories  are  forcibly,  though  less  elaborately, 
indicated.  When  the  ceremonial  reliefs  of  Assyria  or  Persia  are 
compared  with  the  frieze  of  the  Parthenon,  it  becomes  strikingly 
evident  that  the  magnificence  of  personal  accoutrements  and  inani- 
mate objects  which  was  so  painfully  and  minutely  detailed  by  the 
Asiatic  sculptor,  and  elevated  even  above  his  schematic  representa- 
tions of  deities  and  human  beings,  was  as  nothing  to  the  Greek  ar- 
tist in  comparison  with  the  intellectual  and  physical  beauty  to 
which  the  great  Hellenic  race  gave  their  chief  interest. 

The  third  group  of  Parthenon  sculptures,  the  ornaments  of  the 
metopes,  must  least  have  harmonized  with  the  nature  of  Pheidias. 
The  architectural  framework  must  have  become  a  hindrance  and  a 
fetter,  and  the  problem  how  to  fill  ninety-two  square  tablets  of  ex- 
actly the  same  size  with  similar  representations  must  indeed  have 
appeared  a  thankless  task.  These  reliefs  are  in  greater  part  lost,  or 
so  mutilated  as  to  be  unintelligible ;  but  as  far  as  can  be  judged  by 


3i6 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


the  scanty  remains,  the  subject  of  the  metopes  upon  the  eastern  side 
was  the  gigantomachia,  that  of  both  long  sides  principally  the  Cen- 
tauromachia,  while  that  of  the  western  side  was  either  the  battle  of 
the  Amazons  or  of  the  Persians.  In  contrast  to  the  low-relief  of 
the  frieze,  these,  originally  colored,  were — on  account  of  the  condi- 
tions of  light — worked  in  such  high-relief  as  even,  in  some  parts,  to 
be  freed  from  the  ground.  The  variation  of  subjects  bearing  so 
strong  a  resemblance  is  wonderful,  especially  in  the  struggling  Cen- 
taurs and  Greeks,  where  but  little  scope  in  the  victory  of  one  or  the 

other  combatant  was 
possible :  these  are  in- 
terrupted by  the  rape 
of  virgins  and  other 
scenes  not  surely  to  be 
determined.  Natural- 
ly, this  desperate  task 
would  not  have  been 
completed  without 
some  few  artistic  in- 
equalities, repetitions, 
and  far-fetched  mod- 
ifications, especially  as 
much  of  the  execu- 
tion must  necessarily 
have  been  submitted 
to  inferior  sculptors; 
but  some  of  the  met- 
ope reliefs   appear,  in 


Fig.  210.— From  the  Eastern  Gable  of  the  Great  Temple 
of  Zeus,  Olympia. 


point  of  composition  within  the  given  space,  and  in  grand,  char- 
acteristic drawing,  scarcely  less  admirable  than  the  frieze  of  the 
cella.  From  all  these  works  the  spirit  of  the  school  of  Pheidias  is 
manifest  in  its  imposing  majesty  and  ideal  simplicity ;  at  times,  also, 
traces  of  the  forcible  action  of  Myron  may  be  observed. 

These  extensive  productions  of  the  school  and  workshop  of 
Pheidias  cannot  be  directly  attributed  to  any  of  the  known  scholars 
and  assistants  of  the  master,  many  of  whom  attained  individual  ce- 
lebrity.    In  the  first  raiik  of  these  should  be  mentioned  Ago£acrito«" 


THE   PUPILS  OF   PHEIDIAS. 


317 


of  Paros,  the  favorite  pupil  of  Pheidias,  whose  works  were  so  per- 
fect that  the  ancients  were  frequently  in  doubt  to  which  of  these 
sculptors  they  should  be  ascribed ;  it  is  possible,  however,  that  this 
doubt  may  have  arisen  from  the  predominant  impression  left  upon 
some  of  the  statues  by  the  guidance  and  assistance  of  the  master. 
The  chief  creations  of  Agoracritos  were  two  Athenes,  a  Zeus,  and 
notably  the  colossal  figure  of  Nemesis  at  Rhamnous,  supposed  to 
have  developed  from  the 
unsuccessful  Aphrodite  pre- 
pared for  the  competition 
with  Alcamenes.  Another 
scholar  and  assistant  of 
Pheidias  was  Colotes  of  Pa- 
ros, a  sculptor  who  appears 
to  have  restricted  himself  to 
the  chryselephantine  proc- 
ess, and  who  is  especially 
noted  for  the  part  taken  by 
him  in  the  execution  of  the 
great  Olympian  Zeus.  Oth- 
er works  in  gold  and  ivory 
by  Colotes  were  the  Athene 
upon  the  Acropolis  of  Elis, 
an  Asclepios  erected  in  the 
vicinity, and  the  sacred  table 
in  the  great  Temple  of  Zeus, 
for  the  division  of  prizes  af- 
ter the  Olympic  games,  the 
sides  of  which  were  orna- 
mented with  reliefs. 

Alcamenes  of  Athens,  or  Lemnos,  and  Paionios  of  Mende  have 
hitherto  been  considered  as  chief  among  the  scholars  of  Pheidias; 
but  the  recent  excavations  at  Olympia  have  done  much  to  refute 
this  opinion,  unless,  as  is  very  possible,  Pausanias  makes  a  mistake 
(v.  10)  in  assigning  to  Alcamenes  the  sculptures  in  the  front  gable 
of  the  Temple  of  Zeus,  instead  of  the  acroteria  above  them,  which 
alone  is  mentioned  in  an  inscription  as  his  work.     No  one  can  de- 


Fig.  211. — From  the  Western  Gable  of  the  Great 
Temple  of  Zeus,  Olympia. 


3i8  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

tect  in  the  discovered  fragments  of  these  gable  sculptures,  more 
numerous  than  those  of  the  Parthenon,  the  slightest  dependence 
upon  the  art  of  Pheidias,  which  they  appear  to  precede  in  point  of 
development.  The  group  of  the  eastern  front,  ascribed  by  Pausanias 
to  Paionios,  represented  the  instant  before  the  chariot  race  of  Oi- 
nomaos  and  Pelops  {Fig.  210) ;  that  of  the  western  the  struggle  of  the 
Lapithse  and  Centaurs  at  the  wedding  of  Peirithoos.  {Figs.  211  and 
212.)  The  character  of  these  works  seems  rather  to  connect  them 
with  the  school  of  Calamis  than  with  that  of  Pheidias,  this  being  es- 
pecially the  case  with  the  met- 
opes. {Fig.  213.)  The  ques- 
tion will  hardly  be  decided  un- 
til authenticated  sculptures  by 
Calamis,  or  remains  of  the  ga- 
ble groups  of  the  temple  at 
Delphi,  which  were  the  produc- 
tion of  his  scholars  Praxias  and 
Androsthenes  of  Athens,  have 
become  known  to  science.  In 
the  meantime,  it  is  impossible 
to  disprove  the  hypothesis  of 
Brunn,  who  sees  in  those  of 
Olympia  examples  of  an  art 
peculiar  to  Northern  Greece,  re- 
markable for  its  picturesque  re- 
Fig.  2i2.-Head  of  Apollo,  from  the  Western  ^lig^  ^^^  ]a^,]^  of  artistic  and 
Gable  of  the  Great  Temple  of  Zeus,  Olympia. 

ideal  conventionalization.  It  is 
only  certain  that  these  groups  are  far  inferior  to  those  of  the  Par- 
thenon, and,  indeed,  to  those  produced  by  any  workshop  of  Athens 
after  the  time  of  Pheidias.  Even  if  the  questionable  account  of 
Pausanias  prove  to  be  true,  it  is  certain  that  a  judgment  of  the  ar- 
tistic style  of  Alcamenes  and  Paionios  cannot  be  formed  upon  these 
decorative  sculptures  alone.  Works  of  the  stage  of  development 
shown  by  the  western  gable  of  Olympia  could  not  have  ranked  with 
the  bronze  Pentathlos  of  the  former  artist,  which  was  known  in  an- 
tiquity by  the  predicate  "  exemplary ;"  nor  could  an  Aphrodite  of 
Alcamenes  have  been  preferred  to  a  statue  by  Agoracritos,  which 


OLYMPIA. 


3«9 


had  been  retouched  by  Pheidias  himself.  The  extensive  employ- 
ment of  Alcamenes  in  Athens  among  the  greatest  successors  of 
Pheidias  and  Myron  would  have  been  impossible  had  not  his  works 
been  far  higher  in  every  respect  than  those  attributed  to  him  among 
the  recent  discoveries  in  Olympia,  in  view  of  which  it  is  inconceiva- 
ble how  Pausanias  could  speak  of  Alcamenes  and  Pheidias  almost  as 
equals.  The  same  argument  applies  to  Paionios,  of  whose  works  a 
fortunate  illustration  has  been  provided  by  one  of  the  most  impor- 


Fig.  213. — Metope  from  the  Cella  of  the  Great  Temple  of  Olympia.     Atlas,  Heracles,  and 
the  Nymph  of  the  Hesperides. 

tant  discoveries  made  in  the  Altis,  the  Victory  {Fig.  214),  authenti- 
cated by  an  inscription  upon  the  high  triangular  pedestal.  This 
figure  does  indeed  recall  the  spirit  and  methods  of  the  Pheidian 
sculpture,  and  differs  greatly  from  the  remains  of  the  eastern  gable, 
as  may  readily  be  seen  by  comparison  oi  Figs.  210  and  214.  This 
contrast  is  only  to  be  explained  by  a  gigantic  and  almost  inconceiv- 
able progress,  or  by  the  assumption  that  they  were  the  works  of  dif- 
ferent artists  and  periods. 


320 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


If  the  Attic  artists  of  this  age  be  likened  to  planets  revolving 
about  the  Pheidian  sun,  there  were  not  wanting  stars  of  the  second 
magnitude,  belonging  to  other  systems  and  moving  in  other  cir- 
cles. Especially  prominent 
among  these  latter  was  the 
direct  and  indirect  school 
of  Myron,  an  artist  so  pro- 
nounced in  his  wonderful 
naturalism  that  his  style 
could  not  be  extinguished 
even  by  the  dominating 
idealism  of  Pheidias.  Lyk- 
ios,  son  of  Myron,  appears, 
from  two  celebrated  works, 
to  have  followed  closely  in 
the  footsteps  of  his  father. 
These  were  the  statues  upon 
the  Acropolis  of  Athens  rep- 
resenting two  boys,  one  of 
whom  bore  a  basin  for  holy- 
water,  while  the  other  blew 
the  coals  in  a  censer  into 
a  lively  glow.  The  latter 
reminds  one  of  Myron's 
Breathing  Ladas ;  in  this,  as 
in  the  Runner,  the  quicken- 
ed breath  was  the  essential 
thing,  and  was  not' confined 
alone  to  the  swollen  cheeks, 
but  must  have  been  evident 
in  the  breast  and  body.  The 
figure  bearing  the  font  was 
a  zealous  choir -boy,  pant- 
ing under  a  too  heavy  bur- 
den ;  and  this  also  recalls  the  Ladas.  Still  another  statue,  the  Pan- 
cratiast  Autolicos,  claimed  by  Urlich  for  Lykios,  seems  to  have  re- 
sembled the  Discos-thrower  of  Myron.     That  Lykios  did  not  confine 


Fig.  214. — Victory  of  Paionios,  from  Olympia. 


PHIGALEA. 


321 


himself  to  such  genre-like  specialties  is  shown  by  groups  like  the  Ar- 
gonauts, and  by  the  votive  offering  of  the  citizens  of  Apollonia  at 
Olympia,  a  truly  grand  composition  representing  Zeus  deciding  the 
result  of  the  strife  between  Memnon  and  Achilles,  according  to  the 
yCthiopis  of  Arctinos.  In  connection  with  Lykios  may  be  men- 
tioned Styppax  of  Cyprus,  whose  masterpiece,  the  Splanchnoptes — 
the  entrail-roaster,  a  man  fanning  a  fire — recalls  in  turn  the  choir- 
boy blowing  the  coals.  Similar  to  the  Dying  Ladas,  though  less  di- 
rectly connected  than  these  last  examples,  was  the  mortally  wound- 
ed warrior  of  Cresilas,  in  which,  according  to  classical  accounts,  the 
last  moments  of  life  could  be  measured ;  his  wounded  Amazon  also 
appears  to  have  been  more  in  the  style  of  Myron  and  Pythagoras 


Fig.  215. — From  the  Frieze  of  the  Temple  of  Phigalia. 

than  of  Pheidias.  No  works  by  the  immediate  followers  of  Myron 
now  remain,  nor  any  attested  copy ;  still  there  can  be  little  hesita- 
tion in  ascribing  to  this  school  an  important  achievement,  not  per- 
haps belonging  to  it  so  fully  as  do  the  architectural  sculptures  of 
the  Parthenon  to  the  workshop  of  Pheidias,  yet  having  more  in  com- 
mon with  the  school  of  Myron  than  with  that  of  any  previous  mas- 
ter. This  is  the  frieze  of  the  Temple  of  Apollo  at  Phigalea — now  in 
the  British  Museum — the  architectural  position  of  which  has  already 
been  defined.  The  temple  is  said  to  have  been  built  under  the  di- 
rection of  an  Athenian  architect ;  it  is  probable,  therefore,  that  Attic 
sculptors  were  employed  for  its  ornamentation,  especially  as  the 
sculptures  betray  no  trace  of  the  Argive  influence  which  prevailed 

21 


322  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

elsewhere  in  the  Peloponnesos,  and  which  will  be  further  treated 
below.  Though  the  subjects  were  Attic,  as  battles  of  Amazons  and 
Centaurs,  they  cannot  be  likened  to  the  school  of  Pheidias,  for, 
instead  of  the  passionless  grandeur  and  ideal  simplicity  which  char- 
acterized the  sculptures  of  the  Parthenon,  there  is  in  them  a  vehe- 
mence and  excitement  known  at  this  period  only  in  the  works  influ- 
enced by  Myron.  It  is  not  strange  that  this  excessively  passion- 
ate action  should  sometimes  be  wanting  in  beauty ;  the  power  of 
execution  at  command  in  the  remote  city  among  the  Arcadian  moun- 
tains was  not  of  the  first  rank,  and  the  guidance  of  a  master,  like 
him  who  directed  the  sculptural  work  of  the  Parthenon,  was  wanting. 
Two  artists  of  this  period  were  entirely  independent,  proceeding 
in  degenerate  directions ;  first,  Callimachos,  noted  as  an  artisan  in 
metal-work,  who  executed  the  rich  and  elegant  lamp  of  the  Erech- 
theion,  and  was  said  to  have  originated  the  Corinthian  capital ;  but 
who,  as  a  sculptor,  carried  a  refined  delicacy  and  formal  perfection 
even  to  an  extreme.  This  won  for  him  the  cognomen  of  Catatexi- 
technos — the  unreasonably  careful.  Callimachos  did  not,  like  Apel- 
les,  know  when  to  withdraw  his  hand  from  his  work,  which  agrees 
with  Pliny's  judgment  concerning  him,  that,  by  over-exactness  in  ex- 
ecution, all  grace  was  lost.  A  still  more  questionable  tendency  is 
shown  by  Demetrios  of  Alopeke,  in  Attica,  the  first  realist.  Pre-em- 
inently a  sculptor  of  portraits,  he  affected  striking  characteristics  at 
the  expense  of  beauty,  and  made  it  his  specialty  to  represent  the 
likenesses  of  decrepit  men  and  women.  A  priestess  sixty-four  years 
old,  and  an  aged  Corinthian  field-officer,  Pelichos — "  a  bald-head  with 
a  pot-belly,  tangled  and  flying  beard,  and  veins  projecting  roundly 
under  the  withered  skin,"  according  to  the  description  of  Lucian — 
must  have  been  so  far  from  ideal  and  refreshing  beauty  that  it  would 
seem  rather  to  have  been  the  aim  of  the  artist  to  illustrate  age  as  its 
destroyer.  Thus,  in  comparison  with  Pheidias  and  Myron,  Deme- 
trios resembled  Thersites  among  the  heroes  of  Troy. 

Argos  deserves  the  second  place  as  the  site  of  the  artistic  indus- 
try of  this  period,  which  had  then  been  greatly  advanced  by  Poly- 
cleitos  of  Sikyon,  a  fourth  scholar  of  Ageladas,  and  somewhat  young- 
er contemporary  of  Pheidias,  but  in  a  direction  different  from  that  of 
the  Attic  school.     Myron  had  characterized  intense  and  momentary 


POLYCLEITOS.  323 

animal  life,  Pheidias  that  of  absolutely  ideal  and  divine  being.  Poly- 
cleitos  chose  as  his  aim  the  artistic  representation  of  the  highest  hu- 
man beauty — a  positive  type  of  bodily  perfection.  The  Doryphoros, 
known  in  antiquity  as  the  masterpiece  of  the  latter,  and  celebrated 


Fig.  216. — Copy  of  the  Doryphoros  in  the  Museum  of  Napl«s. 

as  a  canon,  was  a  youth  in  a  quiet  position,  bearing  a  lance ;  it  was 
considered  the  embodiment  of  perfect  form,  the  master  himself  hav- 
ing written  a  treatise  upon  the  proportions  of  the  human  figure  in 
illustration  of  this  statue.  It  is  not  improbable  that  Polycleitos,  in 
this  work,  desired  to.  set  a  pattern  before  his  numerous  scholars  ;  that 


324  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

he  was  himself  too  dependent  upon  this  academical  tendency  may 
be  judged  from  the  slightly  disparaging  words  of  Pliny  that  "  his 
works  were  almost  as  if  taken  from  one  model."  According  to  the 
intention  of  the  artist  and  to  the  general  conviction  of  his  time,  the 
Doryphoros  represented  absolute  perfection  of  the  human  body ;  and 
this  left  the  master  but  little  scope  for  the  varying  of  his  model,  if 
he  would  not  prove  untrue  to  that  beauty  which  Cicero  has  praised 
so  highly  in  all  his  works.  The  so-called  Apoxyomenos — an  athlete 
scraping  himself  with  a  strigil — similar  in  subject  to  the  statue  of 
Lysippos  {Fig.  229),  was  also  a  figure  placed  in  the  quiet  attitude  of 
parade,  if  not,  like  the  Doryphoros,  with  an  academic  purpose.  A 
third  work,  the  so-called  Diadoumenos,  a  boy  binding  his  head  with  a 
fillet^ — sometimes  considered  as  a  companion  piece  to  the  Doryphoros 
— appears  to  have  shown  a  more  youthful  and  less  athletic  develop- 
ment of  form.  It  is  not  strange  that  archaeologists  have  taken  great 
pains  to  identify,  among  the  numberless  works  of  Roman  sculptors, 
imitations  of  these  two  canonical  figures,  the  existence  of  which  was 
naturally  assumed  from  the  great  celebrity  of  the  Greek  originals. 
The  scholars  Friederichs,  Schwabe,  Michaelis,  Helbig,  Kekule,  and 
Benndorf  have  accordingly  discovered  six  repetitions  of  the  Dory- 
phoros, preserved  in  Cassel,  Naples,  Florence,  the  Vatican,  and  the 
Villa  Medici ;  while  several  other  statues  in  Dresden,  the  Louvre, 
the  Vatican,  and  the  Villa  Albani  have  been  recognized  as  varia- 
tions differing  more  or  less  from  this  type  {Fig.  216).  In  like  man- 
ner, copies  of  the  Diadoumenos  have  been  found  in  Madrid,  in  two 
marbles  of  the  British  Museum,  in  a  bronze  statuette  of  the  Na- 
tional Library  of  Paris,  and  in  a  relief  of  the  Vatican  :  all  of  which 
are  allied  in  point  of  conception  and  artistic  character.  Still  it  is  in- 
explicable how  these  thick-set  and  muscular  forms  could  be  spoken 
of  by  Pliny  as  viriliter  puer  and  as  molliter  juvenis^  or  by  Lucian  as 
graceful  dancers ;  though  it  is  possible  that,  in  these  academical  stud- 
ies, the  canonical  perfection  of  form  decided  by  Polycleitos  was  not 
so  well  embodied  as  in  the  bronze  Idolino  of  the  Florentine  Muse- 
um. The  question  is  far  from  settled,  and  it  should  not  be  forgotten 
that  eminent  authorities  doubt  this  origin,  Conze  imputing  them 
rather  to  the  school  of  Cresilas,  while  Petersen  even  maintains  the 
type  to  have  been  a  Roman  invention. 


POLYCLEITOS. 


325 


An  Amazon  in  a  quiet  pose  gave  Polycleitos  an  opportunity  for 
portraying  a  female  form  of  muscular  development,  yet  of  typical 
beauty.  It  is  not  difficult  to  believe 
that  this  statue  was  adjudged  even 
supjerior  to  the  similar  productions 
of  Pheidias,  Cresilas,  and  Phradmon, 
which  could  hardly  have  been  the 
case  if  the  subject  treated  had  been 
a  deity  or  a  figure  of  momentary 
action.  {Fig.  2 1 7.)  The  artist  could 
even  better  follow  his  academic  aim 
in  the  two  Canephorae  —  basket - 
bearers — whose  quiet  pose  and  want 
of  inner  expression  were  so  well  suit- 
ed to  display  an  outward,  formal 
beauty  and  correctness  of  modelling. 
But  the  Astragalizontes  —  the  boy 
throwing  dice  of  knuckle -bones — 
which,  according  to  Pliny,  was  the 
most  perfect  work  of  art  in  Greece, 
should  not  be  imagined  in  an  excit- 
ed, striking  situation,  or  as  a  street 
scene  conceived  with  a  truthfulness 
to  nature  characteristic  of  Murillo, 
but  as  representing  the  consumma- 
tion of  boyish  beauty. 

When  Quintilian  says  that  Poly- 
cleitos elevated  the  human  figure 
above  what  is  seen  in  nature,  and 
yet,  contrary  to  Pheidias  in  his  stat- 
ues of  the  deities,  had  not  attained 
to  the  majesty  of  the  gods,  this  sig- 
nifies that  he  had  not  so  fully  rep- 
resented the  divine  nature.     His  de-        ^'S"  2^7.-Amazon,  after  Polycleitos. 

votional  images  are  few  and  without  especial  fame,  with  excep- 
tion of  the  colossal  chrj'selephantine  Hera  in  the  temple  between 
Argos  and  Mykenae.     The  goddess,  seated  upon  a  throne,  was  draped 


326  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

in  garments  of  gold,  with  only  the  head  and  arms  bare ;  the  sceptre 
in  her  right  hand  was  crowned  with  the  cuckoo,  symbol  of  conjugal 
fidelity,  and  in  her  left  was  a  pomegranate ;  at  her  side  stood  Hebe, 
the  work  of  Naukydes,  the  master's  best  assistant.  As  the  Pheidian 
head  of  Zeus  has  been  recognized  in  the  mask  of  Otricoli,  so  the 
splendid  colossal  mask  of  the  Ludovisi  Juno  {Fig.  219)  has  been  re- 
ferred to  an  original  by  Polycleitos.  But  it  is  probable  that  the 
head  of  Hera,  in  the  museum  at  Naples  {Fig.  218)  came  nearer  to  this 


Fig.  218.— Head  of  Hera,  in  Naples. 


Fig.  219. — So-called  Juno  Ludovisi,  in 
Rome. 


original  (Brunn).  Though  it  be  asserted  that  all  the  heads  of  Zeus 
may  be  referred  to  the  complete  and  established  type  of  Pheidias, 
the  ideal  of  Polycleitos,  by  no  means  divine,  renders  it  doubtful 
whether  his  Hera  acquired  a  similar  position  among  the  succeeding 
representations  of  that  goddess. 

The  effort  after  perfection  of  form  sufficed  to  make  the  master  of 
Argos  a  pre-eminent  teacher ;  yet  none  of  his  many  direct  scholars, 
with  the  exception  perhaps  of  the  before-mentioned  Naukydes,  ac- 


POLYCLEITOS.  327 

quired  such  fame  as  the  associates  of  Pheidias,  perhaps  on  account 
of  this  very  schooling  and  discipline,  the  rigid  constraint  of  a  canon 
fettering  the  wings  of  artistic  individuality.  We  are  not  able  to 
judge  how  far  this  tendency  was  furthered  during  the  short  period 
of  Theban  ascendency  by  the  somewhat  later  branch  of  the  Theban 
school,  although,  among  many  others,  the  Theban  artists  Hypato- 
doros  and  Aristogeiton  were  of  considerable  importance.  The  groups 
consecrated  at  Delphi  about  380  B.C.  were  of  particular  interest; 
they  represented  the  advance  of  the  Seven  against  Thebes,  and  the 
successful  repetition  of  the  invasion  by  the  sons  of  those  warriors. 
It  was  not  until  Lysippos,  an  indirect  scholar  of  Polycleitos,  in  his 
desire  to  represent  men  as  they  should  be,  had  raised  himself  en- 
tirely above  the  canon  of  his  master,  who  aimed  to  show  them  as 
they  are,  that  another  artist  of  the  first  rank  appeared.  Examples 
from  the  workshop  of  Polycleitos  still  e.xist,  though  unfortunately 
scarcely  recognizable  in  the  mutilated  fragments  of  sculpture  from 
the  Temple  of  Hera,  discovered  by  Rangabe  and  Bursian  in  1854 — 
works  which  were  doubtless  executed  under  the  direct  guidance  of 
the  Argive  master,  as  those  of  the  Parthenon  were  under  that  of 
Pheidias. 

The  influence  of  Attica  and  Argos  not  only  prevailed  in  Greece 
proper,  but  made  itself  felt  even  in  the  most  remote  colonies.  The 
Zeus  upon  one  of  the  metopes  of  the  southern  temple  on  the  east- 
em  plateau  of  Selinous  {Fig.  220)  may  have  been  developed  from 
the  figures  of  Zeus  by  Ageladas,  and  suggests  the  sculptures  of  the 
Olympian  temple  which  was  completed  about  the  same  time.  This 
metope  represents  Zeus  fascinated  by  Hera  upon  Mount  Ida  (II. 
xiv.  300),  and  the  artist,  in  his  figure  of  the  god,  has  surpassed  his 
former  efforts,  but  the  Hera  is  harder  and  more  antique.  The  other 
well-preserved  metopes  of  this  temple — one  of  which  shows  a  Hera- 
cles in  strife  with  Amazons,  and  the  other  Actaion  lacerated  by  dogs 
—  though  not  without  provincial  weakness,  have  an  unmistakable 
affinity  to  those  of  the  Theseion.  These  were  nearly  contemporane- 
ous, but  an  entire  generation  later  there  appeared  at  Messene,  in 
the  most  remote  part  of  the  Peloponnesos,  the  sculptor  Damophon, 
an  artist  decidedly  of  the  Pheidian  style,  on  account  of  which  he 
was  called  to  restore  the  Olympian  statue,  already  warped  and  dis- 


328  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

jointed.  Although  a  sculptor  of  ability,  it  would  seem  that  he  did 
not  entirely  withstand  the  current  of  a  new  direction  in  art ;  besides 
the  statues  in  the  Pheidian  circle  of  divinities,  others  were  ascribed 
to  him,  of  a  nature  similar  to  those  cultivated  by  preference  during 
the  succeeding  period  of  Attic  sculpture.     The  progressive  force  in- 


Fig.  220. — Metope  of  the  Southern  Temple  upon  the  Eastern  Plateau  of  Selinous. 

herent  in  the  people  and  in  the  art  of  Greece  did  not  rest  until  the 
highest  point  had  everywhere  been  reached.  This  impulse  after- 
wards led  to  excess  and  decadence,  permitting  no  lasting  enjoyment 
of  the  previous  gains.  The  art  of  Polycleitos  prevailed  somewhat 
longer  in  the  Peloponnesos,  the  Dorians  being  by  nature  conserva- 


SELINOUS. 


329 


tive,  but  in  Attica  the  new  elements  early  obtained  a  sway  which 
could  not  but  essentially  change  the  character  of  all  Hellenic 
sculpture.  The  frieze  upon  the  Temple  of  the  Wingless  Victory  in 
Athens,  and  the  some- 
what coarser  one  within 
the  naos  of  Phigalea,  be- 
gan already  to  give  evi- 
dence of  an  inclination 
towards  the  pathetic  and 
passionate ;  the  sculpt- 
ures also  upon  the  bal- 
ustrade of  the  Athenian 
temple,  executed  prob- 
ably about  390  to  380 
B.C.,  appear  to  be  the 
unmistakable  forerun- 
ners of  a  new  style.  The 
Athenian  Kephisodotos 
the  elder  stood,  so  to 
speak,  upon  the  thresh- 
old of  this  transforma- 
tion. His  position  in 
the  history  of  art  is  as- 
sured by  the  fortunate 
discovery  of  a  copy  of 
his  Efrene  with  Ploutos, 
now  in  the  Glyptothek 
at  Munich  {Fi^.  221). 
This  work  combined  the 
tendencies  of  the  new 
Attic  style  with  those 
of  Pheidias.  Though 
the  noble  simplicity  and 
grandeur,  the  earnestness  and  strictness,  of  the  earlier  period  still 
remained,  there  had  already  dawned  an  expression  of  deeper  feel- 
ing, and  of  a  more  spiritual  life. 

The  representation,  as  Friederichs  says,  of  the  deep  interchange 


Fig.  221. — Eirene  and  Ploutos,  after  Kephisodotos. 


330 


HELLA  S.— SC  ULPTU  RE. 


of  affection  between  mother  and  child,  as  shown  in  the  Eirene 
of  Kephisodotos,  united  with  much  of  the  hardness  of  the  older 
works,  culminated  in  two  masters  —  the  Parian  Scopas  and  the 
Athenian  Praxiteles,  the  latter  possibly  the  son  of  Kephisodotos. 
Their  productions  were  so  nearly  related  that,  even  in  antiquity,  it 
was  doubtful  whether  a  work  of  celebrity  should  be  ascribed  to  one 
or  to  the  other.     The  chief  creations  of  both  were  statues  of  the 

deities,  both  worked  in  marble,  choos- 
ing this  material  not  by  chance,  but 
from  the  nature  of  their  subjects. 
With  the  exception  of  such  colossal 
figures,  of  a  highly  monumental  char- 
acter, as  the  chryselephantine  statues 
of  Zeus  and  Athene  Parthenos  by 
Pheidias,  and  the  Hera  by  Polycleitos, 
the  delicate  beauty  of  soft  and  trans- 
parent stone  was  best  fitted  for  the 
images  of  deities  enshrined  within  the 
temple  ;  bronze,  on  the  contrary,  is 
peculiarly  suited  to  statues  of  victors 
and  athletes  intended  for  outdoor  ex- 
posure. It  was  on  this  account  that 
it  had  been  so  largely  employed  by 
Myron  and  Polycleitos. 

The  Raging  Bacchante,  designated 
by  epigrams  and  descriptions  as  the 
most  celebrated  work  of  Scopas,  was 
one  of  the  first  masterpieces  of  antiqui- 


Fig.  222.— ApolloKitharoidos.  (Vatican.) 


ty.    The  head  was  thrown  back  in  an 


ecstasy  of  passion,  the  hair  loosened,  and  the  long  garment  fluttering 
in  the  wind ;  thus  did  the  Mainad  appear  rushing  to  the  heights  of 
Kithairon,  holding  in  her  hands  the  kid  rent  in  her  fury.  If  the 
rhetor  Kallistratos  was,  as  he  says,  speechless  at  sight  of  the  coun- 
tenance, admiring  particularly  the  expression  of  a  soul  stung  into 
madness,  we  can  well  believe  that  passion  itself  was  embodied  in 
this  work.  The  excitement  was  more  moderate  in  the  Apollo  of  the 
Temple  of  Nemesis  at  Rhamnous,  brought  by  Augustus  to  the  Pala- 


SCOPAS.  331 

tine,  playing  the  lyre  and  singing  with  lyric  inspiration.  It  is  not 
improbable  that  the  motive  of  the  Apollo  in  the  Vatican,  with  the 
long  flowing  garments  {Fig.  222),  may  be  referred  to  this  original. 
The  entire  bearing  more  closely  resembles  that  of  the  figures  of  the 
children  of  Niobe.  We  can  hardly  think  without  enthusiasm  of  the 
Bithynian  Achilles  group,  placed  in  later  times  in  the  Temple  of 
Neptune,  near  the  Circus  Flaminius  in  Rome,  which,  according  to 
Pliny,  would  have  made  the 
master  celebrated  even  though 
he  had  created  nothing  else 
during  his  lifetime.  It  repre- 
sented Achilles  upon  the  island 
of  Leuke  after  his  death,  and 
his  reception  among  the  deities, 
and  displayed,  besides  Thetis 
and  Poseidon,  numerous  fantas- 
tic creatures  of  the  sea.  Some 
idea  of  these  last  may  be  gained 
from  a  magnificent  frieze  found 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  Temple 
of  Neptune,  and  now  in  the 
Glyptothek  at  Munich.  But  it 
cannot  belong  to  this  group, 
and,  in  its  main  features,  has 
no  close  relations  with  it. 

Delicate  beauty  and  warmth 
of  feeling  must  be  ascribed  to 
the  works  of  Scopas,  otherwise   F'g>  223- — Central  Figure  of  the  Niobids.    (Flor- 
Pliny  could  not  have  placed  the  ^^^^'^ 

Aphrodite  found  in  the  Temple  of  Mars,  near  the  Circus  Flaminius, 
above  that  of  Praxiteles.  Nor  can  we  imagine  the  groups  at  Megara — 
Eros,  Himeros,  and  Pothos  (Love,  Yearning,  and  Desire) — described 
by  Pausanias ;  or  Aphrodite,  with  her  priestly  lover  Phaethon ;  or 
Pothos,  in  Samothrace,  to  have  been  without  these  traits.  The  group 
of  Leto  with  the  nurse  Ortygia  carrying  the  children,  Apollo  and  Ar- 
temis, as  the  personification  of  a  mother's  joy  and  pride,  must  have 
been  full  of  deep  meaning.     It  is  evident,  from  the  long  list  of  his 


332 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


works,  that  his  power  was  many-sided:  his  peculiar  style  is  best 
exemplified  in  a  grand  composition,  the  group  of  the  Niobids, 
though  Pliny  is  in  doubt  whether  it  should  be  ascribed  to  Scopas 
or  to  Praxiteles.  The  original  of  this  no  longer  exists,  and  even  the 
very  unequally  executed  pieces — to  be  found  chiefly  in  the  Uffizi 
at  Florence,  and  in  various  repetitions  in  different  museums — are 
not  complete ;  still  even  thus  they  betray  the  greatness  and  indi- 
viduality of  this  won- 
derful work.  Niobe, 
wife  of  King  Amphion 
of  Thebes,  and  mother 
of  fourteen  children,  in 
a  boastful  spirit,  inher- 
ited from  her  father 
Tantalos,  compared  her- 
self with  Leto,  who  had 
only  two,  and  ordered 
sacrifices  to  be  made  to 
herself  rather  than  to 
that  goddess.  For  this 
she  was  terribly  chas- 
tised by  Apollo  and 
Artemis,  her  children 
being  all  slain  before 
her  eyes  by  the  aveng- 
ing arrows  of  the  two 
deities.  She  herself,  try- 
ing in  vain  to  protect 
her  youngest  daughter, 
pressing  against  her,  makes  an  attempt  to  draw  her  mantle  over 
her  head  to  hide  the  expression  of  despairing  woe  which,  accord- 
ing to  the  legend,  in  a  few  moments  turned  her  to  stone.  The 
figure,  in  its  royal  nobility  and  motherly  despair,  yet  so  free  from 
contortion,  has  wonderful  effect.  {Figs.  223  and  224.)  The  children, 
already  wounded  and  hurrying  towards  her,  show  pain,  fear,  and 
need  of  help  in  different  degrees,  but  with  that  dignity  and  fine 
control  which  render  it  a  tragedy  in  the  highest  sense.     The  vari- 


Fig.  224. — Head  of  Niobe. 


scoPAS.  333 

ous  struggles  of  feeling  in  the  beautiful  young  faces ;  the  excited 
wrestling  with  an  invisible,  unconquerable,  relentless  power,  in  every 
gesture,  and  in  every  motion  of  the  swaying  garments  ;  the  plaintive 
character  of  the  lines  throughout  the  whole  composition,  entirely 
opposed  to  the  vertical  tendency  of  the  statuesque,  arid  especially 
of  the  architectural  art ;  the  wavy  flow  which  distinguishes  it  from 
the  group  at  iCgina,  and  even  from  the  quiet  action  of  the  figures 
in  the  gables  of  the  Parthenon — are  all  so  peculiar  to  this  pathetic 
school,  and  so  characteristic  of  its  productions,  that  the  Niobe  will 
ever  be  considered  the  greatest  example  of  its  style. 

In  a  study  of  the  artistic  character  of  Scopas,  we  must  content  our- 
selves, for  the  most  part,  with  a  few  copies,  and  some  not  very  full 
accounts.  Still,  original  remains  from  his  hand  are  not  altogether 
wanting.  We  have  seen  that  he  was  engaged  in  the  sculptural  or- 
namentation upon  the  eastern  side  of  the  Mausoleum  of  Halicar- 
nassos;  while  upon  the  south  and  north  sides  his  younger  associ- 
ates were  employed — Timotheos,  Bryaxis,  and  Leochares,  the  latter 
known  to  us  by  a  copy  in  the  Vatican  of  his  Ganymede  Carried  Away 
by  the  Eagle  of  Zeus.  But  the  greater  part  of  the  recognizable  re- 
liefs upon  the  frieze,  the  most  important  group  of  which  represents 
the  so  often  recurring  battle  of  the  Amazons,  notwithstanding  the 
wonderful  beauty  and  pathos  of  the  action,  peculiar  to  the  sculptured 
art  of  this  period,  is  the  work  of  artisans,  and  certainly  not  by  the 
hand  of  a  master  of  the  first  rank.  {Fig.  225.)  Among  the  numer- 
ous fragments  of  the  statues  found  in  the  English  excavations  of 
1856,  which,  from  analogy  with  the  mausoleums  of  the  Roman  em- 
perors, may  have  stood  between  the  columns,  one  at  least,  a  well- 
preserved  torso,  probably  of  Zeus,  found  upon  the  eastern  side,  has 
been  ascribed  to  Scopas.  The  others  are,  unfortunately,  too  much 
mutilated  to  allow  of  any  reliable  judgment,  as  the  varying  views  of 
different  authorities  testify.  At  all  events,  these  decorative  works 
cannot  be  ranked  with  the  more  celebrated  examples  of  this  master. 

An  acquaintance  with  the  art  of  Scopas  is  extended  by  the  study 
of  his  younger  and  still  more  important  contemporary  Praxiteles. 
The  masterpieces  of  this  artist  are  similar  in  character,  and  betray 
all  the  preference  of  the  former  for  the  ideal  beauty  of  youth.  Not 
less  than  five  statues  of  Aphrodite  by  Praxiteles  are  known  to  have 


334 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


existed,  among  which  the  famous  statue  at  Cnidos  was  regarded  as 
one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world,  and  was  ranked  with  the  Olympian 
Zeus,  It  was  so  highly  prized  among  lovers  of  art  that  King  Nico- 
medes  of  Bithynia,for  instance,  in  vain  offered  to  the  people  of  Cnidos 
the  entire  amount  of  their  State  debt  in  exchange  for  it.  The  brow, 
the  moist  glowing  eyes,  and  soft  smile  of  the  slightly  parted  lips  are 
described  as  wonderful ;  the  whole  figure  being  so  executed  as  to 
cause  the  marble  to  be  forgotten  and  the  goddess  of  love  to  appear 
a  reality.  Coins  of  Cnidos  show  the  figure  to  have  been  entirely 
nude,  the  left  hand  holding  her  drapery,  partly  lying  upon  a  v^se, 


Fig.  225. — Fragment  of  the  Frieze  from  the  Mausoleum  of  Halicamassos. 

and  the  right  shielding  herself  in  modesty.  The  best  in  this  style 
among  the  numerous  remaining  statues  were  the  Braschi  Aphrodite, 
now  in  the  Glyptothek  at  Munich,  and  that  of  the  Vatican,  which  is, 
however,  inferior  in  execution,  and  is,  unfortunately,  disfigured  in 
the  lower  part  by  hard,  modern  drapery.  Next  to  that  of  Cnidos  in 
nobility  and  beauty  must  have  been  a  draped  Aphrodite  from  Cos, 
provided  the  people  of  that  place  had  any  understanding  of  art ;  for, 
when  the  choice  between  the  two  was  offered  them  by  the  artist, 
they  gave  the  preference  to  this.  Of  the  three  others,  less  known, 
the  Thespian  was  placed  next  to  the  statue  of  Phryne,  as  contrasting 
divine  with  human  beauty.     To  Praxiteles  were  ascribed,  also,  at 


PRAXITELES.  335 

least  two  representations  of  Eros — blooming,  youthful  figures,  of 
which  the  most  celebrated  seems  to  have  been  the  Thespian  or  Boe- 
otian one,  which  was  installed  between  the  Phryne  and  the  Aphro- 
dite. Epigrams  and  accounts  describing  the  god  as  wounding  not 
with  the  arrow,  but  the  eye,  appear  to  relate  to  this  figure ;  for  the 
second  statue  from  Parion,  in  Mysia,  according  to  the  coins,  showed 
the  god  unarmed,  and  with  head  uplifted. 

A  tender  and  almost  effeminate  character  was  exhibited  in  these 
beautiful  figures  of  youth,  similar  to  which  were  the  Sauroctonos — 
the  lizard-killer  —  the  best  copy  of  which  is  in  the  Louvre;  the 
dreamily  reposing  Satyr, 
of  which  there  are  copies 
in  various  museums;  and 
the  smiling,  sentimental 
Dionysos  with  the  doe- 
skin,leaning  upon  the  thyr- 
sos.  Great  depth  of  suf- 
fering and  sorrow  is  the 
fundamental  feature  of  two 
groups,  one  representing 
the  rape  of  Proserpine,  the 
other  her  delivery  by  De- 
meter  to  the  lower  world, 
to  which  she  returned  after 
every  harvest,  as  a  symbol 
of  the  following  fruitless 
season.  This  last  was  as  pathetic  an  illustration  of  a  sorely  tested 
mother  as  could  be  found  in  any  other  work  of  Praxiteles.  The 
mild  Demeter  was  not  less  frequently  presented  by  this  master  than 
was  Aphrodite. 

That  greatest  of  all  modern  discoveries,  the  Hermes  with  the  in- 
fant Djonysos,  found  in  the  Heraion  at  Olympia  {Figs.  227  and  228), 
has  proved  the  error  of  imputing  to  all  the  works  of  Praxiteles  a  del- 
icate gracefulness  verging  upon  weakness,  which  had  arisen  from  the 
study  of  the  only  examples  hitherto  known — the  copies  of  the  Sauroc- 
tonos, the  Satyr,  and  the  Aphrodite.  The  manly  force  of  this  statue, 
in  character  midway  between  the  conceptions  of  Pheidias  and  Lysip- 


Fig.  226. — Head  of  Eros.    (Vatican.) 


33« 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


pos,  is,  indeed,  so  surprising  that  some  scholars  hav  /en  been  in- 
cHned  to  assume  a  second  sculptor  by  the  name  of  Praxiteles,  there 
being  no  reason  to  doubt  the  direct  testimony  of  Pausanias  as  to  the 
authorship  of  this  work.    The  beauty  of  this  torso  exceeds  that  of  all 

other  antique  statues  known; 
the  expression  of  the  head  con- 
veys that  intense  sympathy  be- 
tween the  loving  protector  and 
the  child  which  must  have  char- 
acterized the  work  of  Kephis- 
odotos  referred  to  above.  It  is 
possible  that  the  Hermes  was 
the  product  of  an  earlier  period 
of  the  sculptor's  development, 
more  closely  related  to  the 
tendency  and  ideals  of  Pheidi- 
an  art.  When  it  is  consider- 
ed that  this  torso  is  the  only 
surely  authenticated  original 
production  of  any  great  mas- 
ter of  Greek  sculpture — for  it 
is  by  no  means  certain  that  the 
gable  groups  of  the  Parthenon 
are  by  the  haiid  of  Pheidias 
himself — there  is  no  need  for 
further  discussion  of  the  fun- 
damental importance  of  this 
most  fortunate  discovery. 

Notwithstanding  the  aston- 
ishing many-sided  genius  and 
productivity  of  Praxiteles,  near- 
ly all  the  Olympian  deities  ap- 
pearing in  the  half  hundred  of 
his  works,  it  must  still  be  acknowledged  that,  besides  his  pathetic 
tendency,  he  particularly  affected  that  province  in  which  the  figures 
of  maidens  or  youths  gave  opportunity  for  the  devc'  "nent  of  the 
greatest  charms.    His  works  portray  a  sensual  lovelines.    .   tinguished 


Fig.  227.  —  Hermes  with  the  Infant  Dionysos 
(From  the  Heraion  at  Olympia.) 


PRAXITELES.  - 

alike  from  that  hard  and  abstract  beauty,  that  outward  perfectly, 
of  form  sought  and  attained  by  Polycleitos,  and  from  that  elevated, 
godlike  being  ideally  embodied  by  Pheidias  in  his  Zeus  and  his 
Athene.  Neither  entirely  human,  as  with  Polycleitos,  nor  divine,  as 
with  Pheidias.  this  emotional  loveliness  seemed  created  for  the  world 
of  gods,  but  little  raised  above  the  sight  and  experience  of  men; 


Fig.  228.— Head  of  the  Hermes  of  Praxiteles. 


and  this  type  appears  to  have  been  as  well  established  by  Prax- 
iteles as  that  of  the  higher  deities  by  Pheidias.  Its  examples  are 
the  Aphrodite  and  Eros,  the  youthful  Dionysos  with  his  train,  the 
Demeter,  and  the  Eleusinian  circle. 

However  important  the  school  of  these  two  masters  of  pathos 
may  have  been,  but  few  among  the  numerous  names  that  have  been 
preserved  became  prominent.     The  chief  exceptions  are  the  above- 

22 


238  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

mentioned  assistants  of  Scopas  upon  the  mausoleum,  and  the  two 
sons  of  Praxiteles,  Kephisodotos  the  younger,  and  Timarchos.  Two 
of  the  greatest  works  of  statuary,  however,  may  be  ascribed  to  their 
most  vigorous  scholars — the  Venus  of  Melos  in  the  Louvre  {Fig.  229) 
and  the  so-called   Ilioneus  in  the  Glyptothek  at  Munich.     If  the 

doubtful  inscription  of  the  artist 
upon  the  former  be  credited,  which, 
in  characters  of  the  first  century 
B.C.,  designated  it  as  the  produc- 
tion of  I  Ale  I  xandros,  son  of  Me- 
nides  of  Antioch  upon  the  Me- 
ander, but  which,  together  with  the 
corresponding  part  of  the  plinth, 
has  disappeared,  we  should  possess 
in  this  work  an  inexplicable  anach- 
ronism, a  creation  of  the  highest 
rank  in  art  produced  during  a  pe- 
riod of  decided  decadence.  As, 
however,  through  this  loss,  this  as- 
sumption cannot  be  verified,  science 
must  proceed  to  judge  it  by  its  style 
alone.  Its  grandeur  and  dignity, 
in  contrast  to  the  immodest  co- 
quetry of  later  works ;  the  fulness 
of  the  flesh  in  this  body  of  ever- 
blooming  youth,  in  comparison 
with  their  attenuated  grace ;  the 
mild  softness  of  the  surface  be- 
side the  cold  polish  of  the  other 
figures  of  Aphrodite — would  place 
this  statue  between  the  period  of 
highest  perfection  at  the  time  of 
Praxiteles,  and  that  of  the  Roman  reproductions.  The  reference 
of  the  Venus  of  Melos  to  the  school  of  Praxiteles  has  found  a 
justification  not  to  be  undervalued  in  the  discovery  of  the  Hermes 
at  Olympia,  this  figure  of  manly  youth  forming  as  complete  a  pen- 
dant to  the  maidenly  Venus  as  could  be  imagined.     In  artistic  char- 


Fig.  229. — Venus  of  Melos.     (Louvre.) 


THE  VENUS  OF  MELOS.  330 

acter  this  is  far  more  nearly  related  to  the  Hermes  than  is  any 
other  statue  of  Aphrodite,  not  excepting  the  undoubted  Roman 
reproduction  of  that  of  Cnidos.  At  any  rate,  it  is  clearly  an 
Hellenic  original,  not  belonging  to  the  period  of  later  Hellenistic 
art. 

Unfortunately,  no  explanation  of  this  statue  hitherto  advanced 
has  been  entirely  satisfactory.  The  two  arms  are  wanting,  and  the 
fallen  drapery  covering  the  lower  limbs  has  hidden  from  us  the 
only  accessory  evidence — namely,  the  object  upon  which  the  lifted 
left  leg  is  supported ;  so  that  even  the  name  of  Venus  is  not  to  be 
applied  with  the  usual  certainty.  The  Roman  types  of  Victory,  also 
half  nude,  with  the  same  garments  and  position,  and  with  the  shield 
upon  which  the  conquest  is  inscribed,  suggest  an  Aphrodite-Victory 
analogous  to  the  Attic  Athene-Victory.  The  restorations  all  pre- 
sent points  of  difficulty;  among  them  may  be  mentioned  that  com- 
monly received,  where  the  goddess  contemplates  herself  in  the  shield 
of  Ares,  supported  by  the  analogy  of  a  statue  mentioned  by  Pausa- 
nias  (ii.  5),  an  interpretation  equally  applicable  to  the  Venus  of  Capua, 
now  in  Naples ;  that  also  of  Wiesler,  with  the  lance  in  the  uplifted 
left  hand ;  and  the  combination  of  the  goddess  in  a  group  with  Ares 
by  Quatrem^re  de  Quincy. 

It  is  even  less  easy  to  find  a  reliable  explanation  of  the  beautiful 
torso  in  the  Glyptothek  at  Munich,  formerly  held,  falsely,  to  be 
Ilioneus  among  the  Niobids,  and  even  believed  to  be  an  original. 
As  the  Venus  of  Melos  is  an  illustration  of  ripened  womanly  beauty, 
the  entirely  nude,  cowering  figure,  without  head  or  arms,  represents 
the  perfection  of  youth :  and  the  position  suggests  a  subject  equal 
in  pathetic  import  to  that  of  the  children  of  Niobe. 

As  the  works  of  Scopas  and  Praxiteles  frequently  found  their 
way  to  the  islands  of  the  ^Egean  Sea,  and  as  the  former,  at  least,  had 
certainly  dwelt  for  some  time  in  Asia  Minor,  the  influence  of  these 
two  masters  appears  to  have  extended  eastward,  and  their  style  to 
have  had  decided  sway  even  longer  there  than  in  Greece  proper. 
The  farthest  outlying  examples  are  presented  by  the  fragmentary 
statues  of  the  Nereids  from  the  Monument  of  Xanthos,  to  which 
they  have  given  the  name. 

At  that  period,  even  in  Athens,  some  highly  esteemed  artists 


340  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

not  only  partially  followed  their  own  ways,  but  in  these  surpassed 
the  former  masters,  and  pursued  aims  which  did  not  become  gen- 
erally prevalent  until  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century,  and  then 
in  quite  other  localities.  These  were  Silanion  of  Athens  and  Eu- 
phranor  of  the  Isthmos.  The  first  devoted  himself  chiefly  to  por- 
traits and  representations  of  victors,  and  was  so  especially  successful 
in  the  former  as  to  make  them  a  real  embodiment  of  personal  char- 
acter ;  as,  for  instance,  the  portrait  of  the  passionate  sculptor  Apol- 
lodoros  was  made  to  appear  a  personification  of  sudden  rage.  Sila- 
nion distinguished  himself  from  Praxiteles  in  the  subjects  of  his  art,  in 
which  he  had  much  in  common  with  Lysippos.  Euphranor  was  also, 
perhaps  in  a  still  greater  degree,  a  painter,  and,  in  the  coarser  pow- 
er of  his  creations,  was  opposed  to  the  delicate  style  of  Praxiteles, 
showing  more  affinity  with  Lysippos,  so  far,  at  least,  as  we  can  judge 
of  his  sculptures  by  the  accounts  of  his  paintings. 

Similar  to  the  transitional  position  between  Pheidias  and  Sco- 
pas,  held  by  the  elder  Kephisodotos,  was  the  position  taken  by  these 
two  sculptors  between  the  art  of  Scopas  and  Praxiteles  and  that 
of  Lysippos,  for  whom  the  studies  and  innovations  in  the  canons 
of  human  proportions  prepared  the  way.  Though  self-taught,  for 
as  a  youth  he  had  been  a  hand-worker  in  brass,  and  from  this  had 
raised  himself  to  the  position  of  an  artist,  he  was  still  not  without 
connection  with  the  schools,  since  he  took  as  his  model  the  Dory- 
phoros  of  Polycleitos,  the  academic  pattern  mentioned  above,  and 
'  also  worked  in  bronze,  the  material  most  favored  by  Polycleitos  and 
the  artists  of  the  Peloponnesos.  He  cannot,  however,  be  called  a 
direct  scholar  of  Polycleitos,  whose  canon  he  corrected  and  even 
replaced  by  a  new  one,  better  adapted  to  the  artistic  aims  of  the 
younger  masters.  The  model  of  Polycleitos  was  the  human  body, 
but  Lysippos  felt  that  he  must  set  his  ideal  of  humanity  higher  than 
in  the  average  of  real  examples,  because  he  considered  these,  in 
comparison  with  the  perfect  figure,  to  be  degenerate  and  dwarfed. 
Although  he  worked  with  reference  to  this  view,  still  he  developed 
his  types  from  the  real  appearances  of  nature ;  and  when  asked  by 
the  painter  Eupompos  of  Sikyon  for  advice  as  to  the  best  teacher, 
he  pointed  to  an  assemblage  of  people.  He  wished  to  represent 
man,  however,  not  as  he  is,  but  as  he  should   be,  and  employed 


LYSIPPOS. 


341 


only  those  features  which  did  not  fall  below  the  average  determined 
by  Polycleitos.  His  ideal  type  of  the  human  body  became  more 
slender  and  larger,  the  size  being  especially  apparent  because  the 
head  and  extremities,  which  take  their  proportions  from  the  whole, 
were  made  smaller. 

Lysippos,  however,  fol- 
lowed the  footsteps  of  Pol- 
ycleitos in  considering  the 
establishment  of  a  canon 
as  the  greatest  essential  in 
art,  and  exercised  his  pow- 
ers chiefly  in  the  province 
of  humanity.  His  Apoxy- 
omenos — the  athlete  scrap- 
ing himself  with  the  strig- 
il,  a  marble  copy  of  which 
is  in  the  Vatican  —  is  the 
most  celebrated  among  his 
statues  of  athletes  and  vic- 
tors. {Fig-  230.)  In  this 
he  seems  to  have  set  forth 
his  new  confession  of  faith, 
in  opposition  to  that  of 
Polycleitos.  This  aim  must 
have  had  the  most  impor- 
tant influence  upon  por- 
trait-sculpture, the  chief 
field  of  his  activity.  It  is 
clear  from  the  accounts  of 
some  likenesses  of  persons 

long  dead,  or  even  legen- 

JM-jjJt,  TiMjyu,  x^.j^~i,      _  _^,    .■._^^„„ 

dary,  that  he  fully  express-  Fig.  23a— Marble  Copy  of  the  Apoxyomenos  of  Ly- 
ed    the    character    in    the  sippos.    (in  the  Vatican.) 

features,  as  in  the  ApoUodoros  of  Silanion,  and  did  not  aim  at  that 
over-scrupulous  reproduction  of  details  and  attention  to  circumstan- 
tial matters  which  endeavor  to  attain  a  likeness  by  sharp  observa- 
tion of  external  things,  unessential  to  the  whole.    This  inferior  style 


342 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


of  portraiture  was  pursued  by  Lysistratos,  the  brother  of  Lysippos, 
who  formed  his  figures  after  plaster  casts  from  nature.  Although 
earlier  portraits  might  have  informed  the  sculptor  in  regard  to  the 
true  features  of  some  historical  personages,  certainly  this  could  not 
have  been  the  case  with  ^Esop,  or  the  Seven  Wise  Men,  for  whose  in- 
dividuality and  intellectual  tendencies  he  was  obliged  to  create  a 
characteristic  type.  In  the  portrait  which  he  most  frequently  exe- 
cuted, that  of  Alexander  the  Great,  it  was  of  especial  importance  to 
illuminate  the  ugly  and  faulty  formation  of  the  monarch's  face  by 
the  expression  of  his  powerful  character,  and  to  execute  it  so  ap- 
propriately that  even  the  likeness  was  increased  by  such  depth  of 
appreciation.  The  artist  thus  produced  portraits  of  the  conqueror 
which  differed  as  much,  and  as  favorably,  from  the  realistic  and 
chance  appearance  of  the  king  as  the  historic  illustration  of  a  great 
personage  does  from  the  knowledge  of  that  individual  in  every-day 
life.  Alexander,  accordingly,  would  be  represented  in  sculpture  by 
no  one  except  Lysippos,  as  he  would  be  painted  by  none  but 
Apelles.  Even  that  best-preserved  portrait  of  Alexander,  the  bust 
in  the  Capitol,  does  not  suffice  to  make  clear  the  whole  conception 
of  Lysippos.  How  grand  such  monumental  portraitures  really 
were  may  be  gathered  from  the  account  of  the  group  at  Dium — af- 
terwards transferred  to  the  Portico  of  Octavia  in  Rome — illustrat- 
ing a  scene  from  the  battle  upon  the  Granicos,  where  twenty-five 
warriors  on  horseback  and  nine  on  foot  were  grouped  about  the 
king,  to  which  many  of  the  enemy  may  doubtless  be  added. 

The  work  next  in  importance  after  this  was  the  representation 
of  Heracles  by  this  master.  Not  in  the  elevation  of  the  ideal  above 
the  human,  but  rather  in  the  emphasizing  of  this  latter  quality,  did 
the  Heracles  of  Lysippos  stand  in  distinct  opposition  alike  to  the 
merely  human  model  of  Polycleitos,  to  the  superhuman  and  godlike 
beings  of  Pheidias,  and  especially  to  the  divinely  charming  beauty 
of  the  Aphrodite  and  the  Eros,  as  seen  in  the  best  creations  of  Sco- 
pas  and  Praxiteles.  The  Heracles  of  Lysippos,  the  embodiment  of 
strength  developed  beyond  human  possibility,  appeared  colossal, 
whether  the  absolute  dimensions  were  really  great — like  the  statue 
from  Tarention  which  represented  him  resting  upon  a  basket  after 
the  labor  of  cleansing  the  Augean  stables — or  whether  in  niiniature, 


LYSIPPOS. 


343 


suitable  for  a  table  ornament — like  the  celebrated  Epitrapezios,  show- 
ing the  hero  as  a  drinker.  Copies,  in  part,  still  remain  of  the  Labors 
of  Heracles,  executed  in  twelve  groups  for  Alyzia,  in  Acarnania. 
They  show  the  same  type 
that  is  reproduced  in  the 
affected,  overstrained  stat- 
ue of  the  later  Athenian 
artist  Glycon  —  the  so- 
called  Famese  Hercules  in 
Naples.     (Fi;^.  231.) 

Besides  these  promi- 
nent groups  by  Lysippos, 
evidences  of  his  creative 
energy,  the  figures  of  the 
deities  appear  to  have  been 
few  in  number.  That  ex- 
amples from  the  circle  of 
young  and  beautiful  di- 
vinities, which  formed  the 
principal  field  for  the  art 
of  Praxiteles,  should  be 
almost  entirely  wanting, 
was  to  be  expected,  he 
who  had  perfected  the 
type  of  Heracles  natural- 
ly preferring  a  powerful 
figure.  Four  statues  of 
Zeus  are  mentioned. 
Though  the  colossal  size 
of  these  seems  to  have 
been  a  prominent  feature 

— the    Zeus    of  Tarention  Fig.  231. — Famese  Hercules  of  Glycon.  (In  the  Museum 

•    1  .  of  Naples.) 

measuring    eighteen    me-  *^ 

tres  in  height — still  they  should  not  be  considered  as  executed  after 

a  conventional  pattern,  and  consequently  offering  nothing  worthy 

of  remark.     In  view  of  all  that  is  known  of  Lysippos,  it  seems  not 

improbable  that  the  Zeus  of  Otricoli  {Fig.  232),  formerly  referred 


344 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


to  the  Pheidian  type,  may  be  more  nearly  related  to  its  modifica- 
tion by  Lysippos.  The  Helios  upon  the  quadriga  in  Rhodes,  be- 
sides its  human  beauty,  may  possibly  have  been  of  great  importance 
in  type  and  conception ;  but  this  is  not  assured  by  the  fact  that 
Nero  prized  it  highly,  and  ordered  it  to  be  gilded.  If  it  be  added 
that  Lysippos  worked  more  industriously  and  rapidly  than  any  other 
known  sculptor — provided  the  account  be  true  that  the  number  of 
his  productions  amounted  to  fifteen  hundred — it  cannot  be  supposed 
that  the  time  required  for  new  conception  and  careful  execution 

would  be  given  to  them  all. 

The  school  of  Lysippos  was 
not  wanting  in  names  of  renown. 
His  most  gifted  son,Euthycrates, 
appears  to  have  equalled  his  fa- 
ther in  groups  of  portrait  stat- 
ues, like  the  Gathering  of  Riders 
and  a  Hunt  of  Alexander  in  Thes- 
pia ;  while  another  son,  Boidas, 
awakens  our  interest  from  the 
circumstance  that  the  celebrated 
Praying  Boy,  in  the  museum  at 
Berlin,  may  possibly  be  referred 
to  him.  Chares  of  Lindos  pro- 
duced the  greatest  known  work 
of  Greek  sculpture  in  regard  to 
size — namely,  the  colossal  statue 
of  the  sun  at  Rhodes,  over  thir- 
ty metres  high.  Pliny  describes 
it  as  already  fallen  and  in  ruins,  therefore  his  words  give  us  no  infor- 
mation as  to  the  conception  and  style ;  and  the  current  account  of 
its  having  stood  so  high  above  the  entrance  to  the  harbor  that  ves- 
sels sailed  between  the  legs  is  a  fabulous  reminiscence  of  the  figure 
projected  at  Mount  Athos  by  Deinocrates.  Among  the  scholars  of 
Lysippos,  Eutychides  seems  to  have  been  the  most  independent ;  the 
goddess  Anticheia,  a  copy  of  which  is  in  the  Vatican,  was  distinguished 
by  excellence  in  the  motive,  ease  of  position,  and  effective  drapery ; 
but,  in  its  genre-like  treatment,  it  excluded  all  thought  of  religious 


Fig.  232. — Zeus  of  Otricoli.     (Vatican.) 


THE  SCHOOL  OF  LYSIPPOS.  345 

art,  to  which  a  certain  strictness  and  dignity  should  pertain.  This 
goddess  was  seated  with  dignity,  like  a  city  itself,  while  another  per- 
sonification— the  river-god — appeared  "  more  flowing  than  water." 
This  marked  significance  in  both  cannot  be  ascribed  to  a  happy 
chance,  but  must  be  regarded  as  evidence  of  that  highly  developed 
characterization  by  which  the  great  Sikyonian  master  endeavored 
to  conceive  the  whole  being  and  to  embody  it  in  his  portraits  and 
representative  figures.  Among  the  nameless  works  from  the  school 
of  Lysippos,  creations  are  to  be  found  of  the  highest  merit.  The 
originator  of  the  Barberini  Faun,  now  in  the  Glyptothek  at  Munich, 
whoever  he  may  have  been,  should  be  ranked  among  the  greatest 
masters  of  all  times. 

With  Lysippos  the  development  of  art  in  its  principal  directions 
was  terminated.  As  Overbeck  says,  "the  summit  lies  behind  us;  we 
descend,  and  our  way  downwards  may  still  lead  through  charming 
landscapes;  but  the  pure,  clear  ether  soon  ceases  to  surround  us,  and, 
before  the  far-reaching  glance,  rises  from  the  mist  of  centuries  the 
flat  and  endless  desert,  in  the  sands  of  which  the  stream  of  Grecian 
art  is  quenched."  Alexander  himself  was  the  patron  of  the  last  of 
the  seven  great  masters  of  sculpture ;  with  him  ended  the  fresh  di- 
rectness of  Hellenic  creations,  as  well  as  the  greatness  of  Greece  it- 
self. He  and  his  successors  built  temples  afterwards  to  be  furnished, 
as  before,  with  statues  of  the  deities  and  outwardly  ornamented  with 
sculptures ;  but  they  took  their  models  from  those  earlier  works 
which,  elevated  to  a  typical  and  canonical  importance,  were  not  to 
be  surpassed,  and  employed  themselves  simply  in  reproducing.  They 
followed  more  willingly  the  easy  path  open  to  them  because,  in  the 
Alexandrian  period,  scepticism,  empty  formalism,  and  chilling  in- 
difference had  already  laid  the  ravaging  axe  to  the  Hellenic  re- 
ligion. With  the  spread  of  Hellenic  power  into  the  heart  of  Asia, 
its  art,  like  its  polity,  lost  its  individuality,  becoming  expansive  in- 
stead of  intense,  in  decorative  subjection  to  the  requirements  of  ele- 
gance and  use.  Losing  its  former  independent  nobility,  sculpture 
soon  fell  from  the  height  which  it  had  occupied  for  a  century  and  a 
half.  Athens,  Sikyon,  and  Argos,  hitherto  central  points  of  de- 
velopment, where  art  had  brought  forth  its  richest  fruits  as  a  model 
for  the  entire  Hellenic  world,  now  became  provincial  cities  of  the 


346 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


Fig.  233. — Boreas. 


Macedonian  kingdom,  and  lost  their  glory — some  for  a  long  period, 
and  others  forever.  Following  the  example  of  Lysippos,  artists  pre- 
ferred wandering  from  court  to  court  of  Alexander's  successors;  and 
in  Alexandria,  Antioch,  Seleucia,  in  Nicomedia,  Pergamon,  Ambra- 
kia,  mostly  new  and  elegant  cities  of  royal  residence,  occupation 
could  not  have  been  wanting,  though  the  quantity  of  work  may  have 
tended  to  hasten  the  decline.  How  extensive  and  extravagant  were 
the  artistic  requirements  of  the  Diadochi,  how  excessive  the  incense 

of  flattery  offered 
them,  is  shown  in 
the  description  of 
the  luxurious  works 
of  the  Ptolemies 
and  of  the  Seleu- 
cidae,  and  by  the 
three  hundred  stat- 
ues erected  to  De- 
metrius Phalereus 
in  Athens  alone. 
These  last  may 
have  been  some- 
what better  than 
the  representation 
of  the  winds  upon 
the  clepsydra  and 
vane  of  Andronicos 
Kyrrhestios  {Figs. 
233  and  234),  but 
even  they  must  be 
classed  as  mere  artisan-work.  Much  was  done  in  portrait-statuary 
after  the  time  of  Alexander,  who  turned  'art  in  this  direction  ;  and 
the  successive  dynasties  also  encouraged  it,  as  may  easily  be  im- 
agined. This  is  evident  from  the  statues  still  preserved,  from  the 
Ptolemaic  cameos,  and  especially  the  coins  of  the  Diadochi.  The 
heads  of  these  kings  have  never  been  equalled,  for  fine  and  lifelike 
characterization  and  modelling,  in  all  the  portrait  coins  and  medal- 
lions which  have  been  struck  down  to  the  present  time.     {Fig-  235.) 


Fig.  234. — Notos,     From  the  Tower  of  the  V^inds,  Athens. 


THE   DIADOCHI. 


347 


Though  a  great  deal  was  produced  in  the  period  of  the  Diado- 
chi,  and,  in  the  Hne  of  portraiture,  much  that  was  good,  still  there 
must  have  been  truth  in  the  saying  of  Pliny  that  "after  the  I2ist 
Olympiad  (290  B.C.)  art  ceased,  and  revived  again  only  in  the  1 56th 
(150  B.C.)."  It  ceased,  namely,  in  so  far  as  it  was  made  subservient 
to  courts  and  decoration ;  but  upon  the  soil  of  Greece  itself,  and 
among  the  people,  it  grew,  and  strove  after  higher  aims.  The  pro- 
duction continued,  but  its  artisan -like  elaboration  did  not  make 
good  the  lost  artistic  originality.  Men  of  vigorous  talent  followed 
in  the  paths  of  Praxiteles  and  Lysippos,  producing  works  which  are 
the  ornaments  of  our  antique  collections ;  but  the  character  of  repro- 
ductions, clinging  to  their  creations,  robs  them  of  the  name  of  artist 
in  the  full  sense  of  the  word.     The  scanty  notices  of  Pliny  are,  in 


Antiochas  I.  of  Sjrria. 
aSi  to  36a. 


PhnipV.oTMacedoo. 
a>o  to  178. 

Fig.  335. — Coins  of  the  DiadochL 


Pen«tu  of  Macedoa 
178  to  168. 


general,  correct ;  but  he  omits  to  mention  some  exceptions  which 
represent  a  further  development  of  sculpture,  not  quite  unimportant, 
though  questionable  in  principle. 

In  two  places,  at  the  royal  court  of  Pergamon  and  in  the  repub- 
lic of  Rhodes,  productive  art  rose  again  to  a  certain  independence 
and  originality.  Pliny  himself,  in  another  place,  says  that  "  several 
artists  illustrated  the  battles  of  Attalos  and  Eumenes  against  the 
Gauls ;  namely,  Isigonos,  Phycomachos,  Stratonicos,  and  Antigonos." 
The  great  victory  over  these  barbarians  was  fought  in  229  B.C.  by 
Attalos,  with  which  Eumenes,  by  a  misunderstanding  easily  to  be 
explained,  appears  to  have  been  connected.  Attalos  erected  in  his 
capital  a  grand  monument  to  his  victory,  and,  not  contenting  him- 
self with  this,  consecrated  another  upon  the  Acropolis  at  Athens, 


348 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


perhaps  in  part  a  copy  of  that  in  Pergamon.  Remnants  of  both 
monuments  still  exist  which  give  a  comparatively  good  knowled'^e 
of  the  artistic  peculiarities  of  this  school.  The  investigations  upon 
this  site,  now  approaching  completion,  have  unearthed  hundreds  of 
fragments  in  high-relief,  part  of  a  gigantomachia  originally  forming 
the  decoration  of  an  altar.  The  altar  was  surrounded  by  Ionic 
colonnades,  the  high  stereobate  of  which  was  ornamented  with 
sculptures  in  high-relief,  the  whole  being  elevated  upon  a  gigantic 
terrace,  38  m.  long,  and  34  m.  broad.  The  frieze,  representing  the 
gigantomachia,  stands  midway  between  the  works  of  Lysippos  and 


Fig.  236. — The  So-called  Dying  Gladiator.    School  of  Pergamon. 

the  Laocoon,  and  forms  the  most  extensive  and  important  monu- 
ment of  sculpture  remaining  from  the  time  of  the  Diadochi;  it  is 
in  many  respects  a  parallel  to  that  of  the  Mausoleum  of  Halicarnas- 
sos  which  represents  the  decorative  work  of  the  school  of  Scopas 
and  Praxiteles.  These  works  have  now  found  their  way  to  Berlin, 
but  a  critical  account  of  them  will  be  possible  only  when  they  shall 
have  been  made  generally  accessible  by  an  official  publication.  The 
statue  of  the  so-called  Dying  Gladiator  of  the  Capitol  belonged  to 
the  group  in  Pergamon  already  known  {Fig.  236) ;  as  did  the  two 
figures  in  the  Villa  Ludovisi,  representing  a  Gaul  who,  to  escape  the 
shame  of  slavery,  has  stabbed  his  wife,  who  sinks  beside  him,  and  is 


PERGAMON.  3^^ 

about  to  thrust  the  sword  into  his  own  neck.  In  the  so-called 
Dying  Gladiator,  the  rough  hair  growing  low  upon  the  neck,  the 
strongly  marked  indentation  between  the  brow  and  the  projecting 
Northern  nose,  the  beard  shorn  to  the  upper  lip,  the  heavy  cheek- 
bones, the  fleshy  and  somewhat  clumsily  formed  body,  the  hard  and 
calloused  skin  upon  the  hands  and  feet,  the  twisted  neckband,  and 
the  curved  battle-horn  have  long  since  shown  the  meaning  of  this 
statue.  In  the  group  in  the  Ludovisi  Villa,  the  same  marble,  a  like 
and  peculiar  treatment  of  the  forms,  with  the  same  type  of  head, 
leave  no  doubt  that  this  also  belonged  to  a  large  group  represent- 
ing a  victory  over  the  Gauls.  From  its  style,  it  cannot  be  considered 
as  a  Roman  monument,  particularly  as  some  notices  of  the  Athe- 
nian Votive  Offering  of  Attalos  clearly  identify  it. 

The  most  striking  novelty  in  these  monuments,  and  also  in  the 
school  of  art  at  Pergamon,  is  the  characteristic  following-out  of 
ethnographical  differences.  Previously,  when  artists  would  distin< 
guish  barbarians,  they  were  content  to  make  the  nationality  clear  by 
costume  and  accessories ;  but  this  could  not  suffice  for  Lysippos, 
who  had  carried  individual  characterization  to  such  a  height  in  his 
portrait-statues,  and  who  probably,  in  his  group  of  the  battle  upon 
the  Granicos,  illustrated  the  peculiarities  of  the  Persian  race.  In 
groups  of  portrait-statues  it  was  necessary  to  treat  the  action  with 
absolute  truthfulness,  thus  leading  the  way  to  historic  art.  This  is 
perfected  in  the  monument  in  question,  the  ideal  battle  scene  being 
based  upon  real  details;  it  was  not  merely  a  strife  among  men,  but 
Greeks  and  Celts  stood  opposed,  each  nation  with  its  marked  feat- 
ures and  peculiarities,  the  barbarians  distinguished  not  outwardly 
alone,  but  by  their  natural  wildness. 

This  is  evident  from  a  number  of  figures  of  the  Athenian  votive 
offering  of  Attalos,  still  preserved  ;  our  knowledge  of  their  connec- 
tion with  the  Dying  Gladiator  and  the  school  of  Pergamon  is  due 
to  Brunn.  According  to  Pausanias,  this  votive  offering  consisted  of 
figures  half  the  size  of  life,  in  four  groups,  showing  the  gigantoma- 
chia,  the  combat  of  the  Amazons,  the  battle  of  Marathon,  and  the 
victory  of  Attalos.  Figures  exist  from  them  all ;  from  the  first,  a 
giant,  dead  and  outstretched,  is  in  the  museum  at  Naples,  as  also  one 
of  the  second,  a  fallen  Amazon  ;  from  the  third,  a  dead  body  clad  in 


350 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


breeches,  and  two  nude  Persians  kneeling,  are  in  Naples,  the  Vati- 
can, and  in  the  possession  of  Signor  Castellani.  From  the  fourth,  a 
kneeling  figure,  at  Paris,  and  one  kneeling  and  one  falling  backward, 
at  Venice,  are  unmistakable  Gauls ;  while  a  sitting  figure,  wounded, 
also  at  Venice,  and  a  youthful  one,  dead,  at  Naples,  are  probably 
also  of  that  race.  Judging  from  these  remains,  the  composition  must 
have  included  numerous  figures,  as  the  five  existing  Gauls — perhaps 
also  several  more — bespeak  a  corresponding  number  at  Pergamon, 
and  forty  is  the  lowest  that  can  be  reckoned  for  the  whole.  Their 
position  was  probably  upon  the  steps  of  the  monument,  which  pos- 
sibly  bore  the  statue  of  the  founder.  It  must  have  stood  near  the 
wall  of  the  Acropolis,  since  it  has  been  said  that  a  figure  from 
the  gigantomachia  was  thrown  by  a  storm  into  the  theatre  which 
stood  at  the  foot  of  this  fortress.  That  only  the  conquered  are 
found  among  the  pieces  preserved  seems  to  be  an  evidence  that 
these  remnants  are  from  the  original  rather  than  from  any  copy, 
because,  aside  from  the  ipn probability  that  so  extensive  a  work 
would  have  been  copied  in  later  times,  the  effect  of  the  storm  sug- 
gests the  thought  that  the  erect  statues  of  the  victors  would  have 
been  less  likely  to  last  through  so  many  centuries  than  the  lying 
and  cowering  figures,  not  so  easily  injured  on  account  of  their  closer 
connection  with  the  base.  Notwithstanding  their  relation  in  style 
to  the  Capitoline  statue  and  to  the  group  in  the  Ludovisi  Villa, 
these  are  distinctly  inferior  and  harder.  Brunn  is  probably  right  in 
his  supposition  that  they  are  the  work  of  scholars,  and  a  contempo- 
raneous reproduction  from  the  studio  of  that  master,  who  himself 
executed  the  monument  at  Pergamon,  the  figures  of  which  ranked  in 
merit  with  the  Dying  Gladiator.  Many  deficiencies  may  be  account- 
ed for  by  its  reduction  to  half  life-size ;  its  repetition  at  this  scale, 
for  the  Athenian  votive  offering,  appearing  to  have  satisfied  the 
king. 

The  work  most  nearly  related  to  this,  also  in  marble,  and  per- 
fectly similar  in  conception,  is  a  figure  of  the  Marsyas  group,  the 
celebrated  Knife-sharpener  in  the  Uflfizi  at  Florence.  This  is  also  a 
representative  of  barbarism,  probably  a  Scythian,  the  others  having 
been  Gauls;  but,  artistically,  this  makes  no  difference.  No  originals 
remain  of  the  other  figures  in  the  group,  of  which  the  barbarian, 


RHODES.  351 

cowering  upon  the  ground  and  sharpening  the  knife  for  the  flaying 
of  Marsyas,  probably  formed  no  very  important  part.  Another  aim, 
the  careful  anatomical  treatment  of  the  body,  is  ostentatiously  dis- 
played in  the  copies  of  this  work  now  in  Berlin  and  Florence.  The 
group  suggests  another  locality,  and  forms  a  connecting  medium  be- 
tween those  two  most  important  centres  of  art  in  that  period,  Per- 
gamon  and  Rhodes. 

Among  the  few  republics  of  the  time,  the  island  of  Rhodes  was 
able  to  rival  the  brilliant  courts  of  kings,  in  regard  to  artistic  treas- 
ures, by  its  wealth  of  commerce  and  its  political  neutrality — the 
latter  being  rendered  possible,  as  nowhere  else,  by  its  situation  and 
importance.  That  the  influence  of  Lysippos  prevailed  there  is 
clear  from  the  fact  that,  after  this  master  had  sent  thither  his 
Phoibos  upon  the  quadriga,  the  Rhodian  Chares  went  to  learn  of 
him,  and  afterwards  executed  for  his  native  city  the  above-mentioned 
colossus.  This  was  followed  in  the  same  place  by  a  hundred  other 
colossal  figures,  which  were  probably  related,  in  point  of  style,  to  the 
works  of  Lysippos.  The  statement  of  Pliny  that  each,  singly,  would 
have  sufficed  to  make  the  place  of  its  exposition  famous  is  hardly 
intelligible.  Numerous  names  of  artists,  mostly  of  Rhodes,  found 
partly  in  inscriptions  upon  the  bases,  and  partly  mentioned  by  Pliny, 
might  here  be  mentioned. 

The  multiplied  productions  of  colossal  works,  however,  would  not 
suffice  to  give  a  very  favorable  idea  of  the  state  of  art  in  Rhodes, 
were  it  not  for  the  preservation  of  two  examples,  prominent  among 
many,  which  were  famous  even  in  antiquity.  These  were  the  group 
of  the  Laocoon,  in  the  Vatican,  and  the  so-called  Farnese  Bull,  in 
Naples.  The  first  {Fig.  237),  which  Pliny,  with  extravagant  praise, 
calls  the  work  of  three  Rhodians,  Agesandros,  Athanodoros,  and 
Polydoros,  was  found  in  1 506 — not  in  one  piece,  as  he  describes  it,  but 
in  six — among  the  ruins  of  the  house  of  Titus,  in  whose  palace  Pliny 
says  it  was  placed.  It  represents  the  priest  Laocoon,  who  sinned 
at  the  altar  through  love,  and  whom  Apollo  chastised  by  means  of 
two  serpents.  This  expiation  became  tragic,  from  its  having  taken 
place  at  the  moment  when  Laocoon  had  resolved  to  save  his  native 
city,  Troy ;  and  also  from  the  suffering  of  the  children,  innocent, 
though  born  in  sin.     The  serpents  have  encircled  the  three  figures ; 


352 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


the  youngest  is  falling  from  the  deadly  sting ;  the  father,  sinking 
upon  the  altar  after  a  desperate  defence,  is  no  longer  able  to  protect 
himself;  while  the  elder  son,  not  yet  threatened  with  instant  death. 


Fig.  237. — Group  of  Laocoon  and  his  Sons,  by  Agesandros,  Athanodoros,  and  Polydoros. 

(Vatican.) 

but  hopelessly  entangled  in  the  coils  of  the  serpent,  turns  upon  iiis 
father  a  look  of  despairing  horror. 

This    grand   work,  though    from    Pliny   down   to    later  times 


THE  LAOCOON.  353 

esteemed  beyond  its  real  merit,  still  makes  evident  to  us  peculiari- 
ties in  the  art  of  Rhodes  which,  in  many  respects,  render  it  of  inde- 
pendent value.  We  find  in  it  a  choice  of  subject  new  in  sculpture, 
the  technical  and  artistic  difficulties  of  which  appear  almost  insur- 
mountable, so  that  it  could  only  be  treated  by  ability  well  trained 
and  long  experienced.  It  gave  opportunity  to  surpass  all  existing 
productions  in  its  display  of  artistic  technical  superiority.  When 
the  body  of  the  Laocoon  is  compared  with  the  type  of  Heracles,  it 
cannot  be  doubted  that  the  canon  of  Lysippos  was  followed  ;  but  the 
forms,  which  with  him  were  developed  from  the  living  model,  in 
this,  as  in  the  Marsyas  of  Perp^amon,  are  taken  from  anatomical 
studies,  and  are  wanting  in  fulness  of  life :  the  overdetailed  muscles 
are  too  studied,  distinct,  and  separated ;  they  are  marble,  and  not 
flesh.  The  composition  would,  in  real  life,  be  impracticable ;  the 
action  is  visibly  so  ordered  that  it  never  could  be  possible,  and  is 
throughout  developed  with  an  aim  towards  the  greatest  effect.  But 
this  effect  is  by  no  means  merely  formal,  limited  to  the  restless  and 
disquieting  play  of  the  lines  of  the  limbs  and  trunks,  and  of  the  coils 
of  the  serpents.  It  is  in  the  highest  degree  pathetic.  Thus  this 
element  of  the  school  of  Praxiteles  existed  in  this  work,  both  the 
leading  characteristics  of  that  master  being  here  displayed  with  an 
excessive  ostentation.  The  pathos  confronts  us  too  exclusively,  not 
modified  by  any  ethic  principle.  The  work  does  not,  therefore,  have 
the  tragic  power  which  lies  in  the  descriptions  of  Sophocles,  because, 
in  the  group,  only  the  effect  is  to  be  seen  ;  we  have  no  hint  as  to  the 
cause.  The  pathetic  blends  far  more  with  the  pathological  event 
than  with  the  ethical.  The  mastery  of  rendering,  the  composition, 
the  effect — everything  is  wonderful ;  but  it  all  lies  in  the  realm  of  dis- 
play :  our  admiration  is  given  to  the  artist  rather  than  to  the  work. 
It  cannot  be  denied  that  this  effective  treatment  was  the  dominant 
feature  in  the  art  of  Rhodes;  but  it  set  technical  mastery  in  the 
foreground,  to  the  neglect  of  absolute  and  intrinsic  merit. 

This  applies  equally  to  the  second  great  work,  the  so-called  Far- 
nese  Bull  {Fig.  238),  the  creation  of  two  artists  from  Tralles,  Apollo- 
nios  and  Tauriscos,  who  may  have  worked  in  Rhodes,  as,  according 
to  Pliny,  the  group  was  to  be  seen  there  before  it  was  brought  to 
Rome  under  Augustus.     This  large  group  was  found  in  the  Baths 

23 


354  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

of  Caracalla  soon  after  the  discovery  of  the  Laocoon,  and  was  trans- 
ported to  Naples,  where  it  now  stands  in  the  Museo  Nazionale.  The 
scene  is  probably  taken  from  the  Antiope,  a  tragedy  of  Euripides, 


Fig.  238. — The  Farnese  Bull  of  Apollonios  and  Tauriscos.     (In  Naples.) 

and  an  understanding  of  the  story  is  necessary  to  its  comprehension. 
Antiope  was  the  daughter  of  King  Nycteus  of  Thebes ;  he  being 
angry  with  her  because  of  the  love  of  Zeus,  and  incredulous'  as  to 
the  cause  of  her  pregnancy,  she  fled  to  Mount  Kithairon,  where  she 


THE   FARNESE   BULL.  355 

bore  the  twins  Zethos  and  Amphion.  Having  given  these  to  the 
care  of  a  shepherd,  she  was  received  by  King  Epopeus  of  Sikyon ; 
but  Lycos,  the  brother  and  successor  of  Nycteus,  carried  on  the 
hateful  persecution,  even  to  the  extent  of  making  war  against  her 
protector.  Sikyon  was  destroyed,  and  Antiope  returned  as  a  slave 
to  Thebes,  where  the  ill-treatment  of  Dirke,  wife  of  Lycos,  obliged 
her  to  fly  once  more  to  the  mountains.  There,  at  a  festival  of  Bac- 
chus, she  was  found  again  by  her  persecutor,  and,  for  her  flight,  was 
given  the  terrible  punishment  of  being  dragged  to  death  by  a  bull. 
Zethos  and  Amphion  were  ready  to  execute  the  command  when  a 
recognition  took  place,  and  a  just  vengeance  brought  the  fate  in- 
tended for  Antiope  upon  the  head  of  Dirke.  This  moment  forms 
the  imposing  scene  of  the  group.  The  raging  bull  is  only  with  diffi- 
culty held  by  the  avenging  sons ;  Dirke,  a  most  beautiful  woman, 
praying  in  vain  for  grace,  clasps  the  knee  of  one  while  the  other  is 
ready  to  throw  around  her  the  noose  by  which  she  is  to  be  dragged 
over  the  rough  ground  of  Kithairon.  The  passion  of  the  avenging 
sons,  and  the  fear  of  Dirke,  make  the  work  highly  pathetic  and  im- 
pressive ;  but  it  is  not  so  really  tragic  as  the  Laocoon,  because  the 
motive  of  the  evidently  brutal  deed,  though  not  entirely  neglected, 
as  in  the  former,  is  still  not  entirely  comprehensible.  Antiope,  the 
heroine  of  the  tragedy,  is  indeed  present.  But  she  is  not  brought 
into  the  action,  and  stands,  in  fact,  behind  the  principal  characters. 
She  is  therefore  hardly  more  than  a  lay  figure,  expressing  nothing. 
It  might  perhaps  have  been  better  to  omit  Antiope  altogether,  and 
to  leave  the  action  without  any  motive  at  all.  The  figure  has,  how- 
ever, an  interest  of  its  own,  being  in  an  excellent  state  of  preserva- 
tion, while  the  others  have  suffered  by  restoration  and  by  retouch- 
ing. The  composition,  with  its  numerous  figures, admirably  executed, 
has  a  picturesque  effect  which  is  somewhat  new  in  the  history  of 
Greek  sculpture.  This  is  enhanced  by  the  accessories  of  the  story, 
the  rocky  ground,  and  many  local  details  symbolical  of  the  occasion. 
Besides  a  fine  large  dog,  really  belonging  to  the  group,  there  are  a 
chaplet  and  a  basket,  a  disproportionately  small  boy  ornamented 
with  a  wreath,  and,  still  more  inferior  in  size,  two  lions  seizing  a  bull 
and  a  norse.  There  are  also  two  boars  coming  out  from  a  grotto, 
a  lioness,  a  stag,  a  hind,  a  ram,  an  eagle  with  a  snake,  and  a  falcon 


356  HELLAa— SCtJLPTURE. 

over  a  dead  bird ;  even  turtles,  snakes,  and  snails  are  represented. 
The  mastery  over  the  technical  and  artistic  difficulties  in  this  work 
is  scarcely  less  admirable  than  in  the  Laocoon,  and  it  gives  the  same 
impression  of  a  successful  piece  of  bravura,  astonishing  and  quite 
fascinating  for  its  novelty,  boldness,  and  versatile  power.  The  age, 
indeed,  satiated  with  the  best  products  of  various  schools,  demanded 
the  stimulus  of  an  excessive  appeal  to  superficial  sources  of  interest. 
The  group  of  the  Marsyas  is  attributed  to  artists  of  Pergamon,  and 


Fig.  239. — The  Wrestlers.    (In  the  Uffizi,  Florence.) 

the  Wrestlers  in  the  Uffizi  at  Florence  (Fig.  239)  may,  with  greater 
certainty,  be  ascribed  to  those  of  Rhodes. 

Before  we  pass  to  the  last  active  period  of  Hellenic  art,  one  other 
work,  preserved  from  this  age,  the  Apollo  Belvedere  of  the  Vatican 
{Fig.  240),  still  claims  our  consideration.  Though  without  the  name 
of  the  artist,  or  of  the  place  of  its  origin,  and  not,  perhaps,  to  be 
classed  directly  with  the  greatest  productions  of  Pergamon  and 
Rhodes,  it  is  yet  not  unworthy  to  rank  by  their  side.  It  is,  like  the 
Laocoon,  one  of  the  best-known  statues  among  the  existing  treasures 


THE  APOLLO  BELVEDERE.  357 

of  antiquity,  and  scarcely  needs  a  minute  description.  The  splendid 
triumphant  head  looking  into  the  distance,  the  slender  figure,  as  fine 
in  modelling  as  it  is  noble,  the  pleasing  grace  of  the  light  step, 
assure  for  it  an  admiration,  the  more  universal  as  these  beauties — 
the  combined  result  of  the  schools  of  Lysippos  and  of  Praxiteles — 
are  just  those  which  are  the 
most  generally  recognized. 
It  is  not  an  original  work, 
in  the  full  sense  of  the  word, 
but  an  early  Roman  copy 
from  the  bronze,  and  seems 
to  bear  a  closer  relation  to 
it  than  does  the  lately  dis- 
covered head  which  is  now 
in  the  museum  at  Basle. 
This  latter  has  lost  the  char- 
acteristic features  of  the 
bronze  style,  and  from  the 
greater  freedom  of  its  treat- 
ment may  be  called  a  trans- 
lation into  marble,  in  dis- 
tinction from  the  copy  in 
the  Vatican.  Another  re- 
production of  this  work  re- 
cently made  known  by  Ste- 
phani,  a  bronze  statuette  in 
the  Strogonofi"  collection,  at 
St.  Petersburg,  has  given  an 
additional  explanation  of  the 
action  in  which  the  god  was 
represented.  In  the  marble 
the  left  hand  was  wanting, 
and  in  the  restoration  this  was  supplied  with  a  bow ;  but  in  the 
Strogonofi"  Apollo  remains  are  still  to  be  seen  of  the  aegis,  held  in  the 
hand,  with  which  the  deity  drove  back  the  Greeks,  as  described  by  Ho- 
mer, II.  XV.  306.  If  the  far-shooter  be  thus  changed  into  the  aegis- 
bearer,  the  shaking  of  the  aegis  symbolizing  the  storm,  a  plain  refer- 


Fig.  240. — Apollo  Belvedere.     (In  the  Vatican.) 


358  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

ence  may  be  found  to  the  original  motive  of  the  work.  When  the 
Gauls  threatened  Delphi  in  279  B.C.,  the  defence  of  the  Greeks  was 
effectively  assisted  by  a  terrible  storm,  which  threw  the  barbarians 
into  a  fearful  panic,  and  which  was  regarded  by  the  Greeks  as  caused 
by  the  personal  intervention  of  Apollo,  Athene,  and  Artemis.  This 
might  well  have  had  an  effect  upon  art  similar  to  that  of  the  victory 
of  Attalos  over  the  Gauls  in  Asia  Minor.  The  vEtolians,  indeed, 
proposed  to  erect  at  Delphi  a  votive  offering,  with  figures  of  field- 
officers  and  of  the  three  gods,  while  a  statue  of  Apollo  was  erected 
in  Patrae  from  a  similar  reason.  In  view  of  this,  Overbeck  has  ven- 
tured to  combine  the  Apollo  Belvedere,  the  Artemis  of  Versailles 
{Fig.  241),  and  the  striding  Athene  of  the  Capitoline  Museum  into  one 
group,  to  which  ideal  union  the  unsimilarity  of  the  workmanship, 
and  even  of  the  scale  of  the  three  statues,  is  not  so  much  opposed 
— since  these  are  all  copies  that  have  come  down  to  us  from  differ- 
ent times  —  as  is  the  movement  of  the  Apollo,  the  middle  figure, 
towards  the  right.  This  difficulty  might  be  met  by  changing  the 
positions,  so  that  Athene  should  stand  at  the  right  and  Artemis  at 
the  left,  whereby  the  action  of  the  figures  might  be  from,  rather  than 
towards,  each  other,  Artemis  being  turned  decidedly  more  towards 
the  front.  If,  however,  this  work  originated  in  consequence  of  the 
victory  in  279  B.C.,  it  shows  that  a  generation  before  the  time  of 
Attalos,  at  least  in  Greece  proper,  although  attention  had  already 
been  devoted  to  momentary  action,  art  nevertheless  still  stood  upon 
an  ideal  height,  and  could  still  delineate  gods  worthy  of  admiration. 
These  artistic  efforts  do  not,  on  the  whole,  refute  the  opinion  of 
Pliny  that  art  ceased  from  the  121st  to  the  156th  Olympiad — that 
is,  from  300  to  1 50  B.C.  The  chief  localities  of  its  activity,  Perga- 
mon  and  Rhodes,  may  be  considered  only  as  asylums  found  by  the 
higher  sculpture  after  it  had  lost  all  foothold  in  its  native  home. 
But  when  he  says  it  took  a  new  flight  at  the  close  of  that  period, 
we  must  acknowledge  that  the  result  was  not  of  that  kind  which 
could  charm  us  as  it  did  the  Roman  narrator.  As  Brunn  remarks, 
the  date  of  Pliny  agrees  with  that  period  when  Hellenic  art  attained 
a  decided  mastery  in  Rome.  Scarcely  any  evidences  of  the  monu- 
mental art  of  Greece  were  to  be  recognized  in  Rome  before  the  con- 
quest of  Syracuse  in  212  B.C.    After  this  time  the  Roman  triumphs 


THE   DELPHI    SCULPTURES.  jjg 

brought  forth,  one  after  another,  an  almost  oppressive  number  of 
productions,  so  that  the  art  of  the  Greek  colonies,  and  of  Greece 
itself,  overflowed  Rome  in  a  broad  stream.     Not  to  mention  the 


Fig.  241. — Artemis  of  Versailles. 

plundering  of  Capua,  Tarention,  and  numerous  Grecian  cities  in 
Lower  Italy,  we  have  an  example  in  the  triumphs  of  Quintius  Fla- 
minius,  the  conqueror  of  Kynoskephalae,  197  B.C.,  when  the  transpor- 


360  HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 

tation  of  the  statues  lasted  an  entire  day.  The  booty  taken  from 
Western  Greece  by  M.  Fulvius  Nobilior,  in  189  B.C.,  also  contained 
not  less  than  five  hundred  and  fifteen  statues.  These  extensive 
plunderings  were  at  least  equalled  by  the  triumphs  of  L.  Cornelius 
Scipio,  the  victor  over  Antiochos ;  of  ^milius  Paulus,  conqueror  of 
Perseus ;  of  Metellus  Macedonicus,  and  of  the  destroyer  of  Corinth, 
Mummius,  who  has  become  proverbial  for  his  barbarous  robberies. 
It  was  not  strange  that  at  last  a  living  art  followed  the  triumphal 
chariot  of  Roman  victories.  Metellus  employed  many  Grecian 
artists  in  the  erection  and  ornamentation  of  his  new  buildings  in 
Rome. 

The  scene  of  artistic  industry  thus  became  changed,  and  Rome, 
a  foreign  city,  became  the  central  point  —  first  of  possession,  and 
afterwards  of  artistic  activity.  It  might  therefore  be  questioned 
whether  what  follows  were  not  better  suited  to  the  chapter  upon 
Rome ;  but  it  must  be  considered  that  the  Romans  were,  from  our 
present  point  of  view,  only  wealthy  collectors  and  patrons  of  art, 
and  that  the  artists  employed  were  still  Grecian,  and  of  the  Hellenic 
school.  This  was  not  altered  by  their  working  in  Rome,  or  even  by 
their  learning  from  the  numberless  productions  accumulated  there. 

Roman  grandeur  was  long  contented  with  artistic  booty  for  the 
ornamenting  of  its  forums,  temples,  and  public  buildings ;  the  im- 
mense wealth  of  the  empire  and  proconsulate  giving  opportunity 
for  procuring  celebrated  works  by  force,  by  purchase,  or  as  honorary 
gifts.  This  brought  forth  dilettanteism,  which  led  to  the  study  of 
art,  and  to  a  zeal  for  collecting  which  made  every  new  acquisition 
an  additional  incentive  to  covetousness.  Study  choked  that  impulse 
which,  in  a  degenerate  way,  had  endeavored  to  outdo  what  had  been 
done  by  masters  of  the  best  period,  and,  accounting  their  method  to 
be  exclusively  good,  turned  art  back  by  a  sort  of  reaction  upon  those 
earlier  paths.  The  passion  for  collecting  was  not  limited  to  the 
works  ready  at  hand,  but  would  have  restorations  and  imitations  by 
contemporary  artists,  made  in  the  spirit  of  the  originals.  It  could 
not  have  been  otherwise  than  that  art,  after  having  exhausted  the 
originals,  and  attained  its  aims  in  all  directions,  should  react  upon 
itself;  but  doubtless  the  circumstances  of  Rome  had  an  essential  in- 
fluence upon  the  manner  in  which  this  took  place,  and  greatly  fur- 


GREEK  ART  IN   ROME.  361 

thered  this  renaissance — to  use  a  somewhat  unsuitable  term  which, 
in  its  restricted  sense,  has  been  adopted  for  the  far  more  original 
awakening  of  art  at  the  close  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

In  the  desire  to  enliven  the  different  phases  of  artistic  develop- 
ment, it  was  natural  not  to  return  to  first  principles,  but  rather  to 
take  those  creations  which  lay  near  at  hand,  and  try  to  find  in  them 
the  way  to  improvement.     The  period  under  consideration,  up  to 


©^^ 


Fig.  242. — Borghese  Gladiator  of  Agasias.     (In  the  Louvre.) 

the  commencement  of  the  empire,  offers  examples  of  every  stage  of 
development,  the  dates  of  which  can  only  here  and  there  be  given  ; 
but  it  seems  that  the  way  for  an  Hellenic  renaissance  was,  during 
this  period,  partially  opened. 

Agasias  of  Ephesos  appears  as  successor  to  the  master  of  the 
Laocoon  and  of  the  Farnese  Bull.  The  celebrated  Borghese  Gladi- 
ator in  the  Louvre,  which  represents  a  warrior  in  fictitious  battle 
with  a  horseman,  may  be  referred  to  the  school  of  Rhodes.     {Fig- 


362 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE. 


242.)  As  the  statue  did  not  belong  to  a  group,  but  was  independent, 
we  see  in  it  nothing  but  a  show  figure,  in  which  the  artist  only 
sought  for  a  position  where  he  might  outdo  all  that  had  gone  be- 
fore, and  give  opportunity  to  parade  his  technical  mastery  and  his 
anatomical  knowledge.  That  the  work  should  be  placed  in  this 
time,  and  not  in  the  best  period  of  the  Rhodian  school,  is  plain  from 
the  later  character  of  the  writing  in  the  artist's  inscription,  from  the 
inferior  understanding  of  the  mutual  relations  of  the  muscles,  and 

particularly  from  the  insignifi- 
cance of  the  idea,  and  the  entire 
lack  of  the  pathetic,  all  which  ele- 
ments lent  to  the  works  of  Rhodes 
an  especial  value. 

As  examples  from  Rhodes  and 
Pergamon  not  only  lay  near  at 
hand  for  the  artists  of  Asia  Minor, 
but  were  germane  to  their  civiliza- 
tion, so  the  numerous  Attic  mas- 
ters of  this  period  looked  to  the 
time  of  perfection  in  Attica  and 
Sikyon.  The  tenets  of  the  school 
of  Lysippos  still  held  sway  there, 
and  what  splendid  fruit  it  bore, 
even  at  this  time,  notwithstanding 
the  retrogression  from  its  earlier 
overvalued  merit,  is  shown  by  the 
much  admired  torso,  now  in  the 
Vatican  Belvedere,  by  Apollonios, 
son  of  Nestor  of  Athens.  {Fig- 
243.)  This  must  certainly  have 
been  a  sitting  Heracles,  a  motive  repeatedly  treated  by  Lysippos, 
though  no  restoration  of  it  has  yet  been  decidedly  successful.  The 
most  probable  is  the  latest  by  Petersen,  which  represents  him  as  play- 
ing the  kithara.  The  somewhat  later  statue  by  Glycon  of  Athens, 
the  Heracles,  who  stands  leaning  upon  his  club  {Fig.  231),  though 
approaching  somewhat  in  conception  to  a  work  of  Lysippos,  is  far 
inferior.  With  this  may  be  mentioned  a  still  poorer  repetition,  the 
Heracles  of  the  Pitti  Palace  in  Florence,  through  a  false  inscription 
ascribed  to  Lysinpos. 


Fig.  243. — Belvedere  Torso,  by  Apollonios. 
(In  the  Vatican.) 


THE  VENUS   DE'  MEDICI.  363 

Besides  Apollonios,  who  was  distinguished  also  by  his  youthful 
satyr  and  an  Apollo,  which  are  too  little  known  for  a  more  minute 
description,  the  school  of  Scopas  and  Praxiteles  was  followed  by  the 
son  of  Apollodoros  of  Athens,  Cleomenes,  the  sculptor  of  the  Venus 
de'  Medici.  When  compared  with  the  divine  figure  of  the  Venus  of 
Melos,  though  pleasing,  it  appears  degenerate.  The  godlike  beauty 
which  we  impute  to  the  Cnidian  Aphrodite,  and  find  in  the  Venus 
of  Melos,  is  lost  by  the  continual  emphasis  of  sensuous  effects,  not- 
withstanding all  the  mastery  and  delicate  feeling  for  beauty.  With 
the  exception  of  the  Braschi  Venus  at  Munich  and  the  Venus  of 
the  Capitol,  which  are  more  nearly  related  to  that  of  Cnidos,  nearly 
all  the  nude  figures  of  Venus  in  the  various  museums  belong  to  the 
same  circle  and  stage  of  development,  even  when  they  betray  later 
work.  The  masters  by  no  means  appear  to  have  been  mere  copy- 
ists ;  but  the  works  of  Praxiteles  were  altered,  to  suit  the  taste  of  the 
times,  by  artists  in  whom  individuality  was  not  quite  extinct. 

The  school  of  Pheidias,  with  its  high  ideal,  of  which  the  age  in 
question  had  little  understanding,  could  never  have  become  popular 
in  the  same  degree.  Rome  possessed  but  few  works  of  this  master 
which  could  have  served  as  examples,  and  those  not  the  most  im- 
portant. Still,  reminiscences  of  the  best  Attic  style  were  not  wanting, 
especially  in  those  figures  of  the  gods  the  type  of  which  had  been 
established  by  Pheidias,  as  in  the  statues  of  Zeus  and  Athene.  The 
chryselephantine  Zeus,  by  Polycles  and  Dionysios,  in  Metellus's 
Temple  of  Jupiter,  as  also  the  Capitoline  of  the  same  material  by 
Apollonios,  may  justly  be  referred  to  the  Olympian  original ;  the 
former  at  least  with  the  more  certainty,  when  it  is  considered  that 
the  sons  of  Polycles — Timocles  and  Timarchides — copied  the  sculpt- 
ures upon  a  shield  of  the  Parthenos  for  an  Athene,  designed  for 
Elateia  in  Phokis.  It  is  possible — and  this  may,  perhaps,  be  still  fur- 
ther established  by  Brunn,  who  has  pointed  out  this  connection — that 
the  Pallas  in  the  Villa  Ludovisi,  by  Antiochos  of  Athens,  which  has 
been  estimated  below  its  worth,  may  be  a  reproduction  of  the  Par- 
thenos, modified  and  perhaps  formed  from  memory.  The  treatment 
of  the  garments,  and  the  whole  position  of  this  otherwise  ill-executed 
figure,  remind  us  of  the  chryselephantine  works,  and  possess  some- 
thing of  the  dignity  and  nobility  of  the  better  period. 


3^4 


HELLAS.— SCULPTURE, 


At  a  time  when  Cicero  could  say  that  in  his  opinion  "  the  works 
of  Polycleitos  were  perfectly  beautiful"  the  master  from  Argos  must 
have  come  into  fashion.  The  artistic  representative  of  this  stage  of 
appreciative  development  was  Pasiteles,  who  worked  in  the  time  of 
Pompey,  and  whose  important  school  has  left  traces  of  this  influence 
in  examples   that  have   been  preserved.      The  pathetic  tendency 

was  not  entirely  to  be 
avoided,  and,  though  not 
so  evident  in  the  academ- 
ic male  figure  of  the  Villa 
Albani,  which  bears  the 
name  of  Stephanos,  the 
scholar  of  Pasiteles,  is  yet 
undeniable  in  the  groups 
of  Orestes  and  Electra 
in  Naples,  and  of  Orestes 
and  Pylades  in  the  Lou- 
vre. This  trait  is  still 
more  marked  in  a  work 
of  Menelaos,  the  scholar 
of  Stephanos,  the  beauti- 
ful and  celebrated  group 
in  the  Villa  Ludovisi 
{Fig.  244),  designated  by 
Winckelmann  and  Welck- 
er  as  Electra  and  Orestes ; 
by  Jahn,  as  Merope  and 
Cresphontes ;  by  Keku- 
le,  as  Deianeira  and  Hyl- 
Fig.  244.— Group  by  Menelaos,     (In  the  Villa  Ludovisi.)  los  ;   and  by  Schulze  and 

Burckhardt,  as  Penelope 
and  Telemachos.  Though  the  artist  has  here  made  concessions  to 
more  recent  influences,  they  did  not  give  the  work  an  eclectic  char- 
acter, as  asserted  by  KekuM,  but  rather  displayed  a  somewhat 
archaistic  conception,  and  the  short  proportions  of  Polycleitos,  long 
since  abandoned  for  the  canon  of  Lysippos.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
remark  of  Kekule  appears  just,  that  the  characters  do  not  seem  con- 


THE  IMITATIVE  SCHOOL. 


365 


ceived  and  modelled  after  nature,  but  rather  as  seen  through  the 
medium  of  the  tragedy  of  Euripides. 

When  the  reproductions  had  run  through  the  entire  circle  of 
styles  from  the  best  period  of  art,  the  archaic  was  at  last  brought 
forward.  It  is  known  that  Augustus  ornamented  his  buildings,  par- 
ticularly the  gable  of  the  Palatine  Temple  of  Apollo,  with  sculptures 
of  the  masters  from  Chios,  Boupalos  and  Athenis,  and  that  he  also 
carried  away  from  Tegea 
the  Athene  of  the  old  At- 
tic Endoios.  Archaic  irt, 
always  possessing  a  charm 
for  devotional  images 
which  was  doubled  in  a 
time  of  such  satiety,  came 
thus  into  fashion.  A  large 
number  of  archaistic  works 
appeared,  imitated  after 
the  antique,  as  has  already 
been  mentioned.  They 
not  seldom  betray  the  in- 
fluence of  single  figures 
from  larger  compositions 
in  relief,  as  in  the  instance 
of  the  Amphora  of  the 
Athenian  Sosibios  in  the 
Louvre. 

The  more  or  less  free 
reproductiveness  of  this 
period,  which  we  have  to 
thank  for  a  large  propor- 


Fig.  245. — Capitoline  Centaur  of  Aristeas  and  Papias. 
(Capitoline  Museum.) 


tion  of  the  contents  of  our  museums,  naturally  came  to  a  conclusion 
in  that  unbridled  mixture  of  style  which  combined  in  the  same  re- 
lief, not  only  the  various  aims  of  dififerent  schools,  but  their  well- 
known  motives,  as  is  the  case  with  the  relief  of  the  Salpion  upon  the 
font  of  Gaeta.  There  was  very  little  originality,  and  that  was  limited 
to  genre,  particularly  to  the  idyllic,  as  in  the  play  of  Cupids,  the  best 
of  which  might  be  referred  to  old  models.     It  is  not  known  whether 


366  HELLAS.— PAINTING. 

this  was  the  case  with  the  lioness  of  Arkesilaos,  in  the  possession  of 
Varro,  which,  according  to  PHny's  description,  bound  by  Cupids,  was 
drinking  from  a  horn,  with  mittens  upon  the  paws  to  render  them 
harmless.  Models  for  this  may  be  sought  in  the  paintings  of  Alex- 
andria. It  is  certain  that  the  centaurs,  bound  and  worried  by  Cupids, 
the  best  examples  of  which  are  preserved  in  the  Louvre,  the  Vati- 
can, the  Doria  Palace,  and  the  Capitoline  Museum,  with  that  of  Aris- 
teas  and  Papias  from  Aphrodisias,  are  imitations  of  bronze  originals. 
{Fig.  245.) 

Hellenic  architecture  and  sculpture,  from  their  unsurpassed  per- 
fection, require  a  more  comprehensive  treatment  than  that  accorded 
to  those  arts  in  any  other  ancient  nation.  This  is  especially  the  case 
with  sculpture,  because,  in  Greece,  the  demands  of  its  nature  were 
more  completely  fulfilled  by  the  Greeks  than  has  ever  happened,  at 
any  time,  with  any  other  people ;  while  Grecian  architecture,  not- 
withstanding its  wonderful  monumental  perfection,  did  not  deal  with 
all  the  possibilities  of  the  art.  Both,  however,  demand  our  attention 
in  a  greater  degree  than  does  Hellenic  painting.  Architecture  has 
left  great  masses  of  ruins,  and  sculpture  numerous  collections  of 
antique  treasures ;  but  of  Grecian  painting  there  are  no  remains :  its 
history  is  accordingly  a  history  rather  of  artists  than  of  art.  If  this 
necessitates  for  painting  a  more  limited  treatment,  we  must  not 
therefore  conclude  that  its  development  was,  in  reality,  inferior  to 
that  of  its  sister  arts,  since,  in  fact,  it  fully  equalled  that  of  architect- 
ure and  sculpture.  This  has  often  been  unjustly  doubted,  but  it 
would  be  fully  evident  were  nothing  more  known  than  the  almost 
measureless  fame  of  the  first  masters. 

The  course  of  development  of  Grecian  painting  is  by  no  means 
so  obvious  as  that  of  sculpture :  we  have  no  sure  date  of  its  begin- 
ning, but  it  is  at  least  equally  remote.  Conze  shows  painting  to 
have  been  even  the  most  primitive,  it  having  existed  among  the 
aborigines  in  the  decoration  of  pottery  and  terra-cotta.  The  notes  of 
Pliny  upon  the  matter  (xxxv.  15)  appear  to  be  hardly  more  than  a 
supplementary  reconstruction  of  a  conjectured  state  of  development, 
garnished  vaguely  with  the  names  of  ancient  artists.  The  first  stages, 
the  employment  of  a  simple  tone  in  the  filling  of  outline  figures  with 


THE  EARLY   MASTERS.  367 

a  color  of  brick-dust,  called  monochromatic  painting,  had  long  since 
been  mastered  by  the  neighboring  peoples  —  the  Mesopotamians, 
Phoenicians,  and  Egyptians,  who  were  acquainted  also  with  the  use 
of  bright  colors.  This  work  must  early  have  been  known  to  the 
Greeks  through  imported  articles — Homer  mentioning  vessels  and 
fabrics — even  though  they  could  not  apply  it  to  the  productions  of 
their  own  land.  Monochromatic  painting  upon  pottery,  familiar  to 
the  primitive  lonians,  seems  to  have  originated  upon  the  Syro-PhcE- 
nician  coasts.  A  faint  reminiscence  of  the  ancient,  widely  extended 
employment  of  color  may  be  found  in  Pliny,  who  designates  an 
Egyptian,  bearing  the  Greek  name  of  Philocles,  as  the  discoverer  of 
linear  painting.  Works  of  this  kind,  however,  were  purely  decora- 
tive, like  the  older  Greek  vase-paintings  {Figs.  187  and  191),  and  of 
great  similarity;  it  seems  unnecessary  to  offer  conjectures  as  to  the 
source  whence  this  impulse  came.  Of  still  less  significance  are  the 
names  of  artists  which  have  been  fabulously  attached  to  the  various 
inventions,  such  as  Cleanthes,  Aridikes,  and  Ecphantos,  of  Corinth  ; 
Telephanes  and  Craton,  of  Sikyon  ;  and  Saurias,  of  Samos.  Unless, 
from  the  fact  that  several  are  mentioned  as  dwelling  in  Corinth 
and  Sikyon,  it  may  be  concluded  that  decorative  painting  probably 
•  flourished  in  those  cities  before  the  sixtieth  Olympiad  (530  B.C.). 
What  Pliny  says  of  Eumaros  of  Athens  does  not  justify  the  suppo- 
sition of  any  considerable  progress,  although,  in  figures,  he  distin- 
guished between  male  and  female,  expressed  in  some  slight  degree 
age  and  characteristic  peculiarities,  and,  at  least,  made  an  end  to 
that  crudeness  which  found  satisfaction  in  writing  names  over  forms 
otherwise  precisely  alike.  Greater  progress  was  made  by  his  suc- 
cessor, Kimon  of  Cleonae — 500  to  480  B.C. — who  improved  the  for- 
mer sack-like  garments  {Fig.  191)  by  folds,  and  gave  a  more  detailed 
drawing  to  the  nude,  placing  the  eye  in  a  profile  head  also  in  profile, 
instead  of  making  it  look  towards  the  front,  as  in  the  figure  men- 
tioned above.  With  him  began  truthfulness  to  nature,  and  correct- 
ness of  drawing,  at  a  time  when  sculpture  in  -^gina,  Athens.  Sikyon. 
and  Argos  was  preparing  for  that  highest  perfection  attained  after- 
wards by  Pheidias. 

After  the  Persian  war,  through  two  generations,  the  progress  of 
painting  was  proportionate  to  its  former  backwardness,  until  it  at- 


368  HELLAS.— PAINTING. 

tained  a  height  little  short  of  that  reached  by  sculpture.  The  first 
master  worthy  of  mention — and  likewise  one  of  the  greatest  artists  we 
know — demands  particular  attention,  from  having  been  the  founder 
of  painting  as  an  art.  Polygnotos  of  Thasos  (475  to  455  B.C.),  the 
son  of  Aglaophon,  who  also  is  mentioned  as  a  painter,  executed  the 
greater  number  of  his  works  in  Athens,  where  he  was  much  respected 
by  Kimon.  Of  the  pictures  in  the  Stoa  Poikile,  painted  under  his 
direction,  at  least  the  Conquest  of  Troy,  and  the  Council  of  Princes 
sitting  in  judgment  upon  the  sacrilege  committed  by  Ajax  against 
Cassandra,  were  by  his  hand.  The  Battle  of  the  Amazons  was  by 
Micon,  the  Battle  of  Marathon  by  Panainos  and  Micon  ;  the  fourth, 
perhaps  the  latest,  was  the  Battle  between  the  Athenians  and  Lace- 
daemonians near  Oinoe :  the  artist  is  not  known.  Polygnotos  worked, 
together  with  Micon,  upon  other  Athenian  frescos,  scenes  from  the 
lives  of  heroes  in  the  Temple  of  Theseus.  In  the  Temple  of  the 
Dioscuri  he  painted  the  Rape  of  the  Daughters  of  Leukippos,  next 
to  which  was  the  Return  of  the  Argonauts,  by  Micon.  In  the  Pina- 
cotheca  of  the  Propylaea  was  a  series  of  representations,  among  which 
Brunn  has  recognized  as  companion  pieces  Diomedes  Robbing  Phi- 
loctetes  of  his  Bow,  and  Odysseus  Seizing  the  Palladion  ;  the  Murder 
of  yEgisthos  by  Orestes,  and  the  Sacrifice  of  Polyxena ;  Odysseus 
Appearing  before  Nausicaa  and  her  Companions,  and  Achilles  among 
the  Daughters  of  Lycomedes.  Of  the  other  works  by  this  master 
may  be  mentioned  those  at  Thespeia  and  Plataia ;  that  in  the  Temple 
of  Athene  at  the  latter  place  represented  Odysseus  attacking  the 
suitors.  The  best  of  all  the  creations  of  Polygnotos,  the  paintings  in 
the  Lesche  of  the  Cnidians  at  Delphi,  illustrating  the  conquest  of 
Ilion  and  the  nether  world,  are  so  minutely  described  by  Pausanias 
(x.  25-31)  that  they  furnish  the  most  important  material  for  an  un- 
derstanding of  his  art. 

We  should  hardly  be  able  justly  to  estimate  this  master  were  it 
not  for  the  descriptions  of  Pausanias ;  for  the  other  classic  authors, 
with  some  exceptions  in  Aristotle,  deal  only  with  secondary  matters. 
In  regard  to  his  coloring,  Cicero,  in  his  "  Four  Colors,"  says  nothing, 
speaking  only  of  his  drawing,  while  Quintilian  merely  wonders  how, 
in  his  time,  there  could  still  be  admirers  of  such  primitive  painting. 
It  was  merely  a  coloring  without  light  and  shade,  a  simple  treat- 


POLYGNOTOS.  369 

ment  by  local  tones  of  surfaces  within  outlines.  That  these  tones 
were  not  unbroken,  as  upon  the  Nile  and  Tigris,  but  finely  graded 
and  everywhere  characteristic,  we  learn  from  the  special  mention 
of  the  doves,  of  the  shaded  coloring  of  the  fish  in  the  Acheron, 
of  the  blackish -blue  color  of  the  corpse  -  devouring  Eurynomos, 
and  of  the  gray  of  the  shipwrecked  Ajax.  The  red  cheeks  of 
Cassandra,  admired  by  Lucian,  give  evidence  of  several  colors  within 
the  same  outline.  But  though  Cicero  praises  the  drawing,  the 
little  which  is  intelligible  in  Pliny's  account  of  the  master  tends  the 
other  way.  Still,  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  more  is  implied  by 
the  motive  of  the  Olympian  Jupiter,  by  the  encomium  upon  Cas- 
sandra's eyebrows  by  Lucian,  and  by  the  exaggerated  expression  of 
an  epigram — "  in  the  lids  of  Polyxena  lay  the  whole  Trojan  war  " — 
than  the  petty  peculiarities  with  which  Pliny  invests  the  painter 
would  lead  us  to  expect.  iClian  praises  the  strict  carefulness  and 
fineness  of  the  outline  drawing,  the  expression,  and  the  garments. 
But  the  most  remarkable  testimony  concerning  this  master  is  that 
of  Aristotle,  who  describes  his  figures  as  surpassing  nature ;  while 
artists  like  Dionysios  contented  themselves  with  equalling  it,  and 
others,  like  Pauson,  were  content  to  remain  below  it.  Elsewhere  he 
calls  him  the  painter  of  ethics — that  is,  of  character — in  a  grand 
style  which  the  works  of  Zeuxis  failed  to  attain.  Combining  this 
judgment  with  that  of  MX\zx\,  who  ascribes  grandeur  to  Polygnotos, 
we  may  conclude  that  this  artist  drew  in  a  broad  and  ideal  style. 
That  to  this  were  united  an  epic  clearness  and  liveliness  of  treatment, 
not  only  in  the  single  figures  and  groups,  but  in  the  entire  composi- 
tion, is  fully  evident  from  the  description  which  Pausanias  gives  of 
the  paintings  in  the  Lesche.  In  short,  correctness,  richness,  and 
grandeur  of  composition  must  be  accounted  the  chief  merits  of  Po- 
lygnotos— merits  to  which  none  of  his  successors  attained,  though 
they  may  have  far  surpassed  him  in  execution,  as  painters  in  a  more 
restricted  sense.  Less  painter  than  artist,  he  pursued,  in  his  wall 
decorations,  a  thoroughly  monumental  direction,  which  after  his 
time,  through  change  of  aim,  was  neglected. 

The  most  celebrated  companions  of  Polygnotos,  but,  as  .^lian  re- 
marks, not  equalling  him  in  greatness,  were  Micon  of  Athens,  whose 
name  has  already  been  mentioned,  and  Panainos,  a  cousin  of  Phei- 

24 


370  HELLAS.— PAINTING. 

dias,  who,  besides  the  battle  of  Marathon  in  the  Poikile,  executed  the 
paintings  upon  the  throne  of  the  Pheidian  Zeus  in  Olympia.  Dio- 
nysios  of  Colophon  and  Pauson  have  already  been  spoken  of.  The 
first  seems  to  have  carried  out  the  strict  carefulness  of  his  model, 
Polygnotos,  to  a  degree  which  was  naturally  unfavorable  alike  to 
grace  and  to  greatness  of  style.  Pauson,  though  accounted  an 
artist  by  Aristotle,  may  be  compared  to  Buffalmacco,  scorned  and 
derided,  among  the  companions  of  Giotto ;  not  fitted  for  produc- 
tions of  a  grand  style,  he  did  not  attempt  them,  and  his  nude  paint- 
ings, without  ethical  significance,  were  harmful  to  young  observers. 

Among  the  other  distinguished  masters  of  this  time,  Calliphon 
appears  most  nearly  to  have  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  Polygnotos ; 
but  his  brother  Aristophon,  who  brought  painting  upon  panels  into 
general  use,  pursued  technical  methods  opposed  to  this  school.  The 
style  of  Polygnotos  was  also  abandoned  by  the  Samian  Agathar- 
chos,  a  self-instructed  decorator  and  scene-painter  who,  in  an  essay 
upon  scenographic  painting,  established  principles  upon  which,  after 
his  time,  this  art  was  further  developed.  In  scene-painting  the  in- 
dispensable aim  after  illusory  appearances  must  have  led  to  the  ob- 
servation and  imitation  of  the  effect  of  more  or  less  light — that  is  to 
say,  of  paler  or  deeper  shades  in  the  local  color — and  thus  have 
brought  painting  to  a  point  of  development  not  hitherto  attained 
by  any  nation  of  antiquity. 

The  important  advance  indicated  by  Agatharchos  in  scenography 
was  made  in  the  painting  of  figures  by  Apollodoros  of  Athens. 
The  accounts  of  him  are  few,  and  in  part  incomprehensible ;  but  Plu- 
tarch says  plainly  that  he  discovered  the  mixing  of  colors  and  the 
variation  of  shade  upon  them,  and  Pliny  calls  him  the  first  master 
of  illusion.  Strictly  speaking,  he  was  not  the  sole  author  of  the  in- 
novation, since  Agatharchos  went  before  him  ;  and  if  he  received  the 
cognomen  of  skiagraphos — painter  in  light  and  shade — it  must  be 
understood  that  the  word  skiagraphia  was  used  to  signify  scenog- 
raphy. But  he  was,  at  all  events,  the  first  to  apply  these  principles 
to  figure-painting,  developing  a  treatment  quite  different  from  that 
employed  in  the  architectural  painting  so  extensively  in  use  for 
the  stage.  The  important  result  of  this  innovation  may  well  be 
'  imagined,  and  it  is  not  strange  that  the  ground  thus  gained  should 


ZEUXIS. 


37« 


have  been  promplly  occupied  by  other  masters  of  the  art,  who  rap- 
idly brought  painting  to  a  perfection  almost  equal  to  that  of  sculpt- 
ure. 

These  were  Zeuxis  of  Heraclea,  in  Lower  Italy,  and  Parrhasios  of 
Ephesos.  The  teachers  of  the  former  are  not  of  importance  ;  the  im- 
pulse through  which  Zeuxis  became  one  of  the  most  brilliant  gen- 
iuses of  Greece  not  having  been  given  by  these,  but  rather  by  Apol- 
lodoros,  who  is  not  mentioned  among  them.  His  fame  was  at 
its  height  during  the  Peloponnesian  war,  and  in  the  following  ten 
years;  so  that  we  can  easily  understand  why  Zeuxis  did  not  es- 
tablish himself  in  Athens,  where  Polygnotos  and  Apollodoros  had 
raised  painting  to  an  art,  but,  after  many  wanderings,  found  an 
asylum  in  Ephesos.  His  works,  in  contrast  to  the  wall-paintings 
of  Polygnotos,  were  chiefly  upon  panels,  as,  according  to  Pliny,  we 
may  suppose  those  of  Apollodoros  to  have  been.  Among  those  of 
Zeuxis,  the  Olympos  was  exceptional  in  regard  to  subject ;  of  the 
deities,  Zeus  is  particularly  celebrated.  The  only  other  representa- 
tions of  the  deities  we  find  are  the  Rose-crowned  Eros,  and  Apollo 
Chastising  Marsyas.  Neither  Pan,  nor  Heracles  Strangling  the  Ser- 
pents in  his  Infancy,  can  be  reckoned  in  this  category.  The  Trojan 
legends  appear  in  three  of  his  more  celebrated  pictures — Helen  in 
Crotona,  the  Weeping  Menelaos  Bringing  his  Brother  the  Offering 
for  the  Dead,  and  Penelope,  **  in  whom  propriety  itself  is  embodied." 
If  we  may  connect  with  the  Odyssey,  the  Storm  at  Sea,  in  which 
Boreas  and  Triton  are  mentioned,  it  will  form  a  fourth.  In  his  ath- 
letes he  seems  to  have  intended  to  establish  a  canon  for  painting, 
as  Polycleitos  had  done  for  sculpture.  Two  others,  the  Family  of 
Centaurs,  and  the  Boy  bearing  Grapes,  are  genre  pictures. 

It  is  not  by  chance  that  we  have  the  fullest  accounts  of  Zeuxis ; 
his  aim  not  being  so  high  as  that  of  Polygnotos,  he  took  his  motives 
from  other  fields  more  favorable  to  the  new  methods.  Historic 
painting,  the  foundation  of  that  higher  kind  of  monumental  art  which 
gives  grand  representations  of  character,  was  forsaken  ;  as  Aristotle 
expresses  it,  the  works  of  Zeuxis  were  wanting  in  ethic  significance. 
Excessive  striving  after  illusion,  after  the  semblance  of  reality,  brings 
forward  outward  and  momentary  appearances,  supplanting  the  in- 
wardly essential  and  lasting.     Penelope  seems  to  speak,  and  yet  we 


372 


HELLAS.— PAINTING. 


know  not  in  what  situation  she  is  delineated;  the  weeping  of  Mene- 
laos  certainly  does  not  give  his  character ;  and  as  little  does  the 
merry  play  of  the  Centaurs  with  their  young,  so  charmingly  de- 
scribed by  Lucian,  represent  the  mythological  nature  of  these  mon- 
sters. Still  less  can  we  rank  the  Helen  of  Zeuxis,  in  conception, 
upon  a  level  with  the  female  figures  in  the  Conquest  of  Troy  by 
Polygnotos,  since  we  know  that  Zeuxis  chose  as  models  the  love- 
liest virgins  of  Crotona ;  that  is  to  say,  sought  after  perfect  outward 
female  beauty  in  truthfulness  to  nature,  but  not  after  that  breadth 
and  grandeur  expressed  in  the  brow  of  Cassandra,  or  which  spoke 
in  the  glance  of  Polyxena. 

If,  at  times,  Zeuxis  took  a  higher  flight,  he  still  differed  from  the 
epic  character  of  Polygnotos  in  his  tendency  to  dramatic  effect, 
which,  according  to  its  nature,  is  transient.  This  is  shown,  for  ex- 
ample, by  the  celebrated  play  of  countenance  in  the  Family  of  Cen- 
taurs, the  weeping  of  Menelaos,  the  horror  of  Alcmene  and  Amphit- 
ryon at  sight  of  the  serpents  encircling  the  young  Heracles,  and  by 
the  actors  as  well  as  spectators  in  the  chastisement  of  Marsyas: 
these  are  all  scenes  which,  with  slight  modification,  might  be  shown 
in  dramatic  action  upon  the  stage.  With  Zeuxis,  contrary  to  Polyg- 
notos, the  subject  was  of  less  importance  than  the  manner  of  pre- 
senting it,  the  what  less  than  the  how ;  in  short,  the  composition, 
in  which  the  picturesque  sufficed,  was  subordinate  to  the  painting. 
The  master  himself  was  displeased  when  the  novelty  of  the  subject, 
in  his  family  of  Centaurs,  caused  the  technical  finish  to  be  overlook- 
ed. The  expression  of  Pliny  was  therefore  a  just  one,  that  Zeuxis 
had  given  great  glory  to  the  brush.  The  judgment  of  Quintilian 
that  Zeuxis  originated  the  correct  application  of  light  and  shade  is 
not  to  be  disputed,  in  so  far  as  this  refers  to  the  consequent  achieve- 
ment of  expression.  The  degree  of  perfection  he  attained  in  illu- 
sive effects,  by  chiaroscuro,  reflections,  and  the  like,  is  illustrated  by 
the  anecdote  of  the  boy  with  grapes,  so  deceptive  that  the  birds 
flew  towards  them  ;  at  the  same  time,  the  limitation  is  shown,  as  the 
artist  himself  acknowledged,  in  that  the  illusion  had  not  succeeded 
in  making  the  boy  capable  of  frightening  the  birds.  It  was  be- 
cause of  the  painter's  power  in  this  realism  that  his  contemporaries 
regarded  him  with  almost  boundless  admiration.     His  fame  was  ex- 


PARRHASIOS.  373 

cecded  only  by  his  vanity.  In  later  years  he  presented  his  pictures 
as  gifts,  because  it  was  impossible  to  recompense  them  with  money ; 
he  appeared  at  Olympia  clothed  with  a  garment  upon  which  his 
name  was  embroidered  in  golden  letters.  The  history  of  Greek 
sculpture  has  no  parallel  to  such  conceits. 

Zeuxis  himself,  notwithstanding  his  pride,  was  forced  to  acknowl- 
edge that  he  was  excelled  by  his  contemporary  Parrhasios  of  Ephe- 
sos,  who,  in  regard  to  style,  was  akin  to  him  in  many  respects.  In 
subject  the  works  of  Parrhasios  may  be  divided  like  those  of  Zeuxis. 
The  deities  were  seldom  chosen ;  his  Dionysios  with  Arete  was  not 
one  of  his  most  celebrated  productions,  and  his  Hermes  was  really  a 
portrait  of  the  artist  himself.  Among  the  heroes  represented  were 
Prometheus,  Heracles,  Meleager,  Perseus,  and  Theseus.  The  greater 
part  of  his  productioq^  refer  to  the  Trojan  epics,  as  the  Assumed 
Madness  of  Odysseus,  the  Healing  of  Telephos,  the  Strife  of  Ajax 
with  Odysseus  for  the  Armor  of  Achilles,  Philoctetes  upon  Lemnos, 
and  iEneas.  The  others  are  the  Demos  of  Athens,  and  portraits  like 
the  comedian  Philiscos,  the  Archigallos,  a  ship-captain,  a  Thracian 
nurse  with  a  child  ;  and,  finally,  pictures  like  the  priest  with  a  temple- 
boy,  two  boys,  two  heavily  "armed  warriors,  and  lewd  genre  paint- 
ings, closing  with  the  celebrated  "  curtain  "  of  the  master.  In  many 
respects  these  betray  a  relationship  to  Zeuxis,  and  yet  much  that  is 
independent.  There  are  numerous  characteristic  heads  illustrative 
of  temperament,  and  other  psychological  subjects,  among  the  fore- 
most of  which  should  be  named  the  Demos,  who,  according  to  Pliny, 
was  shown  as  changeable,  angry,  unjust,  inconstant ;  also  as  exorable, 
kind,  compassionate,  boastful,  sublime,  low,  undisciplined,  and  fickle. 
This  would  be  so  impossible  in  a  single  head,  without  making  it  a 
chaotic,  incomprehensible  caricature,  that  the  author  has  no  hesita- 
tion in  describing  the  painting  as  a  group,  in  each  figure  of  which 
one  of  the  characteristics  named  was  expressed.  That  representing 
the  assumed  madness  of  Odysseus  must  have  had  great  psychologi- 
cal meaning,  as  also  the  Prometheus,  Philoctetes  upon  Lemnos,  and 
the  Telephos.  Parrhasios  had  by  these  works  placed  himself  above 
Zeuxis  through  more  correct  and  careful  drawing,  and  a  marked 
technical  progress  in  the  art.  Pliny  says  that,  according  to  the  judg- 
ment of  artists,  Parrhasios  had  reached  the  highest  perfection  in  the 


374 


HELLAS.— PAINTING. 


representation  of  figures ;  that  previously  painters  had  succeeded 
in  giving  only  to  the  outlines  of  the  figure  a  truthful  appearance 
and  action,  but  that  the  edges  of  color  should  be  so  rounded  that 
one  might  be  led  to  imagine  the  continuation  of  the  body  upon  the 
other  side,  suggesting  what  could  not  be  seen.  This  may  be  con- 
ceived to  mean  that,  by  attention  to  chiaroscuro  and  reflections,  the 
illusive  effect  was  increased  from  that  of  a  relief  to  that  of  a  figure 
in  the  round,  whereby  figures  first  appeared  to  free  themselves  from 
the  background ;  that,  for  instance,  he  made  clear  to  the  observer 
the  distinction  between  a  globe,  only  one  side  of  which  is  seen,  and 
a  hemisphere  affixed  to  a  plane.  The  illusion  consequently  became 
more  perfect,  the  capacity  for  motion  being  thus  brought  into  the 
•'  outstepping "  figures.  The  grapes  of  Zeuxis  did  not  need  this 
power  of  action  to  tempt  the  birds  as  did  the  boy  in  order  to 
frighten  them.  The  curtain  of  Parrhasios  possessed  this  capacity 
for  movement,  with  thq  freeing  of  the  objects  from  the  background, 
and  could  therefore  deceive  even  Zeuxis  himself,  who  thought  it 
possible  really  to  withdraw  it  from  the  panel. 

If  his  proud  rival  Zeuxis  bowed  before  this  skill,  it  cannot  be 
thought  strange  that  such  a  result  should  have  moved  Parrhasios  to 
outdo  his  competitor  in  arrogance  also.  Among  other  follies,  he  pro- 
claimed himself  a  descendant  of  Apollo ;  as  King  of  Art  he  was 
crowned  with  a  diadem  and  golden  wreath,  and  donned  the  purple 
mantle  of  royalty.  By  adopting  the  cognomen  of  Habrodiaitos,  or 
high-liver,  he  brought  upon  himself  the  nickname  of  Rhabdodiai- 
tos,  or  brush-man.  Parrhasios  also  was  surpassed  by  a  younger  con- 
temporary, though,  as  it  appears,  only  in  a  single  instance.  Timan- 
thes  of  Kythnos  won  the  victory  in  a  competition — the  Strife  of 
Ajax  and  Odysseus  for  the  Armor  of  Achilles.  Pliny  gives  prefer- 
ence to  the  latter,  because  his  compositions  were  so  arranged  that 
more  might  be  perceived  in  them  than  at  first  sight  appeared.  There 
was  withal  a  deeper  motive  than  Zeuxis  and  Parrhasios  had  shown  ; 
this  was  evident  in  the  sacrifice  of  Iphigeneia,  in  which  every  de- 
gree of  suffering  was  presented :  Calchas  being  sad,  Odysseus  pain- 
fully moved,  Ajax  crying  aloud,  Menelaos  in  an  ecstasy  of  grief ;  but, 
as  the  expression  of  anguish  could  not  be  carried  beyond  that  of 
the  latter,  the  father,  Agamemnon,  was  shown  hiding  his  face.     The 


PAMPHILOS.  375 

murder  of  Palamedes,  perhaps,  gave  scope  for  the  same  depth  of 
motive.  A  small  genre  picture  was  conceived  in  a  more  jesting  tone, 
representing  a  sleeping  Cyclops,  and  a  satyr  measuring  the  length 
of  the  giant's  thumb  with  a  thyrsos,  thus  adding  a  living  scale  of 
comparative  dimensions.  The  hero  of  Timanthes  and  the  athlete  of 
Zeuxis  were  equally  celebrated  among  Grecian  paintings  as  ideals 
of  manly  form. 

It  would  seem  that  Timanthes  passed  the  latter  part  of  his  life 
in  Sikyon.  The  art  of  painting  found  a  home  in  Ephesos  during 
the  Peloponnesian  war,  but  did  not  connect  itself  with  any  school, 
and  returned  to  Greece  after  the  close  of  that  disastrous  conflict. 
Athens  could  not  at  once  recover  the  commanding  position  it  had 
held  under  Polygnotos  and  Apollodoros;  but  artistic  activity,  with 
its  increasing  requirements,  was  concentrated  in  Sikyon  and  Thebes, 
where  flourishing  academies  were  established  with  different  aims. 

Eupompos  appeared  about  this  time  in  the  former  city,  as  the 
founder  of  an  important  school,  but,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
superficial  notices,  we  know  nothing  of  him.  His  pupil,  Pamphilos 
of  Amphipolis  or  Nicopolis,  flourishing  from  390  to  360  B.C.,  was 
at  the  head  of  this  school.  His  works  are  little  known,  having  been 
described  only  by  Pliny,  so  scantily  and  unintelligibly  that  one  may 
be  taken  for  a  family  picture,  another  as  the  appearance  of  Leuco- 
thea  to  Odysseus  after  the  shipwreck  near  the  island  of  the  Phaea- 
cians,  and  a  third  possibly  as  the  victory  of  the  Athenians  at  Phlious. 
Pliny  is  more  to  the  point  when  he  relates  that  Pamphilos  consid- 
ered education  in  science,  particularly  in  mathematics  and  geometry, 
indispensable  to  artistic  work.  As  he  thought  drawing  an  essential 
part  of  cultivation,  he  exerted  himself,  with  good  result,  to  have  it 
taught  in  the  higher  schools.  He  believed  that  from  this  alone 
could  proceed  a  rational  conception  of  art  grounded  upon  science,  in 
which  the  mutual  relations  of  teacher  and  scholar  should  be  consid- 
ered; and  that  Sikyon  was  the  place  best  adapted  to  this  purpose. 
At  a  somewhat  earlier  period  Polycleitos  had  established  a  canon 
for  sculpture  by  his  system  of  proportions.  Pamphilos,  following 
in  the  footsteps  of  Eupompos,  now  took  the  same  position  in  respect 
to  Greek  painting,  with,  perhaps,  even  greater  success.  He  was  pre- 
eminently a  teacher,  and,  as  such,  appears  to  have  striven  after  cor- 


376  HELLAS.— PAINTING. 

rectness  in  composition,  drawing,  and  painting,  to  the  disadvantage, 
it  may  be,  of  freedom  in  artistic  development.  But  this  aim,  which 
won  for  the  school  of  Sikyon  the  name  of  Chrestographia  (correct 
drawing),  operating  upon  the  pupil  from  the  beginning  to  the  close 
of  his  scholarship,  must  have  been  serviceable  both  in  laying  a 
foundation  and  in  purifying  and  restraining.  It  certainly  was  for 
the  advantage  of  Apelles  to  have  finished  his  studies  in  this  school, 
which  must  indeed  have  had  a  salutary  influence  upon  the  general 
development  of  Grecian  painting.  The  element  of  degeneracy  in 
the  tone  of  Zeuxis  and  Parrhasios  was  long  held  in  restraint  among 
their  followers  by  the  academic  authority  of  Sikyon.  Pamphilos 
turned  his  attention  chiefly  towards  correctness  of  execution  in  de- 
tails, and,  following  Polycleitos,  towards  the  human  figure.  His  pu- 
pil Melanthios  was  a  master  of  composition ;  this,  however,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  whole  character  of  the  school,  seems  to  have  con- 
sisted less  in  the  choice  of  scenic  situation  and  action  than  in  a 
formal  distribution  and  balance  of  the  grouping. 

Pausias,  a  fellow-pupil  of  Melanthios,  distinguished  himself  from 
this  somewhat  doctrinal  art  by  greater  freedom  of  creation.  The  sub- 
jects of  his  works  show  this  by  their  individuality,  as,  for  instance,  the 
Boy,  painted  in  a  day,  the  Girl  Binding  a  Wreath,  Methe  Drinking 
from  a  Glass,  and  a  flower  piece,  which,  from  the  descriptions,  appears 
to  have  resembled  our  still-life  pictures.  His  Sacrifice  of  a  Bull  dis- 
played a  new  mastery ;  the  animal,  foreshortened  from  the  front,  as 
Pliny  remarks,  showed  his  entire  length.  Pausias  was  the  first  to 
win  fame  in  encaustic  painting,  although  its  technical  processes  had 
for  some  time  been  known.  Of  this  it  is  only  certain  that  the  colors, 
mixed  with  wax,  were  melted  by  a  rod  of  metal,  and  thus  affixed  to 
the  ground.  This  process,  because  of  the  more  brilliant,  transparent, 
and  deeper  hue  given  by  the  wax,  was  as  far  superior  to  the  former 
distemper  as  our  own  more  convenient  oil-painting  is  to  every  other 
method.  That  such  peculiarities  of  subject  and  treatment  did  not 
lead  the  master  to  renounce  the  artistic  earnestness  of  the  school  of 
Sikyon  is  shown  in  the  direction  imparted  to  his  pupils.  The  works 
of  the  most  celebrated  among  these,  Nicophanes,  were  extremely 
labored  ;  but,  from  the  predominant  brown,  hard  in  color.  Aristolaos, 
the  son  of  Pausias,  was  rigid  and  academical. 


ARISTIDES.  377 

During  this  period  a  second  school  of  painting,  not  less  promi- 
nent, flourished  in  Thebes,  and,  after  the  hastily  acquired  importance 
of  this  city  had  as  rapidly  declined,  was  transferred  to  Athens.  At 
its  head  was  Nicomachos — 360  B.C. — son  and  pupil  of  the  other- 
wise unknown  artist,  Aristiaeos.  Eight  of  his  pictures  are  men- 
tioned ;  but,  though  he  was  accounted  one  of  the  greatest  masters, 
we  have  little  information  in  regard  to  the  painter  himself.  As  con- 
trasted with  the  quiet,  stately  works  of  the  Sikyonians,  we  may  con- 
clude, from  the  subjects,  that  there  was  greater  excitement  and  ac- 
tion in  those  of  Nicomachos,  among  which  are  mentioned  the  Rape 
of  Proserpine,  Victory  Ascending  with  a  Quadriga,  and  Bacchantins 
Surprised  by  Satyrs.  His  unsurpassed  rapidity  in  painting  was 
praiseworthy  only  because  united  to  great  talents,  with  an  unusual 
and  masterly  sureness  of  hand.  The  character  of  his  pupil  Aristides 
is  more  intelligible,  and  more  important.  If  ever  there  was  a  painter 
whose  subjects  alone  sufficed  to  give  an  idea  of  his  chief  aim,  it  was 
Aristides.  One  of  his  most  celebrated  works  was  the  Conquest  of 
a  City :  a  wounded  mother,  lying  upon  the  ground,  sees  her  infant 
creeping  towards  her  breast,  and  visibly  betrays  the  fear  that,  when 
the  milk  fails,  the  child  will  take  the  blood.  Another,  a  woman  who, 
"  for  love  of  her  brother,  gives  herself  up  to  death."  A  third,  accord- 
ing to  Pliny  most  highly  prized,  represented  a  sick  man.  In  these, 
and  in  one  more,  perhaps  also  to  be  ascribed  to  Aristides,  the  Her- 
acles Suffering  from  the  Poisoned  Garment  of  Deianeira,  a  funda- 
mental tone  of  great  pathos  is  unmistakable.  In  the  praying  man, 
whose  voice  one  almost  seemed  to  hear,  and  in  the  old  man  teach- 
ing a  boy  to  play  upon  the  harp,  the  predominant  expression  of  feel- 
ing was  unmistakable.  The  latter  reminds  us  of  that  beautiful  Pom- 
peian  wall-painting  of  the  Centaur  Cheiron  instructing  the  boy 
Achilles.  Pliny  distinctly  says  that  Aristides  aimed  at  the  pathetic, 
by  which  is  meant  the  expression  of  tender  as  well  as  painful  and 
passionate  emotions.  In  this  master,  therefore,  may  be  recognized 
one  whose  aims  were  similar  to  those  of  Scopas  and  Praxiteles. 

Euphranor,  a  pupil  of  Aristides — 360  to  330  B.C. — was  a  remark- 
able phenomenon  in  the  domain  of  art.  Few,  either  in  sculpture  or 
in  painting,  have  been  so  many-sided,  and  yet,  though  standing  in 
the  first  rank,  the  insufficient  accounts  of  his  pictures  that  have  come 


378  HELLAS.— PAINTING. 

down  to  us  prevent  our  forming  any  positive  judgment  about  them. 
A  certain  indication,  however,  lies  in  the  remark  of  the  artist  him- 
self, that  the  Theseus  of  Parrhasios  looked  as  if  fed  upon  roses ;  his 
own,  on  the  contrary,  as  though  nourished  by  the  flesh  of  oxen. 
This  comparison  must  have  included  two  points,  color  and  drawing ; 
the  likeness  to  roses  would  have  been  inapt  if  Parrhasios  had  not 
failed  in  depth  of  flesh-tint ;  on  the  other  hand,  besides  the  healthy 
color,  the  strong  nourishment  suggested  by  the  Theseus  of  Euphra- 
nor  proved  an  energetic  development  of  muscles.  It  was  probably 
a  somewhat  massive  figure,  characteristic  of  Euphranor,  and,  with 
certain  limitations,  reminding  us  of  the  Heracles  of  Lysippos.  It 
may  be  understood,  from  the  noble  expression  of  the  Theseus,  how 
Euphranor  brought  his  heroes  to  a  typical  perfection.  In  a  similar 
sense  he  had  raised  his  Poseidon  to  such  power  that  there  remained 
no  further  means  at  his  command  for  surpassing  it  in  his  conception 
of  Zeus,  The  remark  of  Euphranor  expressed  not  only  the  differ- 
ence, and  his  own  superiority  to  Parrhasios,  but  suggested  a  certain 
relationship  in  subject  and  aim,  both  masters  having  painted  the 
Theseus,  and  the  Assumed  Madness  of  Odysseus. 

The  Isthmian  Euphranor  had  changed  the  scene  of  his  labors, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  the  centre  of  the  entire  school,  to  Athens, 
which  continued  to  be  the  artistic  metropolis  for  his  scholars  and 
successors.  Among  the  latter,  Nikias  is  especially  celebrated — 340 
to  300  B.C.  He  devoted  his  attention  chiefly  to  feminine  beauty, 
somewhat  influenced,  perhaps,  by  his  older  contemporary  Praxiteles, 
in  connection  with  whom  he  is  mentioned.  His  taste  was  for  ex- 
tensive compositions,  surprising  for  their  novelty  of  conception,  and, 
like  Parrhasios,  he  endeavored  to  give  roundness  to  his  figures.  The 
lack  in  the  Theban-Attic  school  of  that  individuality  which  existed 
in  the  Sikyonian  was  completely  overcome  by  Euphranor,  and  gave 
place  to  a  more  universal  aim.  He  and  Nikias  were  artists  whose 
tone  came  less  from  their  school  than  from  their  own  personal  con- 
victions. They  early  learned  to  understand  technical  and  artistic 
acquisitions  of  all  kinds,  and  to  carry  them  forward  independently. 
We  may  conceive  them  as  holding  the  same  loose  relations  towards 
their  teachers  which  existed  betweefi  the  Sikyonian  master  Pam- 
philos  and  their  contemporary  Apellcs. 


APELLES.  ^yg 

Apelles  was  destined  to  bear  away  the  palm  from  all  his  prede- 
cessors and  successors.  Although  three  cities — Colophon,  Ephesos, 
and  Cos — claimed  the  honor  of  calling  him  their  own,  it  is  reasonably 
certain  that  the  first  was  the  place  of  his  birth,  the  second  that 
where  his  labors  commenced,  and  the  third  may  not  improbably 
have  been  that  of  his  death.  The  Ephesian  Euphoros  is  named  as 
his  first  teacher,  but  his  fame  dates  from  the  time  when  he  left  the 
academy  of  Pamphilos  for  that  of  Sikyon.  Perhaps  the  fact  that 
Pamphilos  was  a  Macedonian  by  birth  may  have  paved  the  way 
for  Apelles  to  the  royal  court  at  Pella,  whence  he  appears  to  have 
returned  to  Ephesos  among  the  followers  of  Alexander  the  Great. 
He  seems  never  to  have  founded  a  permanent  school ;  at  least,  we 
gather  from  classical  notices  that  he  worked  transiently  at  Athens, 
Corinth,  Rhodes,  and  even  in  Alexandria.  We  learn  also  that  he 
outlived,  by  a  considerable  time,  his  great  patron  Alexander,  His 
works  are  to  be  divided  into  three  groups — paintings  of  gods  and 
heroes,  allegories,  and  portraits;  these  were  also  sometimes  com- 
bined. At  the  head  of  the  first  group  stands  the  Aphrodite  Anady- 
omene,  one  of  the  most  celebrated  pictures  of  antiquity.  It  was 
transferred  to  Augustus  for  the  remission  of  one  hundred  talents  of 
taxes ;  by  him  carried  to  Rome  and  placed  in  Caesar's  Temple  of 
Venus,  where  it  became  so  much  injured — thus  obtaining  the  sobri- 
quet Monocmenon,  one-legged — that  Nero  had  it  taken  away  and 
replaced  by  a  copy.  She  was  represented  as  the  "  sea-born,"  nude, 
and  pressing  with  her  hands  her  dripping  hair.  Far  from  being  an 
ideal  figure,  it  was  rather  patterned  after  the  celebrated  courtesans 
of  the  time,  two  of  whom  are  named — Pancaste,  or  Pancaspe,  the 
paramour  of  Alexander,  who  afterwards  presented  her  to  the  artist 
himself;  and  Cratine,  or  Phryne,  mistress  of  Apelles,  who  may  have 
been  the  more  direct  model  for  the  Venus,  as,  at  the  festival  of  Posei- 
don at  Eleusis,  she  bathed,  naked,  in  the  sea  before  the  eyes  of  the 
assemblage.  A  second  Aphrodite,  in  which  Apelles  hoped  to  sur- 
pass the  first,  remained  unfinished  at  his  death.  Of  these  represen- 
tations the  first  was  certainly  without  any  devotional  or  even  ethic 
character;  but  the  Artemis,  in  the  Sacrifice  of  the  Virgins,  was  some- 
thing more  than  a  genre  piece  with  a  mythological  motive ;  and  his 
heroes,  who,  according  to  Pliny,  challenged  nature  itself,  were  more 
than  mere  stately  oortraits. 


38o  HELLAS— PAINTING. 

The  Heracles  may  be  regarded  as  a  study.  Charis  and  Tyche 
were  allegories,  the  latter  having  been  represented  sitting  "  because 
happiness  does  not  stand  fast."  The  most  celebrated  of  them  all, 
Calumny,  is  minutely  described  by  Lucian.  It  portrayed  a  man, 
whose  inclination  to  credit  evil  reports  was  characterized  by  large 
ears,  sitting  between  two  women.  Ignorance  and  Mistrust,  and  re- 
ceiving Calumny,  a  magnificent  woman  excited  with  passion,  pre- 
ceded by  Envy ;  she  drags  in  a  youth  by  the  hair,  who  vainly,  with 
hands  uplifted,  calls  the  gods  to  witness.  Behind  the  train  advances 
Repentance,  a  mourning  female  figure  in  black,  looking  back  with 
pain  and  shame  upon  the  tardy  appearance  of  Truth.  Similar  in 
character  is  the  picture  of  the  chained  war  demon,  belonging  partly 
to  the  group  of  portraits.  A  third  allegory,  of  little  intrinsic  worth, 
is  set  forth  with  great  artistic  ability — Bronte,  Astrape,  and  Kerauno- 
bolia — thunder,  with  the  flash  and  stroke  of  lightning. 

Among  the  portraits,  allegorical  in  nature,  was  the  famous  pict- 
ure in  which  Alexander,  with  lightning  in  his  right  hand,  was  rep- 
resented as  Jupiter.  The  monarch  himself  was  so  well  pleased 
with  this  that  he  said  there  were  two  Alexanders — one  the  uncon- 
quered  son  of  Philip,  the  other  the  inimitable  creation  of  Apelles. 
But  little  is  known  of  the  king's  portraits,  whether  equestrian,  in 
triumphal  chariots,  or  surrounded  by  deities  and  allegorical  figures ; 
nor  of  those  of  Philip  and  his  generals,  of  the  tragic  actor  Gor- 
gosthenes  of  Habron,  nor  of  that  of  the  artist  himself. 

If  Apelles  be  scrutinized  more  closely  in  order  to  make  clear  the 
chief  characteristics  by  which  he  won  such  brilliant  renown,  it  will 
be  found  that  it  was  not  in  composition.  In  this,  as  in  treatment  of 
perspective,  he  gave  precedence  to  his  fellow-pupils  Melanthios  and 
Asclepiodoros.  That  he  was  aware  of  this  weakness,  and  avoided 
occasion  for  manifesting  it,  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  most  of  his 
paintings  contained  few  figures.  When  more  appeared,  instead  of 
being  picturesquely  grouped  and  treated,  they  were  ranged  in  rows, 
almost  like  reliefs,  better  suited  to  the  allegorical  subjects  so  preva- 
lent with  Apelles,  and  so  common  in  his  time,  than  to  mythological 
and  historical  representations.  Though  allegory  may,  in  great  meas- 
ure, be  unfavorable  to  true  art,  because,  as  Winckelmann  says,  it 
forces  the  painter  "  to  tint  his  brush  with  reason,"  still  that  of  Apel- 


Al'ELLES.  381 

les  has  lately  been  too  much  depreciated.  The  Calumny  has  been 
pronounced  an  error  of  fancy,  rough  symbolism,  and  an  inharmo- 
nious assemblage  of  persons  and  personifications.  But  these  were 
the  legitimate  materials  of  the  artist,  and  he  succeeded,  at  least,  in 
the  representation  of  character  and  in  truthfulness  of  drawing.  The 
lightning  group  was  something  more  than  a  piece  of  technical  bra- 
vura. Who  would  prize  the  picture  less  because  thunder  and  light- 
ning were  represented  instead  of  Zeus,  a  deity  who  would  have  been 
attempted  by  no  painter  of  antiquity,  or,  indeed,  of  later  times? 
Though  his  motive  may  have  been  purely  intellectual,  the  painter  re- 
mained the  same,  whether  he  portrayed  a  Cassandra  or  a  Diabole — 
whether  he  more  or  less  displayed  his  astounding  mastery.  Apelles 
will  be  more  rightly  judged  if  he  be  treated  as  a  painter  rather  than 
an  artist ;  as  such  we  recognize  in  him  a  technical  and  many-sided 
perfection.  Different  accounts  speak  of  him  as  rapid  and  sure  in 
drawing,  his  lines  being  not  only  correct,  but  in  the  highest  degree 
characteristic.  The  maxim  of  Apelles  "  No  day  without  a  line  " — 
that  is,  without  exercise  in  drawing — has  become  a  proverb,  if  not 
quite  in  its  original  sense.  Through  this  incessant  practice  his  hand 
acquired  such  sureness  that  it  followed  the  will  implicitly,  and  made 
possible  even  the  hair-splitting  execution  related  in  an  anecdote 
which  has  been  unjustly  discredited  by  critics.  Apelles  entered  one 
day  the  workshop  of  Protogenes,  in  the  absence  of  the  latter,  and 
made  known  his  visit  by  drawing  a  line  upon  a  tablet  at  hand  with 
such  swing  and  surety,  such  purity  and  smoothness,  that  the  Rho- 
dian  master,  upon  his  return,  recognized  the  hand  of  Apelles.  In 
order  to  show  himself  equal,  Protogenes  split  the  line  by  a  second 
one  in  a  different  color,  but  acknowledged  himself  defeated  when 
Apelles  divided  this  through  its  entire  length  by  a  third.  An  evi- 
dence of  the  sharpness  and  certainty  of  his  characterization  with 
simple  lines  is  given  in  the  story  of  a  servant  who  had  injured  him, 
and  whom  Apelles,  though  he  had  seen  him  only  once,  so  sketched 
with  charcoal  upon  the  wall  that  the  likeness  was  recognized  by 
King  Ptolemy  after  the  first  strokes.  It  will  readily  be  understood 
that  such  capacity  must  have  fitted  the  artist  especially  for  portrait- 
ure; and  his  portraits  attained  such  striking  likeness  and  truthfulness 
that  a  physiognomist  assumed  to  be  able,  by  them,  to  discern  not 


282  HELLAS.— PAIN  TING. 

only  the  exact  age  of  the  subject,  but  even  the  time  of  his  future 
death.  No  further  testimony  is  needed  than  the  Anadyomene  to 
prove  that  his  works  were  perfect  in  correctness  and  expression  as 
well  as  in  beauty. 

The  employment  of  color  had  fully  kept  pace  with  this  match- 
less drawing,  though  Apelles  seems  to  have  been  limited  to  painting 
in  distemper,  without  the  use  of  encaustic.  The  softened  glazings 
are  particularly  mentioned,  which  made  the  unbroken  light  all  the 
more  brilliant.  In  the  portrait  of  Alexander,  the  hand,  outstretched 
with  the  lightning,  appeared  to  stand  quite  out  from  the  panel,  a  re- 
sult perhaps  equally  owing  to  masterly  foreshortening  in  the  draw- 
ing. The  beauty  of  his  color  was  noted,  and  especially  its  vigor; 
the  fame  of  the  Aphrodite  cannot  be  understood  without  the  former, 
nor  that  of  the  Alexander  and  the  Lightning  without  the  latter. 
This  many-sided,  technical  perfectness,  unattained  before  Apelles, 
and  in  which  Pliny  says  that  he  excelled  all  other  painters  together, 
may  have  had  its  germ  in  the  school  of  Pamphilos,  as  the  Sikyonians 
devoted  especial  attention  to  artistic  execution.  To  these  eminent 
qualities,  however,  were  added  the  intrinsic  merits  of  the  master  him- 
self, upon  which  he  laid  the  greatest  stress,  and  which  he  ascribed  to 
that  charm  understood  by  the  Greeks  in  the  word  charts.  That 
this  was  chiefly  to  be  found  in  the  just  measure  of  completeness  was 
explained  by  Apelles  when  he  declared  himself  to  have  been  sur- 
passed by  Protogenes  in  all  but  the  knowledge  of  the  right  moment 
to  lay  aside  the  brush,  without  which  this  charm,  through  overmuch 
care,  is  lost. 

By  this  technical  mastery,  clearness  of  characterization  and  grace, 
Apelles  so  delighted  all  who  saw  his  works  that,  according  to  the 
numerous  anecdotes  that  illustrate  his  position,  he  was  the  most 
popular  artist  of  all  antiquity.  In  face  of  such  authority,  it  would 
be  unjust  to  see  in  him,  as  some  have  done,  the  beginnings  of  the 
decline  of  art.  Though  his  artistic  efforts  may  not  have  equalled 
those  of  Polygnotos,  because  he  could  more  easily  satisfy  the  ethical 
demands  of  his  time,  still  it  must  be  acknowledged  that,  as  a  paint- 
er, he  surpassed  him  as  far  as,  in  sculpture,  Praxiteles  surpassed  Cal- 
amis  and  the  other  predecessors  of  Pheidias.  But  in  Pheidias  a  high 
ideal  was  united  to  an  absolute  perfection  of  execution  which,  in 


PROTOGENES.  383 

painting,  Polygnotos  was  far  from  having  attained.  "  In  the  history 
of  painting,"  says  Brunn,  **  each  of  these  two  fields  has  its  separate 
point  of  greatest  elevation  ;  the  fame,  therefore,  which,  in  sculpture, 
undoubtedly  raised  Pheidias  above  all  others,  appeared,  in  painting, 
divided  between  Polygnotos  and  Apclles." 

Protogenes  of  Caunos,  or  rather,  with  reference  to  his  work,  of 
Rhodes,  was  a  rival  of  Apelles.  He  seems  to  have  been  self-taught, 
or,  at  least,  to  have  been  the  pupil  of  an  entirely  obscure  master. 
The  admiration  of  Apelles  for  Protogenes  was  so  great  that  he  ex- 
pressed a  desire  to  buy  up  his  works  and  publish  them  as  his  own ; 
but  numerous  anecdotes  show  that  Apelles  was  in  the  way  of  bestow- 
ing his  flattery  upon  every  great  and  celebrated  man.  Protogenes 
is  said  to  have  painted  over  his  lalysos  four  times,  the  better  to  se- 
cure it  from  destruction,  so  that,  on  the  peeling  of  the  outer  layer 
of  pigment,  the  surface  below  might  present  the  same  color.  But 
this  can  only  be  a  foolish  legend,  invented  to  illustrate  his  extreme 
care.  Similar  tales  of  a  later  time  reported  him  to  have  worked 
upon  the  lalysos  seven  or  eleven  years,  and  to  have  fed  upon  noth- 
ing but  lupines,  for  fear  that  luxury  might  blunt  the  acuteness  of  his 
senses.  Perhaps  this  means  that  the  painter's  genius  was  not  recog- 
nized until  late  in  life,  up  to  which  time  he  had  lived  in  great  pov- 
erty. Of  his  picture  in  the  Propylaea  at  Athens,  representing  Para- 
los  and  Hammonias — personifications  of  Athenian  ships — there  is  an 
equally  idle  story  that  he  did  not  paint  the  ships  themselves  be- 
cause, until  his  fifteenth  year,  he  had  earned  his  bread  as  a  ship- 
painter. 

In  Protogenes  we  may  conceive  a  perfection  such  as  only  the 
most  unwearied  care  could  attain.  This  perfection  was  neither  in 
the  ideas  nor  in  the  composition ;  for  the  subjects  of  his  pictures, 
known  to  us  as  heroic  or  historical  portraits,  or,  at  most,  as  groups 
of  few  persons  without  action,  were  in  themselves  far  less  important 
than  those  of  Apelles.  But  the  illusive  effect  must  have  been  com- 
plete if,  as  Petronius  says,  one  could  not  look  even  at  the  sketches 
without  a  feeling  of  awe  on  account  of  their  truthfulness  to  nature. 
This  carefulness  extended  even  to  the  smallest  accessories,  like  the 
wonder  of  the  partridge  at  the  reclining  satyr,  and  the  foam  on  the 
mouth  of  the  dog  in  the  lalysos ;  an  effect  which,  it  is  said,  was  at 


384  HELLAS.— PAINTING. 

last  accomplished  by  the  pressure — not  the  throwing — of  a  sponge. 
Yet  the  wearisomeness  of  this  perfection  was  not  to  be  denied,  and 
here,  in  the  eyes  of  Apelles,  lay  the  weakness  of  this  master. 

The  relations  of  Apelles  with  another  rival,  the  Egyptian  An- 
tiphilos,  were  not  so  friendly.  The  great  celebrity  of  this  painter 
rested  upon  a  peculiarity  directly  contrary  to  that  of  Protogenes, 
designated  by  Quintilian  as  facility ;  that  is,  a  freshness  and  genial 
security  of  conception  and  treatment  in  everything  which  his  brush 
touched.  His  range  of  subjects  exceeded  that  of  Protogenes,  or 
even  of  Apelles ;  for  he  painted  with  equal  excellence  pictures  of 
the  deities,  mythological  scenes,  portraits,  genre  pieces,  such  as  the 
Wool-comber  and  the  Boy  Blowing  the  Fire ;  and  even  caricatures, 
such  as  that  of  Gryllos,  with  a  face  reminding  one  of  the  significance 
of  his  own  name — the  Porker ;  whence  it  comes  that  all  caricatures 
were,  in  antiquity,  called  Grylli,  That  he  was  fond  of  startling 
effects  of  light  is  evident  from  the  Boy  Blowing  the  Fire,  the  glow 
of  which  was  reflected  upon  his  face ;  also  from  his  renowned  satyr 
Aposcopeuon — the  Gazer — whose  glance  the  shielding  hand  seemed 
at  once  to  intensify  and  to  conceal. 

Action,  according  to  Brunn,  also  belongs  to  the  group  of  artists 
contemporary  with  Apelles.  His  importance  can  be  measured  only 
by  the  esteem  of  antiquity,  and  by  the  minute  descriptions  of  one 
of  his  pictures.  This  represented  the  marriage  of  Alexander  and 
Roxana :  the  latter,  sitting  modestly  upon  a  couch,  is  served  by  Cu- 
pids, who  take  the  veil  from  her  head  and  loosen  her  sandals.  The 
king,  accompanied  by  Hephaistion  as  attendant,  with  torches,  is  led 
towards  the  bride  by  an  Eros ;  two  more,  panting  under  the  weight 
of  the  shaft,  bear  the  lance  of  the  conqueror,  while  others  carry  by 
the  handles  a  shield ;  and  one  Cupid,  who  has  crept  into  a  coat  of 
mail,  seems,  from  his  hiding-place,  to  lie  in  wait  for  those  about  to 
pass.  It  is  not  strange  that  this  composition,  so  charming  in  the  de- 
scription of  Lucian,  should  have  led  modern  painters  to  attempt  to 
reproduce  it ;  as  in  the  frescos  of  Raphael  in  the  Borghese  Gallery, 
and  those  of  Razzi  in  the  Farnesina. 

Among  other  masters  of  the  time  of  Alexander  were  the  Athe- 
nian Asclepiodoros,  of  whom  we  know  little  more  than  that  Apelles 
gave  him  the  preference  in  composition  ;  and  Theon  of  Samos,  whose 


ANTll'HILOS.— AETION.  385 

works  degenerated  into  an  attempt  to  secure  a  theatrical  rather  than 
a  natural  effect.  Besides  tragic  scenes,  like  the  murder  of  his  moth- 
er by  Orestes,  and  the  blinding  of  the  singer  Thamyris,  this  is  shown 
in  the  heavily  armed  warrior  called  by  Quintilian  his  masterpiece — a 
man  in  the  violence  of  attack  with  a  drawn  sword.  To  increase  the 
theatrical  effect,  this  picture  was  exhibited  by  the  artist  accompa- 
nied with  the  flourish  of  trumpets.  If  we  here  bear  in  mind  the  so- 
called  Borghese  warrior  of  Agasias — that  sculptural  cousin  of  the 
Hoplite — we  cannot  mistake  the  spirit  of  a  time  which,  after  the  in- 
ner significance  had  perished,  clung  entirely  to  the  external,  and,  re- 
nouncing truthfulness  in  composition,  which  here  would  have  de- 
manded a  group,  was  satisfied  with  a  theatrical  sham.  The  farthest 
remove  from  the  conceptions  of  Polygnotos  had  now  been  reached. 
Hellenism,  by  which  is  meant  the  civilization  of  the  period  after 
Alexander,  when  the  Grecian  kingdom  had  become  cosmopolitan, 
satisfied  its  artistic  requirements  by  a  repetition  of  what  the  previ- 
ous centuries  had  produced.  The  attempt  was  made,  in  sculpture 
and  in  painting,  to  combine  results  already  won,  generally  in  a  shal- 
low eclecticism.  Of  the  numerous  painters  in  that  decorative  period 
few  names  have  been  handed  down.  The  most  was  accomplished 
by  the  masters  of  Sikyon  where  the  tradition  of  the  energetic  school 
of  Pamphilos  was  not  yet  lost.  Protogenes  in  Rhodes,  and  An- 
tiphilos  in  Egypt,  also  had  some  followers  who  were  not  quite  with- 
out fame.  Timomachos  of  Byzantion,  at  least,  was  equal  to  his 
great  predecessors  of  the  time  of  Alexander.  His  Medea  was  pur- 
chased by  Caesar  for  eighty  talents,  and  his  other  works  are  not  less 
praised ;  among  them  one,  perhaps  historical,  showing  two  men  in 
conversation,  and  the  Gorgo,  may  be  connected  with  an  event  related 
by  Herodotos  (v.  51).  If,  as  we  are  told,  there  was  a  Medea  repre- 
sented before  the  murder  of  her  children,  in  a  struggle  between  ha- 
tred of  her  husband  and  motherly  love — a  subject  treated  in  a  Pom- 
peian  wall-painting  in  the  museum  at  Naples;  an  Ajax,  after  his 
fury,  meditating  suicide ;  and  an  Iphigeneia  in  Tauris,  perhaps  rec- 
ognizing her  brother,  we  may  conclude  that  Timomachos  had  re- 
turned to  the  pathetic  element,  and  that  he  united  with  it,  so  far  as 
possible,  the  technical  perfection  of  the  Alexandrian  period.  It  is 
possible  that  the  painter  stood  in  the  same  artistic  relation  to  the 

25 


386  HELLAS.— PAINTING. 

sculptors  Pasiteles,  Stephanos,  and  Menelaos  as  did  Theon  to  Aga- 
sias. 

After  Parrhasios,  side  by  side  with  the  grander  style  had  devel- 
oped a  species  of  cabinet-painting  which  seems  to  have  been  de- 
voted especially  to  obscene  subjects  (Pornographia).  Already  in 
the  time  of  Alexander,  pictures  of  a  small  size  were  much  in  favor ; 
besides  the  Egyptian  Antiphilos  already  mentioned  as  celebrated  in 
this  direction,  Callicles  and  Calates  worked  in  it  exclusively,  and 
Peiraeicos  had  great  fame  as  a  painter  of  this  kind.  His  subjects 
were  not  of  a  lewd  nature,  but  were  taken  from  the  lower  ranks  of 
life,  such  as  booths  of  barbers  and  cobblers,  donkeys,  eatables,  etc. ; 
by  which  one  is  reminded  of  the  genre  pieces  and  still-life  paintings 
of  the  Netherlands.  Pornographia  was  thus  changed  to  Rhopo- 
graphia,  painting  of  small  wares.  In  later  times  the  term  employed 
for  obscene  painting  seems  to  have  been  Rhyparographia. 

This  trivial  painting  naturally  continued  to  be  prevalent  in  the 
periods  of  the  Diadochi  and  the  Romans,  since  art,  when  reduced 
to  mere  decoration,  cultivated  by  preference  graceful  and  lively  sub- 
jects. It  was  extended  even  to  the  floors,  for  which  mosaic  had 
been  used  as  early  as  the  time  of  the  royal  court  of  Pergamon.  If 
the  decoration  of  walls  is  based  upon  tapestry,  as  Semper  has  made 
evident,  this  h  especially  the  case  with  colored  floors.  The  effect  of 
mosaic,  in  which  form  painting  now  took  possession  of  the  pavement, 
differed  little  from  that  of  weaving  and  embroidery.  Sosos  was  con- 
sidered as  the  oldest  and  most  celebrated  master  of  this  process,  per- 
haps because  he  first  carried  it  beyond  simple  patterns.  He  repre- 
sented, in  the  so-called  "  unswept  hall "  at  Pergamon,  remnants  of 
food,  fruit-rinds,  etc.,  as  if  scattered  upon  the  floor;  also  a  dove 
drinking  from  a  shell.  The  celebrity  of  these  works  makes  it  nat- 
ural that  several  repetitions  of  the  dove  should  have  been  found. 
It  seems,  however,  that  the  practice  of  this  art  was  not  in  extensive 
use  before  the  time  of  the  Roman  empire,  when  it  spread  over  all 
the  floors,  as  painting  did  over  all  the  walls.  The  mosaics  in  the 
Temple  of  Zeus  at  Olympia,  which  are  composed  of  rough  pebbles, 
may,  however,  be  even  more  ancient  than  the  works  of  Sosos  in  Per- 
gamon. 


Fig.  246. — The  Campana  Tomb  at  VciL 


ETRURIA. 

AT  the  time  when  Hellenic  influence  had  developed  to  its  fullest 
extent  in  Magna  Graecia,  the  Etruscans  had  long  passed  their 
highest  point  of  perfection.  Roman  tradition  gives  no  little  signifi- 
cance to  their  civilization,  in  its  artistic  as  well  as-  in  its  political 
aspects,  though  it  was  far  less  grand  and  brilliant  than  that  of  their 
neighbors  in  the  south  of  the  Italian  peninsula.  But  as  Rome  rose, 
Etruria  fell ;  and  in  the  time  of  the  Peloponnesian  war  it  had  but  a 
shadow  of  its  former  dominant  position  in  Italy. 

Whether  this  people  were  related  to  the  ancient  Greeks,  or 
merely  mixed  with  the  Pelasgic  and  Hellenic  element  through  emi- 
gration from  the  western  coasts  of  Greece,  it  is  certain  that  the  older 
culture  of  the  nation  shows  a  great  resemblance  to  that  of  the  coun- 
tries beyond  the  Adriatic.  This  may  have  been  owing  partly  to 
common  Oriental  prototypes,  and  to  native  imitation  of  these,  and 
partly  to  the  fact  that  certain  primitive  results  of  civilization,  under 
like  material  premises,  naturally  assume  a  more  or  less  similar  form 
without  any  real  historical  connection. 

The  method  of  building  the  Etruscan  walls  is  particularly  a  case 
in  point.     The  resemblance  of  these  to  the  most  ancient  fortifica- 


388 


ETRURIA.— ARCHITECTURE. 


tions  of  Greece  makes  possible,  though  it  does  not  estabhsh,  an  inti- 
mate communication  between  the  two  races,  to  which  also  the  use 
of  Greek  letters  for  the  strange  Etruscan  language  certainly  points. 
The  so-called  Cyclopean  jointing,  however,  presents  itself  in  every 
civilized  land  where  rock  is  found  which  naturally  breaks  in  polyg- 
onal forms.  So  also  square-stone  masonry  early  appears  wherever 
the  material,  quarried  without  difficulty  in  rectangular  forms,  favors 
this  more  satisfactory  method.     Besides  both  these  varieties,  the 

Etruscans  made  use  of 
bricks,  as  shown  by  the 
foundations  of  the  walls 
of  Veii,  which  above- 
ground  are  mainly  built 
of  cut  stone.  These 
are  at  least  as  ancient 
as  the  time  of  the  la- 
ter kings. 

Some  of  the  remain- 
mg  ruins  of  Etruria, 
and  of  Central  Italy — 
for  the  peculiar  civiliza- 
tion of  that  region  is 
nut  strictly  confined  to 
the  limits  of  the  Etrus- 
can language — show  in 
the  building  of  gates  a 
new  technical  element. 
It  has  been  seen  how 
the  Greeks  in  vain  sought  a  substitute  for  the  arch,  to  them  an  in- 
admissible, if  not  an  unattainable,  feature ;  and  exhausted  every 
conceivable  method  of  horizontal  stone -laying  in  order  to  cover 
their  gateways.  Similar  evasive  attempts  are  not  wanting  in  Etru- 
ria; the  Cyclopean  walls,  especially,  present  portal  constructions 
similar  to  those  of  Mykenae.  But  through  the  perfection  of  stone- 
cutting,  and  building  with  rectangular  blocks,  the  ceiling  of  the  pas- 
sage by  means  of  the  arch  was  early  attained.  That  this  step  was 
taken  before  the  invasion  of  the  Gauls  is  shown  by  the  still  remain- 


Fig.  247. — Gate  of  Falerii. 


THE   ARCH.  389 

ing  Gate  of  Falerii  (Fig.  247),  which  city,  as  is  well  known,  lost  its 
importance  under  Camillus.  It  is  not  certain  whence  the  people  of 
Central  Italy  attained  their  knowledge  of  the  arch.  Though  it  had 
been  familiar  to  the  Assyrians  as  early  as  the  ninth  century  B.C., 
it  is  possible  that  they  made  this  important  discovery  independently, 
perhaps  somewhat  later  than  the  Mesopotamians.  The  vault  of  the 
Cloaca  Maxima  in  Rome  dates  from  the  sixth  century  B.C.,  but  it 
shows,  even  at  this  early  period,  a  perfection  which  gives  evidence 
of  long  previous  use.     Canal-building  was  one  of  the  first  conditions 


Fig.  248. — Canal  of  the  Marta. 


of  existence  on  the  western  coast  of  Central  Italy,  where  the  drain- 
age of  the  swamps — the  neglect  of  which,  since  the  Middle  Ages,  has 
reduced  the  once  populous  Maremma  to  a  pestilential  desert — the 
discharge  of  the  mountain  lakes,  which  otherwise  overflow  from  time 
to  time,  desolating  the  lower  country,  and  the  regulation  of  the  river- 
courses,  alone  made  possible  the  settlement  of  a  people  and  the  found- 
ing of  flourishing  cities  west  of  the  Apennines.  It  is  therefore  not 
improbable  that  the  great  canal  discovered  by  Dennis,  which  once 
drained  the  swampy  Valley  of  the  Marta,  preceded  the  Cloaca  Maxi- 
ma, and,  indeed,  antedated  the  Roman  period  altogether.    {Fig.  248.) 


390  ETRURIA.— ARCHITECTURE. 

The  enormous  stones  employed  in  its  construction,  and  its  great 
extent,  display,  even  in  this  primitive  age,  that  marked  inclination 
for  works  of  general  usefulness  which  distinguished  the  people  of 
Italy  above  all  others  of  antiquity. 

Of  the  long-forgotten  cities,  discovered  in  the  present  century  by 
their  walls,  little  else  remains  than  extensive  cemeteries,  which,  as  re- 
peatedly happens  among  the  ruined  places  of  the  earth,  have  out- 
lasted by  more  than  two  thousand  years  the  dwellings  of  the  living. 
The  streets  and  buildings  of  these  settlements,  already  in  ruins  under 
the  Romans,  have  disappeared  almost  without  a  trace ;  while  the 
monuments  of  the  dead  are  so  well  preserved  as  frequently  to  give 
information  concerning  even  the  domestic  architecture  of  their 
builders.  By  far  the  greater  number  of  the  tombs  were  tumuli, 
conical  hills  of  earth,  which  generally,  as  in  Lydia,  were  elevated 
upon  a  low  cylinder  and  reveted  by  an  outer  course  of  stone.  These 
have  now  almost  all  been  reduced  to  the  appearance  of  natural 
mounds.  Their  dimensions  in  some  instances  are  almost  as  great  as 
those  of  the  smaller  Egyptian  pyramids.  The  base  of  the  monu- 
ment at  Poggio  Gajella,  near  Chiusi,  formerly  falsely  held  to  be  the 
tomb  of  Porsena,  measures  256  m.  in  its  circumference,  while  that 
at  Monteroni,  between  Rome  and  Civita  Vecchia,  is  195  m.  These 
gigantic  foundations  at  times  bore  several  cones.  This  appears  to 
have  been  the  case  with  the  so-called  tomb  of  Cucumella  at  Vulci, 
where  two  tall  tower-like  elevations  still  remain,  which  doubtless 
served  as  substructures  for  the  terminating  piers.  The  cippus  may 
be  imagined  to  have  been  analogous  to  the  upper  members  of  the 
tombs  in  Lydia,  or,  perhaps,  to  have  resembled  a  pear-shaped  capi- 
tal, like  the  fragment  found  near  the  ruins  of  the  so-called  tomb  of 
Pythagoras,  or  the  imitations  upon  terra-cotta  reliefs — similar  to  the 
cone  which  so  generally  terminated  Roman  tholos  roofs.  When 
several  cones  were  placed  upon  one  base,  the  angle  of  elevation  was 
made  steeper,  as  may  probably  have  been  the  case  with  the  tomb 
of  Porsena  at  Clusium,  the  description  of  which  is  given  by  Pliny 
(xxxvi.  3)  after  Varro.  If  the  tombs  called  those  of  the  Horatii  and 
Curiatii  at  Albano,  which  display  m^any  Etruscan  reminiscences,  be 
compared  with  this  account,  it  is  possible  to  present  a  restoration  of 
the  structure,  correct  in  at  least  its  principal  aspects.     Upon  the 


TUMULI. 


391 


comers  of  the  triply  stepped,  diminishing  substructure  stood  twelve 
cones,  the  thirteenth  being  in  the  centre  of  the  upper  terrace.  {Fig. 
249.) 

The  fundamental  idea  of  the  Etruscan  tombs  was  not  alone  the 
creation  of  a  monument  which,  covering  the  remains  and  protecting 
them  from  desecration,  should  plainly  mark  the  place  of  interment, 
but  the  survivors  sought,  at  the 
same  time,  to  provide  a  room  in 
which  the  dead  might  dwell  in  a 
manner  corresponding  to  their  cir- 
cumstances during  life.  This  con- 
ception was  foreign  to  the  Greeks, 
who  seldom  employed  burial  cham- 
bers of  great  size ;  but  it  was 
prevalent  among  the  Egyptians, 
Persians,  Lycians,  and  other  na- 
tions of  antiquity,  though  not  by 
them  carried  out  so  logically  as 
by  the  Etruscans,  who  usually 
placed  the  bodies  upon  stone 
benches,  shaped  like  a  bed,  as  if 
sleeping.  Sarcophagi,  when  exist- 
ing at  all,  appear  to  have  been 
added  upon  further  use  of  the 
sepulchre.  It  is  thus,  for  instance, 
with  the  tomb  of  Veii — of  which 
Fig.  246,  at  the  head  of  this  sec- 
tion, gives  an  inner  view  —  with 
the  tomb  called  that  of  Regulini- 
Galassi  at  Caere,  and  with  numer- 
ous other  sepulchres  discovered  in 
various  cemeteries,  notably  of  Southern  Etruria.  There,  however, 
the  chambers  have  mostly  proved  to  have  been  plundered  in  former 
centuries. 

The  dwelling-rooms  represented  are  as  diverse  as  those  of  the 
living  must  naturally  have  been.  No  great  width  of  these  spaces 
was  possible,  because  of  the  imposed  weight  of  the  tumulus ;  and  the 


Fig.  249. — Restored  Plan  and  Elevation 
of  the  Tomb  of  Porsena. 


392 


ETRURIA.— ARCHITECTURE. 


apartments  consequently  became  narrow  passages,  ceiled  by  stone  lin- 
tels, by  blocks  leaning  against  each  other  as  a  gable,  or  by  the  grad- 
ual approach  of  the  horizontal  courses  by  the  projection  of  each  over 
that  beneath  it.  Examples  of  all  these  methods  are  provided  by 
the  tombs  of  Alsium,  the  present  Monteroni ;  and  the  before-men- 
tioned Regulini-Galassi  tomb  of  Caere,  the  present  Cervetri.  The 
latter,  so  called  after  its  discoverers,  has  furnished  numerous  treas- 
ures to  the  Etruscan  Museum  of  the  Vatican  ;  it  consisted  of  a  cor- 
ridor separated  by  a  wall  into  compartments,  with  rock-cut  lateral 
chambers  of  oval  plan. 

When  the  burial-chamber  was  a  grotto — that  is  to  say,  was  wholly 
excavated  from  the  native  rock — a  greater  width  could  be  obtained. 
The  ceiling  was  then  carved,  either  to  the  outline  of  a  low  vault, 

as  in  the  Campana 
tomb  at  Veii,  or,  more 
commonly,  in  imita- 
tion of  the  beams  of 
a  wooden  ceiling.  In 
the  latter  case  vari- 
ous forms  appear;  for 
small  inner  chambers 
a  simple  horizontal 
ceiling  sufficed,  and  a 
simple  cross-timbering,  overlaid  with  boards,  was  chosen  as  a  pattern. 
The  spacious  vestibules  frequently  have  an  inclined  roof,  when  ridge- 
beams,  rafters,  and  the  slats  laid  upon  them  are  carefully  and  truth- 
fully imitated.  {Fig.  250.)  A  noteworthy  example  at  Corneto  {Fig. 
255)  shows  in  its  outer  room  a  plain  imitation  of  the  Italian  atrium, 
or  court,  of  the  kind  termed  by  Vitruvius  cavcedia  displuviata.  It  is 
roofed  by  four  main  beams,  laid  diagonally  and  inclined  outward, 
which  support  the  framework  of  a  middle  orifice  for  light  and  air, 
and  shed  the  water  without  instead  of  within.  From  this  instance 
it  appears  that  the  fundamental  idea  of  the  chief  sepulchral  chamber 
was  the  atrium,  which  was  the  common  gathering-place  of  the  Italian 
house,  as  was  the  peristyle  of  the  Greek  ;  while  the  inner  chambers 
represented  the  various  rooms. 

This  imitation  of  an  Etruscan  dwelling — a  remarkable  counter- 


Fig.  250. — Ceiling  of  a  Tomb  at  Cervetri. 


TOMBS. 


393 


■/AtdMrjllldtMUl'/'>l'//////Mf, 


part,  in  architectural  respects,  to  the  copies  of  the  ejcterior  of  wood- 
en houses  in  the  Lycian  rock-cut  tombs — was  further  carried  out  by 
a  corresponding  ornamentation  of  the  rooms.  The  couches  hewn 
from  the  rock,  upon  which  the  bodies  rested,  were  at  times  a  close 
imitation  of  cushions  and  pillows ;  the  supports  beneath  were  sculpt- 
ured like  bedsteads,while 
stone  easy  -  chairs  and  ijO^^^ 
footstools  stood  near  to 
increase  the  apparent 
comfort.  The  apertures 
in  the  wall  which  sepa- 
rates the  two  spaces  are 
reproductions  of  the 
framework  of  doors  and 
windows,  (/w^. 2 5 1.)  The 
sides  of  the  chambers 
are  stuccoed  with  plas- 
ter of  Paris,  and  cover- 
ed with  cheerful  paint- 
ings, illustrating  feasts, 
dances,  sacred  festivals, 
and  games.  Every  con- 
ceivable variety  of  house- 
hold utensils  hang  upon 
the  walls  or  stand  lean- 
ing against  them,  with 
gp-eat  numbers  of  the 
well-known  painted  vases 
and  other  works  of  pot- 
tery. These  objects, 
when  not  provided  in 
reality,  are  imitated  in  stucco-relief  and  brilliantly  painted,  as  in  a 
tomb  at  Cervetri  {Fig.  252),  where  walls  and  piers  are  covered  with 
the  representations  of  familiar  household  articles  and  weapons. 

Although  the  tumuli  were  the  more  common  funeral  monu- 
ments, there  were  parts  of  Etruria,  among  the  Apennines,  where  the 
limited  extent  of  the  level  ground  offered  no  spacious  cemetery  for 


Fig.  251. — Plan  and  Section  of  a  Tomb  at  Cervetri. 


394 


ETRURI  A.— ARCHITECTURE. 


the  mounds,  and  where  rocky  mountains  and  abrupt  cliffs  led  to  a 
different  form  of  sepulchre.  A  facade  was  cut  upon  the  background 
provided  by  nature,  where  the  appearance  of  a  dwelling  could  be 
imitated  with  little  expenditure  of  labor.  The  most  numerous  ex- 
amples of  these  fronts  are  in  the  cemeteries  of  Castel  d'Asso,  near 
Viterbo.  The  forms  are  plain,  and  not  particularly  characteristic  ;  a 
blind  niche,  the  only  architectural  feature  of  the  lower  surface,  was 
substituted  for  a  door,  the  real  entrance  being  through  an  insignifi- 


Fig.  252. — Interior  of  a  Tomb  at  Cervetri. 

cant  shaft  beneath  the  earth ;  and  the  facade  was  terminated  by  a 
complicated  cornice — a  confused  mass  of  roundlets,  cyma-mouldings, 
and  rectangular  bands,  almost  without  projection.  A  stairway  was 
often  cut  upon  one  or  both  sides  of  the  tomb,  leading  to  a  platform 
or  to  other  sepulchres  situated  upon  a  higher  level. 

More  remarkable  than  these  monuments  at  Castel  d'Asso  are  the 
rock-cut  fa9ades  of  Norchia,  to  the  west  of  Viterbo,  upon  which  are 
imitated  the  fronts  of  temples.  The  four  columns  or  pilasters,  now 
destroyed,  were  placed  wide  apart,  according  to  the  proportions  of 


ROCK-CUT  TOMBS.  395 

the  Tuscan  order.  The  entablature  consists  of  a  narrow  epistyle  and 
a  frieze  decorated  with  clumsy  triglyphs,  or  rather  diglyphs,  with 
pointed  trunnels  under  the  regula,  above  which  follows  a  weak  cor- 
nice with  dentils.  The  gable  is  still  more  peculiar.  Its  outer  ends 
curl  into  a  volute,  with  a  Gorgoneion  in  its  centre,  which  originally 
served  as  a  base  for  the  acroteria ;  the  triangle  is  filled  with  reliefs. 
The  whole  front  gives  the  impression  of  a  barbarous  mixture  of  in- 
digenous elements  with  Grecian  forms,  ill  understood  and  roughly 
rendered.     {Fig.  253.) 

These  remains  are  interesting,  but  elements  seem  to  have  crept 
in  which  could  not  originally  have  belonged  to  the  Etruscan  style, 
and  the  fa9ades  of  Norchia  can  hence  be  deemed  of  but  secondary 


Fig.  253.— Temple  Tomb  at  Norchia. 

importance  in  the  study  of  the  temple  structures.  The  plan  of  these 
was  quite  different  from  that  of  the  Doric  temple.  Instead  of  the 
length  being  at  least  double  the  width  of  the  front,  as  in  Greece, 
the  breadth  was  here  to  the  length  as  five  to  six.  The  cella  did  not 
form  a  centre  around  which  stood  the  columns,  but  it  entirely  oc- 
cupied the  rear  half  of  the  area,  while  the  front  remained  open  as  a 
columned  porch.  Three  cellas,  with  the  images  of  nearly  related 
deities,  were  usually  grouped  together,  the  middle  one  being  the 
largest,  and  also  of  the  greatest  hieratic  importance.  In  some  in- 
stances rows  of  columns  were  ranged  upon  the  two  long  sides  of  a 
cella ;  but  the  rear  wall  was  always  bare.  All  artistic  effect  was 
here  abandoned,  and  the  building  was,  on  this  account,  often   so 


3g6  ETRURIA.— ARCHITECTURE. 

placed  as  to  abut  immediately  against  an  enclosing  rampart,  or 
against  a  natural  cliff. 

The  plan  and  general  arrangement  were  thus  entirely  different 
from  those  of  the  Greek  temple.  But  the  same  thing  is  by  no  means 
to  be  said  in  regard  to  the  architectural  details  and  members  of  the 
building.  The  Etruscan  column  was  closely  allied  to  the  Doric,  and 
greatly  resembled  it,  in  spite  of  some  marked  variations  arising  from 
the  lingering  influence  of  the  original  timbered  construction,  and  the 
inferior  perception  of  artistic  proportions.  The  Etruscan  shaft,  in 
contrast  to  the  Doric,  had  a  base  consisting  of  a  circular  plinth  and 
a  tore,  both  of  equal  height.  The  capital  was  formed  of  three  parts, 
equally  high,  of  which  the  two  upper,  the  echinos  and  abacus,  were 
similar  to  the  Doric.  The  third  beneath — the  necking  of  the  col- 
umn— which,  in  the  Greek  prototype,  was  divided  from  the  shaft 
only  by  slight  incisions  or  an  apophyge,  was  in  this  separated  by  a 
roundlet ;  what  in  Greek  architecture  was  based  upon  technical  ne- 
cessities, in  Etruria  became  an  unmeaning  decoration.  The  shaft, 
apparently  not  channelled,  rose  in  a  lightness  akin  to  the  Ionic,  ta- 
pering to  three  quarters  of  its  lower  diameter,  and  reached  a  height 
of  seven  diameters.  The  unusually  wide  distance  between  the  col- 
umns— seven  times  the  lower  diameter  of  the  shaft — in  contrast  to 
that  in  the  intercolumniation  of  the  Doric  style,  which  rarely  equalled 
two  diameters,  had  its  origin  in  the  light  wooden  beams,  which  did 
not  require  such  frequent  and  powerful  supports  as  did  the  stone 
epistyle  of  the  Greeks, 

The  entablature  consisted  of  wooden  epistyle  beams  placed  one 
over  another,  fastened  together  by  iron  clamps,  in  at  least  two 
courses.  From  the  text  of  Vitruvius — from  whom  the  entire  de- 
scription must  be  taken,  since,  on  account  of  the  wooden  beams, 
there  are  no  remains  of  Etruscan  temples — we  cannot  learn  whether 
these  smooth  layers  took  the  place  of  both  architrave  and  frieze,  or 
whether  the  upper  member  resembled  the  Doric  frieze  with  tri- 
glyphs.  From  a  remark  of  this  writer,  the  former  appears  more 
probable,  as  many  epistyle  timbers  being  fastened  one  above  an- 
other as  the  size  of  the  building  seemed  to  require ;  moreover,  not- 
withstanding the  Hellenic  influence,  triglyphs  were  not  always  intro- 
duced into  the  Roman  Tuscan  order.     The  arrangement  of  the  roof 


TEMPLES.  397 

rafters  was  doubtless  such  that  their  support  upon  the  beams  of  the 
epistyle  beneath  was  hidden,  and  perhaps  rendered  more  solid  by 
mortising  or  dovetailing.  Upon  the  longer  sides  the  roof  project- 
ed considerably,  fully  one  quarter  of  the  height  of  the  columns.  By 
this  means  the  size  of  the  gable  was  decidedly  increased.  These  ga- 
bles may  have  been  decorated  with  sculptural  ornament  in  the  tym- 
panon,  of  clay  or  bronze,  and  with  acroteria,  as  may  be  gathered 
from  several  notices,  as  well  as  from  the  rock-tombs  of  Norchia. 
Concerning  these  decorations  Vitruvius  is  silent ;  but  they  could  not 
have  altered  the  heavy,  low,  and  clumsy  character  of  which  he  com- 
plains, and  which  is  apparent  in  the  restorations  that  have  been  made 


Fig.  254. — Elevation  of  the  Etruscan  Temple  according  to  Vitruvius. 

according  to  his  theory.  {Fig.  254.)  The  Etruscan  temple  could  not 
become  really  monumental  so  long  as  it  retained  the  wooden  con- 
struction in  its  most  essential  constituents,  and  this  seems  never  to 
have  been  given  up  in  the  entablature,  even  when  the  direct  Grecian 
influence  first  made  itself  felt  among  the  Romans.  How  this  ulti- 
mately changed  the  fundamental  architectural  forms  pf  Central  Italy 
will  be  explained  in  the  section  upon  Roman  building,  which  united 
the  traditions  of  Etruscan  and  Hellenic  art. 

One  of  the  chief  features  of  the  Etruscan  or  primitive  Italian 
dwelling  -  house,  the  inner  court,  has  already  been  mentioned  in 
the  consideration  of  the  tombs.     As  in   Hellenic  architecture,  so 


398  ETRURI  A.— ARCHITECTURE. 

here  this  formed  the  central  point,  the  chief  space  of  the  dwelling, 
around  which  were  grouped  the  ceiled  chambers,  subordinate  in  di- 
mensions and  in  importance.  As  the  court  was  intended  to  be  the 
chief  gathering-place,  a  partial  covering  could  not  have  sufficed  in 
these  northern  Apennines,  as  did  the  Grecian  peristyle ;  for  contin- 
ued rain,  snow,  and  piercing  winter  frost  were  not  so  rare  here  as  in 
the  lands  upon  the  Kephissos  and  Meander.  The  central  aperture 
was  diminished,  and  the  effect  of  storms  or  cold  more  completely 
excluded.     The  Italian  atrium,  or  cavaedium,  acquired  thus  a  form 


Fig.  255. — Tomb  at  Corneto. 

essentially  different  from  the  Grecian  court.  If  the  aperture  open 
to  the  sky  were  reduced  to  a  small  orifice  for  light  and  air,  only 
large  enough  to  carry  off  the  smoke  from  the  hearth  and  provide 
sufficient  illumination,  columnar  supports  would  not  be  needed,  the 
rafters  being  inclined  outward,  and  framed  into  the  square  of  the 
opening,  as  is  conspicuously  the  case  in  the  tomb  at  Corneto  {Fig. 
255),  and  as  is  also  described  by  Vitruvius  (vi.  3).  Vertical  props  ob- 
structing the  space  would  be  the  less  necessary,  inasmuch  as  the  di- 
mensions of  the  court  were  small,  on  account  of  the  lower  tempera- 


UWKLIJNGS.  3QQ 

turc  of  the  region.  The  Italian  court  thus  differed  from  that  of 
Greece  by  an  entire  absence  of  columns,  as  well  as  by  the  outward  in- 
clination of  the  roof.  The  latter  peculiarity  had  the  advantage  that, 
notwithstanding  the  restriction  of  the  central  aperture,  more  light 
was  admitted,  the  slanting  rays  of  the  sun  falling  high  upon  the 
walls ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  interior  of  the  house  was  free 
from  the  objectionable  rain-drip,  and,  by  covering  the  orifice  in  bad 
weather  or  at  night,  could  be  entirely  isolated  and  protected.  A  re- 
markable copy  of  a  roof  upon  an  Etruscan  clay  sarcophagus  {Fig,  256) 
shows  the  outward  aspects  of  the  dwellings  of  Central  Italy,  as  the 
tomb  at  Cometo  {Fig.  255)  does  the  interior.  The  roof  of  the  atrium, 
rising  like  a  clere-story,  inclined  outward,  while  the  covering  of  the 
chambers  surrounding  this  space  carried  the  drip  still  farther  from 
the  central  aperture.  The 
practical  sense  of  the  Italians 
was  thus  expressed,  as  op- 
posed to  the  more  cheerful 
and  elevated  ideals  of  form 
among  the  Greeks.  These 
constructive  advantages  were 
attained,  however,  at  the  cost 
of  that  artistic,  or  at  least 
tasteful,  development   of  the 

whole  which  was  characteristic  ^'^  256.-Etruscan  Sarcophagus. 

of  the  Greeks,  even  when  striving  mainly  after  public  usefulness  or 
private  comfort. 

The  remaining  monuments  of  Etruria  are  almost  entirely  limited 
to  tombs,  among  which  it  is  not  possible  to  recognize  progressive 
stages  of  architectural  design.  Still  it  is  evident  that  examples  like 
the  Regulini-Galassi  tomb  of  Caere,  which  shows  a  most  primitive 
covering  of  the  chambers,  and  that  of  Alsium,  or  the  Campana  tomb 
at  Veii,  must  belong  to  an  earlier  period  than  do  those  sepulchres  in 
which  the  imitation  of  a  dwelling-house,  particularly  in  regard  to  the 
roof-timbering,  shows  an  advanced  intelligence  and  great  technical 
skill.  This  skill  is  equally  evident  in  the  decorative  members:  pilas- 
ters before  the  piers,  the  carvings  of  the  coffin-benches,  and  utensils 
upon  the  walls,  with  Hellenic  features  of  a  late  and  advanced  period. 


400  ETRURIA.— SCULPTURE. 

A  further  division  of  Etruscan  monuments  into  chronological  periods 
is  not  possible ;  it  is  only  to  be  concluded  that  the  most  primitive 
are  less  ancient  than  has  usually  been  supposed,  and  are  probably  to 
be  referred  to  the  seventh  century  B.C.,  while  the  later  and  more 
perfected  tombs  may  date  from  250  to  150  B.C. 

The  numerous  sculptural  productions  of  Etruria  may  be  better 
grouped.  They  are  preserved  in  the  Gregorian  Museum  of  the  Vat- 
ican, the  British  Museum,  the  earlier  Campana  collection  in  the 
Louvre,  and  special  collections  in  various  towns  in  Tuscany,  partic- 
ularly at  Perugia,  Others  are  scattered  among  the  many  museums 
of  Europe.  As  the  practical  character  of  the  Italians  might  lead  us 
to  expect,  the  greater  part  of  these  works  consist  of  utensils  and  im- 
plements ;  those  which  bear  the  stamp  of  the  greatest  antiquity  be- 
longing almost  exclusively  to  this  class.  The  earliest  period  may  be 
called  the  decorative,  in  which  art  was  employed  only  for  the  orna- 
mentation of  useful  articles.  The  most  ancient  specimens  of  this 
handiwork  are  those  in  the  British  Museum,  found  in  the  Grotto 
deir  Iside  of  Vulci,  and  those  in  the  Gregorian  Museum  of  the  Vat- 
ican, from  the  Regulini  -  Galassi  tomb  at  Caere.  The  material  is 
gold,  silver,  and  bronze — occasionally  amber  and  ivory;  the  objects 
are  ornaments,  such  as  breastplates,  ear-rings,  bracelets  of  gold  wire 
and  thinly  beaten  gold ;  also  golden  and  amber  necklaces,  .silver 
bowls,  candelabra,  kettles,  tripods,  couches,  censers,  and  shields  of 
bronze.  All  these  are  evident  imitations  of  imported  wares.  The 
beaten  figures  of  the  breast  ornaments  remind  one  of  the  vessels  ex- 
cavated at  Nineveh,  Cyprus,  and  Mykenae ;  the  decorations  of  the 
silver  bowls  are  more  like  the  discoveries  in  Cyprus  and  Phoenicia ; 
the  bulb-like  candelabra  are  similar  to  the  Cyprian  bronze  utensils, 
and  also  to  the  seven-armed  candlestick  of  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem. 
Having  already  designated  the  vessels  of  Nineveh  and  those  of  My- 
kenae as  of  Phoenician  workmanship,  and  the  Egyptianized  ivory- 
ware  found  upon  the  Tigris  as  having  been  brought  into  Meso- 
potamia by  the  Phoenicians  as  an  article  of  trade,  there  can  be  no 
hesitation  in  referring  the  objects  discovered  in  Etruria  to  the  same 
origin.  The  beaten  work  in  sheet-metal  was  among  the  best-exe- 
cuted productions  of  the  Phoenicians,  and  among  their  most  impor- 


METAL-WORK-  4OI 

tant  articles  of  commerce;  and  intercourse  between  the  Phoenicians 
and  the  Etruscans  is  known  to  have  been  active.  Through  this  cur- 
rent of  trade  must  also  have  come  the  vials  and  alabasters  with 
Egyptian  hieroglyphics  and  symbols ;  the  gilded  bronze  birds  with 
the  pshent  upon  their  heads,  like  those  from  the  Grotto  dell'  Iside ; 
and  the  beetle-shaped  bodies  of  clay,  like  the  scarabaeus,  found  in  dif- 
ferent places,  for  the  Etruscans  had  no  direct  intercourse  with  Egypt. 
It  is  possible,  however,  that  some  of  the  objects  which  bear  the  char- 
acteristic forms  of  those  countries  are  to  be  regarded  as  Etruscan 
manufactures,  adhering  closely  to  the  imported  patterns. 

The  era  next  following  is  distinguished  as  being  emancipated 
from  the  earlier  dependence  upon  the  East,  the  Asiatic  influence 
being  gradually  replaced  by  that  of  Hellas.  Here  may  be  mention- 
ed the  half-mythical  report  that,  about  650  B.C.,  the  Corinthian  ar- 
tists Eucheir,  Diopos,  and  Eugrammos — whose  names,  as  personifi- 
cation of  handiwork  in  art,  give  little  confidence — emigrated  to  Italy 
and  there  introduced  sculpture.  Though  this  may  be  taken  to  indi- 
cate an  active  artistic  impulse,  it  cannot  alone  explain  the  great  and 
decided  advance  that  we  find.  In  Southern  Etruria  monumental 
sculpture  must  early  have  attained  a  certain  importance,  since  Tar- 
quinius  Priscus  ordered  from  Vulca,  or  Vulcanius  of  Veii,  a  statue 
of  the  Capitolirte  Jupiter,  and  a  quadriga  for  the  gable  ridge  of  his 
temple.  The  material  for  such  colossal  works  was  terra-cotta  with  a 
painting,  perhaps  monochromatic ;  at  least,  the  nude  parts  of  the 
image  of  Jupiter  were  repeatedly  tinted  with  a  red  color.  The 
roughness  of  such  conventionalized  work  can  hardly  be  conceived ; 
the  trunk,  in  a  sitting  figure,  was  not  detailed ;  the  extremities,  on 
the  contrary,  had  all  the  ugliness  of  realism ;  the  head  was  sharply 
individualized,  verging  upon  portraiture.  As  the  oldest  example  of 
this  treatment  of  the  head  may  be  mentioned  the  bust  found  in  the 
Grotto  deir  Iside  at  Vulci  {Fig.  257),  which  shows,  at  the  same  time, 
that  the  germ  of  that  specific  Etruscan  motive — the  conception  of 
the  individual,  to  the  neglect  of  the  general  or  ideal  —  existed 
even  in  the  period  of  dependence  upon  Asiatic  influence.  This  char- 
acteristic Etruscan  formation  of  the  head,  though  in  a  less  artistic 
and  more  superficial  style,  is  also  shown  in  the  so-called  canopi  of 
Chiusi — ^jugs  with  portrait  heads  upon  the  lids.     These  are  distantly 

26 


402 


ETRURIA.— SCULPTURE. 


related  to  the  Egyptian  jars  of  the  kind,  but  show  scarcely  a  trace 
of  the  early  conventional  influence  of  ideal  Greek  sculpture ;  the 
heads,  of  extreme  rudeness,  are  yet  sharp  and  hard  in  modelling; 
coarse  caricatures  of  the  round  skull  and  low,  retreating  forehead, 
which  yet  betray  a  certain  observation  of  nature. 

Greek  influence  is  first  apparent,  though  still  overbalanced  by 
native  individualization  and  realistic  elements,  in  a  somewhat  later 
sarcophagus  of  terra-cotta,  found  in  Caere,  now  one  of  the  chief  treas- 
ures of  the  Campana  collection  in  the  Louvre,  i^Fig.  258.)  The  sar- 
v'ophagus  itself  shows  a  draped  couch  with  technical  and  ornamental 


Fig.  257.— Bust  from  the  Grotto  dell'  Iside  in  Vulci. 


details  similar  to  those  found  upon  the  furniture  of  Assyrian,  Xan- 
thian,  and  ancient  Greek  reliefs,  and  particularly  upon  archaic  vase- 
paintings.  A  man  and  woman  of  life-size,  leaning  with  their  left 
elbows  upon  leathern  cushions,  form  the  lid.  If,  at  first  sight,  this 
group  has  a  somewhat  frightful  and  repellent  character,  not  felt  in 
the  most  shocking  distortions  of  primitive  art,  the  cause  lies  in  its  pro- 
saic realism,  strikingly  heightened  by  color.  Notwithstanding  many 
failures  in  point  of  detail,  the  effect  of  life  was  given  by  the  artist  with- 
out additions  or  idealizations.  Rather  inclined  to  caricature — that 
is,  to  the  exaggeration  of  individual  characteristics — the  Etruscan 


TERRA-COTTA.  4O3 

artist  sensibly  failed  in  the  reproduction  of  the  head,  because  want- 
ing in  that  training  in  fundamental  correctness,  through  the  canon- 
ical formation  of  a  true  type,  which  preceded  the  Grecian  perfection. 
The  representation  of  the  individual,  instead  of  being  the  first  aim, 
should  have  been  left  to  the  last,  and  it  was  on  this  account  that  the 
skulls  were  deformed  by  various  peculiar  defects,  while  the  eyes  and 
mouth  were  drawn  upward  in  a  manner  that  is  natural  only  to  the 
Mongolian  race.  The  same  is  true  in  regard  to  the  terra-cotta  reliefs 
of  this  period,  in  which  the  striving  after  action  and  naturalness  of 
appearance  caused  an  excessive  restlessness  in  all  the  motions  of  the 


Fig.  258. — Sarcophagus  of  Terra-cotta  from  Caere.     (Louvre.) 


dislocated  arms  and  hands,  particularly  evident  in  the  ivory  reliefs 
upon  a  number  of  caskets. 

Sculpture  in  marble  at  this  period,  about  550  to  300  B.C.,  was  less 
developed ;  single  archaic  reliefs  in  this  material — of  which  South- 
ern Etruria  offers  but  few — appear  flat,  and  entirely  under  the  influ- 
ence of  painting.  The  inadequacy  of  the  artistic  ability  of  this  time 
is  shown,  for  example,  in  a  relief  of  Chiusi,  representing  the  lamenta- 
tion for  the  dead,  where  expression  of  sorrow  is  combined  with  cari- 
catured individual  features,  very  rude  in  drawing  and  form.    {Ft^.2i,g.) 

The  bronze-work,  which  is  closely  connected  with  the  terra-cotta 
work,  was  of  greater  importance,  and  betrays  a  more  decided  and 


404 


ETRURIA.— SCULPTURE. 


enduring  Phoenician  influence  than  do  the  terra-cotta  statues.  This 
is  shown  in  the  beaten  bronzes,  thin  phites  of  which  were  used  to 
overlay  wooden  forms.  The  most  important  example,  the  remains 
of  a  chariot  found  at  Perugia,  is  preserved  in  the  Glyptothek  and 
Antiquarium  at  Munich.  The  representations  of  a  sea-horse,  a  wom- 
an with  fins,  sphinxes,  and  a  man  who  holds  or  strangles  two  lions, 
give  evidence  rather  of  Oriental  than  of  Hellenic  prototypes.  The 
uncertainty  in  form  and  proportions,  the  ungainliness  of  the  figures, 
and  the  awkwardness  of  the  entire  composition  are  in  no  wise  com- 
pensated by  the  careful  execution  of  the  finely  engraved  details  to 
be  seen  only  upon  close  inspection.     A  tripod,  found  at  the  same 


Fig.  259. — Etruscan  Relief. 


time  in  Perugia,  also  now  in  Munich,  shows  a  certain  advance.  Its 
three  sides  have  representations  of  Hercules,  and  the  Italian  Juno 
Sospita,  with  the  so-called  Boeotian  shield  and  pointed  shoes,  in 
somewhat  higher  beaten  reliefs,  very  carefully  engraved.  This  tri- 
pod is  distinguished  from  the  preceding  examples  as  being  the  work 
of  a  more  skilful  artist,  but  differs  little,  or  perhaps  not  at  all,  in 
point  of  age.  The  upper  part  of  this  vessel,  now  lacking,  was  most- 
ly of  bronze  casting ;  the  borders  of  the  seat  and  the  ends  of  the 
shafts  upon  the  Perugian  chariot  wdre  decorated  with  statuettes  of 
solid  metal ;  but  these,  as  well  as  the  handles  upon  utensils,  seem  to 
have  been  mere  artisan  work,  not  unlike  the  ornaments  upon  the 


BRONZE. 


405 


handles,  the  furniture,  chariots,  etc.,  shown  by  the  reliefs  of  Nine- 
veh. 

Works  in  bronze  of  considerable  size  must  have  been  numerous 
at  that  period,  as,  in  260  B.C.Volsinii  alone  was  in  possession  of  two 
thousand  bronze  statues ;  but  only  a  single  example  remains  of  well- 
attested  Etruscan  origin,  the  Capitoline  Wo\(  {Fi^.  260);  probably 
the  same  which,  soon  after  300  B.C.,  was  consecrated  in  Rome  un- 
der the  Ruminal  fig-tree.  It  is  a  hollow  cast,  which,  with  great  hard- 
ness and  carefulness  of  treatment,  gives  the  well-understood  charac- 
ter of  this  animal  excellently,  almost  to  the  point  of  caricature.  It 
well  illustrates  the  peculiarities  of  Etruscan  art  above  described,  in- 
asmuch as  it  sacrifices  to  realism  all  artistic  beauty.     The  chimera 


Fig.  260.— Capitoline  Wolf. 

of  Arezzo  in  Florence,  and  a  griffin  in  Leyden,  are  similar  in  style ; 
but,  notwithstanding  their  Etruscan  inscriptions,  it  is  doubtful 
whether  they  are  of  Tuscan  workmanship. 

Here  should  be  mentioned  the  bronze  utensils  ornamented  by 
drawings — s^r a Jitt'^part'icularly  the  mirrors,  generally  in  the  form 
of  plates,  one  side  of  which  had  a  polished  surface,  while  the  other 
was  engraved.  The  handles  upon  these  either  represented  figures 
like  caryatides,  or,  more  commonly,  ended  in  a  deer's  head.  Toilet 
cistas,  a  further  variety  of  these  works,  were  of  cylindrical  form, 
usually  with  the  claws  of  animals  for  feet,  and  a  group  of  human 
figures  upon  the  cover  as  a  handle ;  but  these,  on  account  of  their 
engravings,  should  rather  be  considered  in  the  section  upon  paint- 


406  ■  ETRURIA.— SCULPTURE. 

ing,  and  are  mentioned  here  merely  because  of  the  accompanying 
castings.     Only  a  small  part  of  them  belongs  to  the  archaic  period. 

About  300  B.C.  the  art  of  Etruria  appears  to  have  reached  its 
highest  point  of  independence  and  perfection,  which,  in  sculpture,  is 
illustrated  by  the  terra-cotta  sarcophagus  of  Caere  in  the  Louvre, 
and  by  the  Capitoline  Wolf.  The  old  ignorance  of  proportions  had 
disappeared,  and  a  tolerable  correctness  was  attained  ;  the  realistic 
tendency  no  longer  struggled  with  unpliant  forms,  as  in  the  former 
period,  when  it  might  have  been  likened  to  the  lisping  and  stammer- 
ing of  children.  Yet  the  Etruscan  artists  never  succeeded  in  har- 
monious combinations,  or  in  mastery  and  surety  of  form.  The 
stream  of  Grecian  art,  long  restrained,  or,  so  far  as  possible,  turned 
aside,  at  length  overcame  all  obstacles.  Up  to  this  time  the  taste 
of  the  Etruscans  for  the  archaic  and  the  archaistic,  aided  by  the  im- 
portations of  that  character,  had  given  to  their  art  an  antiquity  of 
aspect  in  form  and  in  painting  far  beyond  its  true  age.  But  when 
political  Etruria  ceased  to  exist,  as  its  walls  were  destroyed  at  the 
opening  of  the  cities  by  the  Romans,  Grecian  art,  of  the  period  of 
the  Diadochi,  entered  from  the  coasts  of  Magna  Graecia. 

This  is  first  noticeable  in  the  sculptured  lids  of  the  sarcophagi  of 
this  Hellenistic  period.  That  of  Caere,  mentioned  above,  was  exe- 
cuted in  almost  entire  independence  of  the  influence  of  Greece :  a 
copy  was  made  directly  from  life,  with  a  prosaic  realism  which,  with- 
out restraint  or  culture,  and  with  no  feeling  for  the  beautiful,  was 
still  fascinating  from  its  naturalness.  In  later  times  this  unpoetical 
sobriety  and  truthfulness  to  individual  peculiarities  still  existed  ;  but 
they  were  affected  by  Hellenic  forms  and  formulas,  which,  being  with- 
out organic  unity  or  intrinsic  significance,  and  void  of  capacity  for 
development,  were  merely  an  exterior  varnish.  This  period  is  most 
clearly  represented  by  the  lids  of  three  sarcophagi  carved  in  alabas- 
ter and  a  soft -stone.  Of  these,  one  bears  a  reclining  image  with  five 
statues  in  the  full  round  at  the  head  and  feet  {Fig.  261);  the  two 
others,  from  Vulci,  represent  a  man  and.  woman  upon  the  marriage 
bed,  wrought  in  high-relief.  The  portraiture  of  the  chief  personages 
is  by  no  means  limited  to  the  heads.  Apart  from  the  accessories, 
chosen  from  the  purely  human  sphere  of  daily  existence,  the  posi- 
tion and  modelling  of  the  nude  portions  of  the  body  were  evidently 


SARCOPHAGI.  407 

taken  from  living  models.  The  secondary  figures  and  the  drapery 
show  a  decided  Grecian  influence,  in  visible  contrast  to  the  inherent 
realism.  Organic  connection  and  unity  of  style  are  wanting,  and 
this  want  leaves  it  to  be  regretted  that  Greek  forms  should  ever 
have  found  admission  into  Etruria,  for  by  them  the  native  tendency 
towards  the  realistic  was  checked,  while  the  originality  sacrificed  was 
not  compensated  by  a  merely  external  Greek  formalism,  never  essen- 
tially understood. 

This  condition  of  things  is  most  strikingly  exemplified  by  the 
reliefs  upon  the  two  sarcophagi  of  Vulci,  the  lids  of  which  have  been 


Fig.  261. — Etruscan  Stone  Sarcophagus. 

referred  to  above.  Upon  the  front  of  one  is  shown  a  wedding  pro- 
cession, and  upon  the  end  a  funeral  chariot  drawn  by  mules,  with 
the  married  pair  seated  under  a  canopy.  In  the  arrangement  and 
drapery  they  somewhat  resemble  Grecian  sculptures,  but  the  heads, 
especially  of  the  important  figures,  are  portraits,  with  traits  of  real-^ 
istic  coarseness  in  all  the  nude  parts.  Even  in  subject,  as  Brunn  re- 
marks, this  naturalism  is  apparent.  While  the  Greeks  would  have 
chosen  to  represent  a  mythological  wedding  like  that  of  Heracles, 
Peleus,  or  Cadmus,  and  the  Romans  would  have  illustrated  the  bridal 
pair — in  a  conception  more  theological  than  mythological — by  Vic- 
tor>\  Juno,  and  Venus,  with  the  Graces  in  their  train,  the  Etruscans 


408  ETRURIA.— SCULPTURE. 

show  the  marriage  in  a  literal  manner,  the  united  pair  being  followed 
by  servants,  with  couch,  sun-shade,  wash-basin,  crook,  horn,  flutes, 
and  harp.  In  the  reliefs  upon  the  other  sarcophagus  the  subjects 
selected  offered  no  opportunity  for  purely  Etruscan  motives ;  bat- 
tles of  the  Amazons,  and  heroic  encounters  of  naked  youths,  on  foot 
and  upon  horse,  gave  no  scope  to  realistic  treatment.  They  conse- 
quently appear  almost  entirely  Greek,  but  clumsy  and  superficial, 
justifying,  by  the  slavishness  of  their  imitation  and  the  weakness  of 
their  composition,  the  suggestion  of  Brunn,  that  the  Etruscan  artists 
not  only  made  use  of  Hellenic  designs  as  a  kind  of  pattern-book, 
but,  when  they  would  illustrate  some  scene  for  which  they  had  no 
complete  guide,  combined  separate  groups  from  different  examples. 
In  the  steer  seized  by  lions,  and  the  horse  lacerated  by  griffins,  upon 
the  small  sides  of  the  same  sarcophagus,  may  be  recognized  not  only 
Oriental  conceptions,  but  an  Asiatic  treatment. 

The  terra-cotta  sculptures  of  this  period  show  the  same  Hellenic 
tendency,  with  the  same  superficiality  and  relation  to  the  late  Greek 
degeneracy.  Examples  of  this  are  to  be  found  in  the  antefixes  of  a 
sarcophagus  from  Vulci,  and  some  fine  urns  belonging  particularly 
to  Northern  Etruria — Volterra,  Clusium,  and  Perugia — which  appear 
in  tufa  and  travertine,  and  represent  the  latest  period — 150  to  100 
B.C.  Grecian  legendary  scenes  have  been  observed  upon  earlier 
works,  and  afterwards  they  became  more  general ;  but  a  certain  pref- 
erence for  particular  and  better  known  fables  is  evident,  and  native 
additions  are  easily  recognized. 

Not  to  speak  of  later  examples  in  bronze,  and  the  engraved  draw- 
ings upon  cistas  and  mirrors,  which  will  be  treated  of  below,  the 
most  important  statue  is  the  so-called  Mars  from  Todi,  now  in  the 
Vatican  museum.  According  to  its  inscription,  it  is  Umbrian,  but  it 
is  properly  to  be  considered  here,  because  for  the  too  limited  term 
Etruscan  art  might  well  be  substituted  Italian,  or  at  least  Central 
Italian.  Vigorous  in  all  its  details,  and  betraying  throughout  the 
later  Hellenic  style,  the  Mars  is  yet  stiff,  heavy,  and  without  organic 
understanding.  Similar  to  it  are  other  figures  of  warriors ;  but  the 
Boy  with  the  Duck,  in  the  museum  at  Leyden,  in  spite  of  the  stiff 
and  hard  features,  would,  perhaps,  not,  be  recognized  as  Etruscan  at 
all,  were  it  not  for  the  inscription  upon  his  right  leg,  and  the  bulla 


STATUES.  409 

upon  his  neck-band.  The  life-like  statue  of  an  orator  in  Florence 
might,  in  like  manner,  pass  for  Roman,  were  there  not  something  in 
the  head,  and  in  the  lame  position  of  the  legs,  particularly  hard  and 
commonplace,  a  quality  which,  in  the  Roman  works  of  this  kind,  is 
always  tempered  by  some  degree  of  heroic  conception.  The  differ- 
ence is  less  evident  because  the  primitive  art  of  the  Romans  and 
Etruscans  was  much  the  same,  and  the  Greek  influence  the  same  in 
both,  though  this  was  earlier  and  more  active  in  Rome. 

The  painting  of  Etruria  naturally  followed  a  process  of  develop- 
ment similar  to  that  of  the  sculpture.  In  the  earliest  times  it  ap- 
pears that  painting  was  rare  in  comparison  with  the  decorative 
works  of  beaten  metal  plate,  and  that  the  little  there  was  followed 
Phoenician  and  Egyptian  models,  in  so  far,  at  least,  as  may  be  judged 
from  the  few  utensils  which  have  been  found  in  the  so-called  Grotto 
deir  Iside  in  Vulci.  These  are  ornamented  partly  with  painting, 
partly  with  colored  enamel.  This  decorative  and  dependent  period 
lasted  at  least  until  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century ;  and  the 
Oriental  tendency  towards  decoration  was  by  no  means  lost  with  its 
transition  into  the  independent  monumental  and  realistic  style,  as  is 
proved  by  the  pictures  of  the  Campana  tomb  at  Veii,  with  their 
attenuated  animal  figures.  But  the  obtrusive  archaistic  ornament 
upon  the  human  figures  began  already  to  show  the  native  realistic 
tendency,  which  obtained  complete  mastery  in  the  two  tombs  of 
Corneto,  called  the  Tomba  del  Morto,  and  Tomba  delle  Inscrizioni, 
of  about  the  same  date.  A  painting  upon  slabs  of  terra-cotta  from 
Caere  {Fig.  262)  is  perhaps  still  older.  In  the  former  examples, 
though  known  to  be  antique,  the  treatment  was  more  archaistic  than 
archaic,  and  the  monstrous  decorative  style  of  Asia  was  apparent, 
like  that  upon  ancient  vase-paintings.  But  in  the  Caere  slabs  the 
fundamental  principle  was  realistic  imitation  of  the  life.  The  influ- 
ence of  Hellenic  art,  increasing  because  of  the  importation  of  Greek 
vases,  is  first  evident  upon  a  number  of  clay  figures  from  Caere. 
There  is  little  unity  in  the  subjects:  they  appear  to  be  devotional 
and  ceremonial  rather  than  mythological,  the  demoniacal  and  funereal 
elements  predominating.  The  colors  are  sombre,  with  no  decided 
blue,  red,  or  green  :    only  brown,  yellow,  reddish   brown,  gray,  and 


4IO 


ETRURIA.— PAINTING. 


black  were  employed  upon  a  white  ground.  No  trace  of  shading  is 
perceptible,  and  the  drawing,  with  exception  of  the  outline,  is  lim- 
ited to  the  indication  of  the  almond-shaped  eyes,  and  to  slight  sug- 
gestions of  the  knees,  elbows,  and  nails.  The  forms  are  heavy  and 
without  dignity,  the  motions  stiff,  and  the  step  as  though  climbing, 
with  the  arms  thrown  violently  upward,  as  if  running  in  the  greatest 
haste.  Still,  they  give  evidence  of  great  observation  of  nature,  with 
the  avoidance  of  a  systematic  uniformity  in  drawing,  motion,  and 
gesture ;  but  the  imitation  is  hardly  successful,  though  in  the  reclin- 
ing figures,  for  which  a  living  model  was  most  easily  obtained,  there 


Fig.  262. — Painting  from  Caere. 

is  a  certain  degree  of  truthfulness.  In  the  picture  from  Caere  the 
many-colored  altar,  with  its  peculiar  top  reminding  one  of  the  pro- 
files of  Castel  d'  Asso,  is  very  characteristic.  The  wall-paintings  in 
the  older  tombs  of  Corneto,  already  mentioned,  are  somewhat  more 
advanced  in  regard  to  understanding  of  form  and  truthfulness  in 
the  expression  of  the  heads ;  also  in  the  soles  of  the  feet  being  no 
longer  so  flatly  set.  At  the  same  time,  Grecian  influence  is  very  dis- 
tinctly visible.  One  of  these,  the  Tomba  del  Morto,  represents  a 
death-bed  and  its  surroundings,  with  a  group  of  dancers  and  drink- 
ers ;  the  other,  the  Tomba  delle  Inscrizioni,  shows  racing,  boxing, 
wrestling,  and  preparations  for  a  feast.    A  third  sepulchre  at  Corneto, 


TOMBS. 


411 


the  so-called  Tomba  del  Barone,  is,  perhaps,  still  further  developed, 
with  the  strictness  of  the  archaic  Hellenic  vase-painting.  Youthful 
riders,  men  and  women  with  bowls,  and  finely  modelled  garments 
are  separated  by  small  trees. 

This  archaic  hardness  was  again  modified  in  the  next  later  group 
of  four  tombs :  the  Grotto  delle  Bighe,  the  Grotto  del  Citharedo, 
the  Grotto  Marzi,  or  del  Triclinio,  and  the  Grotto  Querciola,  mostly 
named  from  some  chief  motive  of  the  representation  within.  The 
garments  allow  the  outlines  of  the  figure  to  be  seen  :  the  forms  have 
become  more  slender,  the  position  of  the  limbs,  step,  and  action  more 
correct ;  while  the  color,  from  the  use  of  red  and  green,  is  brighter. 
Although  the  archaic  tendency  still  prevails,  as  may  be  seen  from 
the  more  marked  Hellenic  influence,  a  decided  effort  to  develop  the 
native  realism  is  evident  in  the  contemporary  paintings  from  Chiusi, 
of  the  Tomba  Ciaja,  the  Tomba  di  1833,  and  the  Tomba  Francois. 
These  certainly  do  not  show  the  fine  modulation  and  clearness  of 
the  Corneto  paintings,  but,  instead,  a  greater  variety,  originality,  and 
truth.  In  the  Tomba  di  1833,  for  example,  the  eye  appears  drawn 
in  profile.  These  works  are  the  perfection  of  the  second  period,  the 
time  of  independent  realistic  development,  dating  from  the  fifth  to 
the  fourth  century  B.C. 

The  last  phase  of  Etruscan  painting,  when  the  Hellenic  influence 
predominated  as  largely  as  in  the  sculptural  works  of  the  third  and 
second  centuries  B.C.,  commenced  with  the  extensive  adoption  of 
the  Greek  myths,  previously  but  seldom  employed.  This  epoch  is 
illustrated  by  coins,  occasionally  found  in  tombs,  which  still  show 
the  native  naturalistic  traits,  and  a  certain  quaint  sobriety  not  over- 
come by  the  exaggeration  of  gesture.  The  effect  is  far  more  pict- 
uresque than  that  of  the  older  works,  from  a  very  moderate  but 
still  appreciative  use  of  light  and  shade.  The  close  of  the  period 
is  marked  by  a  novelty  of  subject,  the  introduction  of  Italian  legends, 
such  as  the  half-historical  personifications  of  Mastarna  (or  Servius 
TuUius)  and  Caelius  Vibenna.  The  art,  which,  more  or  less  substan- 
tially, outlived  the  independence  of  its  narrow  home,  thus  acquired 
a  Roman  character. 

Numerous  and  varied  products  testify  to  the  Etruscan  industry 


412  ETRURIA.— PAINTING. 

in  artistic  manufactures ;  the  bronze  utensils  in  the  tombs,  with 
sgraffiti,  or  engraved  drawings,  bore  the  same  historical  relation  to 
ancient  paintings  that  copper-plate  engraving  does  to  the  modern. 
Of  the  thousand  hand -mirrors  known,  only  a  few  belong  to  the 
earlier  period ;  but  in  the  subjects  of  the  more  developed  archaic 
examples,  Greek  character  predominates.  The  frequently  recurring 
representations  of  Bacchus  and  Eros  and  of  the  Judgment  of  Paris 
remind  one  of  the  festival  and  morning  toilets ;  Ariadne  and  the 
female  deities  suggest  womanly  customs.  A  great  portion  of  the 
Greek  mythology  is  illustrated  upon  the  mirrors  of  the  third  period, 
which  show  extreme  Hellenic  influence.  Most  of  these  productions 
are  naturally  mere  handiwork,  and  artistically  valueless ;  but  single 
specimens,  from  their  extraordinary  beauty,  might  pass  for  Grecian 
work  did  not  the  inscriptions  and  accessories,  specifically  Etruscan, 
like  the  bullae,  prevent  this  assumption.  For  example,  the  unequal- 
led mirror,  in  which  Semele  embraces  the  youthful  Dionysos  in  so 
charming  a  manner,  represents  the  heroine  in  such  noble  proportions 
that  it  may,  without  hesitation,  be  reckoned  among  the  most  beau- 
tiful results  of  artistic  industry.  Similar  in  character  are  the  en- 
graved cistas,  cylindrical  toilet  -  cases,  which  illustrated  Grecian 
myths,  like  those  of  Perseus  and  Prometheus,  the  Judgment  of  Paris, 
and  the  rites  over  the  body  of  Patroclos,  in  a  careful  manner  and 
with  vigorous  drawing,  but  not  without  the  hardness  peculiar  to 
Etruscan  composition.  Italian  myths  also  appear,  like  that  of^neas; 
and  Latin  inscriptions,  as  those  upon  the  magnificent  cista  of  Fico- 
roni,  ornamented  with  illustrations  of  the  legend  of  the  Argonauts, 
show  that  this  process  of  engraving  was  also  employed  with  success 
by  the  early  Romans. 

A  consideration  of  Etruscan  art  is  important,  because,  without  it, 
an  understanding  of  Roman  art  is  not  possible,  at  least  in  the  fields 
of  architecture  and  sculpture.  Up  to  a  certain  point  of  time,  Roman 
art  was  entirely  developed  from  Etruscan  art,  or,  perhaps,  went  hand 
in  hand  with  it,  as  will  be  more  particularly  shown  in  the  following 
section.  The  subject  should  be  more  closfely  investigated,  especially 
in  the  province  of  painting,  with  the  hope  that,  from  analogous  illus- 
trations, much  which  still  remains  dark  in  primitive  Hellenic  art 
may  also  be  made  clear. 


Fig.  263. — Janus  Quai 


Boarium. 


ROME. 

IT  has  been  remarked  in  the  preceding  section  that  the  term 
"  Etruscan  art  "  admits,  in  many  respects,  of  no  definite  restric- 
tion. The  southern  boundaries  of  the  country  between  the  Po  and 
the  Gulf  of  Tarention  had  early  been  colonized  by  the  Greeks,  but 
its  artistic  industry  was,  in  the  primitive  historical  ages,  chiefly  in 
the  hands  of  the  Etruscans,  and  their  name  alone  has  on  this  account 
been  applied  to  the  architecture,  sculpture,  and  painting  of  all  Cen- 
tral Italy.  But  neighboring  races,  notably  the  Umbrians,  Latins, 
and  Sabines,  also  took  part  in  the  development  of  this  artistic  civili- 
zation— advancing,  in  great  measure,  from  common  starting-points, 
and  with  like  results.  The  migrations  and  commerce  of  the  nations 
inhabiting  the  Italian  peninsula  were  not  less  extended  and  active 
than  were  those  of  the  people  occupying  the  Peloponnesos  and  the 
islands  of  the  yEgean  Sea  :  the  relations  to  the  Orient,  through  the 


414 


ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 


medium  of  Phoenician  traders,  were  much  the  same  in  both  cases, 
and  it  is  not  strange  that  similar  phases  of  advance  are  noticeable, 
though  restricted  in  rapidity  and  degree,  among  tribes  dwelling  in 
the  regions  more  remote  from  the  sea. 

Between  the  Tiber  and  Garigliano,  as  well  as  between  the  Arno 
and  Tiber,  there  exist  extensive  remains  of  Cyclopean  masonry,  as 
well  as  walls  of  hewn  and  squared  stones.  The  former  were  pre- 
dominant in  the  mountainous  interior,  as  at  Alatrium,  Arpinum, 
Aurunca,  Cora,  Cures,  Ecetrae,  Ferentinum,  MeduUia,  Norba,  Prae- 


Fig.  264. — Gate  of  the  Walls  of  Norba, 

neste,  Signia,  Sora,  Tibur,  Verulae,  etc. ;  the  latter  in  the  low  rolling 
land  between  the  Apennines  and  the  Tyrrhenian  Sea,  as  at  .^sernia, 
Antium,  Ardea,  Aricia,  Aufidena,  Lavinium,  Politorium  or  Apiolae, 
Satricum,  Scaptia,  Tellenae,  Tusculum,  and  Rome.  They  frequently 
occur  in  contemporary  workg,  as,  for  example,  in  the  well-preserved 
polygonal  ruins  of  Norba  and  Signia  (the  present  Norma  and  Segni) 
and  the  horizontal  courses  of  the  Servian  fortification,  both  of  which 
constructions  date  from  the  period  of  the  later  kings.  The  age  of 
these  works  can  usually  be  roughly  estimated  :  the  Cyclopean  walls 
of  Olevano,  of  enormous  unhewn  boulders,  like  the  fortifications  of 


EARLV    WALLS. 


415 


Tiryns.  are  evidently  of  greater  antiquity  than  the  carefully  fitted 
polygonal  masonry  of  Norba  and  Signia  {Fig:  264),  where  the  separ- 
ate stones  are  tooled  to  plane  faces  and  sides ;  while  the  irregular 
horizontal  courses  of  unequal  thickness,  which  form  the  older  Latin 
ramparts,  precede,  in  point  of  time,  the  exactly  jointed  blocks  of  the 
Servian  walls  of  Rome.  A  more  exact  classification  or  chronological 
determination  is  not  possible. 

Among  all  the  remains  of  primitive  walls  in  Italy,  those  of  Rome 
are  naturally  the  most  interesting.  It  unfortunately  cannot  be  defi- 
nitely proved  that  a  part  of  a  rampart  upon  the  western  corner  of 
the  Palatine,  exca- 
vated thirty  years  ago 
from  the  rubbish  and 
brick  revetment  of  the 
imperial  period,  ap- 
pertained to  the  for- 
tifications which  sur- 
rounded the  city  of 
Romulus.  But  this 
masonr)',  though  not 
perhaps  attributable 
to  the  eighth  century, 
is  certainly  of  an  early 
age  of  Roman  history. 
It  is  formed  of  oblong 
stones,  exactly  hewn, 
and  laid  in  courses  of 


■■,W^^^S^.s 


:^--m'm»'^wrty^^i 


\um'  iH3u:--i^  jgjiSffsp^- 


ia^  'f-Jlik.  fega[.--^i'^g.uM:'''''ai  ^iM"'^l 


'9m\'i^mmmw\m:m^wmm 


r  .     il^-WFesxT^ 


Fig.  265. — Remains  of  the  Servian  Wall  upon  the  Aventine. 


stretchers  and  headers,  without  the  use  of  mortar,  the  careful  joint- 
ing showing  a  high  degree  of  technical  perfection.  The  better- 
authenticated  remains  of  the  circuit  wall  of  Servius  Tullius  are  simi- 
lar in  character.  They  have  been  best  preserved  upon  the  southern 
slope  of  the  Aventine,  east  of  the  Via  di  S.  Prisca,  where  they  attain 
a  height  of  10  m.,  with  a  length  of  30  m.  {-Fig.  265.)  The  arrange- 
ment of  the  jointing,  however,  is  not  so  well  considered  as  that  in 
the  former  example,  the  vertical  interstices  of  adjoining  courses 
being  frequently  continuous. 

The  passage  formed  a  small  vestibule  or  chamber  in  the  thick- 


4l6  ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 

ness  of  the  wall,  which  required  inner  and  outer  portals,  like  those 
of  the  Temple  of  Janus  upon  the  Velabrum,  which,  long  after  the 
ruin  of  the  Servian  fortifications,  and  even  down  to  the  time  of  the 
empire,  were  sacredly  preserved  as  relics.  A  similar  arrangement 
existed  in  Etruria  even  more  frequently  than  in  the  Latin  cities. 

The  Roman  gates  were  so  doubled  as  to  form  two  passages  side 
by  side — one  for  entrance,  the  other  for  exit ;  a  comparatively  narrow 
opening  could  thus  provide  ample  space  for  those  moving  only  in 
the  same  direction.  It  is  not  certainly  known  how  these  Roman 
gates  were  covered.  The  oldest  vestiges  of  masonry  in  Latium  show 
no  traces  of  vaulting,  while  other  means  of  accomplishing  the  con- 
nection have  been  preserved  almost  intact,  such  as  the  heavy  lintels 
upon  vertical  or  inclined  jambs,  as  at  Segni,  Circello,  Alatri,  and 
Olevano ;  or  the  gradual  projection  of  the  horizontal  courses  beyond 
those  beneath  them,  as  at  Arpino.  The  primitive  houses  for  springs, 
and  the  so-called  Mamertine  Prison,  show  that  vaulting  was  not 
practised  in  Rome  or  the  neighboring  Latin  cities  during  the  early 
ages ;  the  Prison,  probably  built  in  the  time  of  Servius  Tullius,  ap- 
pears to  have  been  somewhat  similar  in  construction  to  the  Greek 
tholos.  A  further  example  of  this  kind  is  the  chamber  for  a  foun- 
tain in  Tusculum,  where  the  stone  slabs  of  the  ceiling  lean  so  as  to 
form  a  sort  of  continuous  gable. 

Rome  owed  more  to  the  last  fifty  years  of  its  hated  kings  than 
to  the  two  following  centuries.  From  the  royal  period  dates  one 
of  the  most  important  monuments  of  vaulted  construction,  the 
Cloaca  Maxima  of  Rome,  built  in  the  reign  of  Tarquinius  Superbus, 
and  probably  under  the  direction  of  engineers  from  his  native  Etru- 
ria. To  this  gigantic  work,  admired  even  in  the  time  of  the  magnifi- 
cent Roman  empire,  is  undoubtedly  owing  the  preservation  of  the 
Eternal  City,  which  it  has  secured  from  the  swamping  that  has  be- 
fallen its  neighboring  plains.  Its  quarried  stones  are  still  visible  be- 
neath the  later  brick  arches  in  the  vicinity  of  S.  Giorgio  in  Velabro. 
{Fig.  266.)  The  building  of  drains  naturally  led  to  extensive  works 
upon  the  banks  of  the  river,  which  protected  the  thickly  populated 
city ;  it  was  forgotten  that,  in  earlier  ages,  it  had  often  been  necessary 
to  traverse  the  Velabrum  in  boats,  and  that  the  spring  freshets  had 
extended  a  sheet  of  water  between  the  Palatine  and  Capitoline  hills. 


VAULTING.  417 

All  these  structures  were  emphatically  works  of  engineering; 
the  building  of  walls,  gateways,  drains,  and  vaulted  roofs  presented 
nothing  to  elevate  them  into  independent  and  artistic  monuments 
of  architecture.  Among  the  Roman  temples  of  this  period  only  two 
appear  to  have  been  of  importance  for  the  history  of  art — the  na- 
tional shrine  of  Diana  upon  the  Aventine,  and  the  Temple  of  Jupi- 
ter Capitolinus ;  both  built  by  the  last  three  kings,  Tarquinius  Pris- 
cus,  Servius  Tullius,  and  Tarquinius  Superbus.  The  first  of  these 
structures  has  been  compared  to  the  Artemesion  at  Ephesos,  the 
national  sanctuary  of  the  lonians ;  but  it  would  be  wrong  to  draw 
from  this  a  conclusion  in  regard  to  the  style  of  the  Latin  temple  of 


Fig.  266. — Cloaca  Maxima. 

the  same  goddess,  which  was  most  probably  Tuscan,  as  that  of  the 
Temple  of  Jupiter  is  knownto  have  been,  from  descriptions  given  by 
ancient  writers  as  well  as  from  the  recent  excavations  of  Jordan.  Ac- 
cording to  Dionysios  of  Halicarnassos,  the  substructure  of  this  latter 
building — eight  hundred  Roman  feet  in  circumference — was  only  fif- 
teen feet  greater  in  length  than  in  width  ;  these  dimensions  agree 
well  with  the  proportion  of  five  to  six  given  by  Vitruvius  for  the 
temple  architecture  of  the  Etruscans.  The  cella  of  the  Capitoline 
temple  was  divided  into  three  aediculae,  another  peculiarity  assigned 
by  the  Roman  writer  to  the  sacred  edifices  of  Etruria  ;  it  had  three 
ranges  of  columns,  of  six  each,  before  the  cella,  which  provided  a 
portico  equal  in  depth  to  half  the  entire  length  of  the  building.    The 

27 


4i8  ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 

ornamentation,  which  will  be  treated  more  fully  in  the  section  upon 
Roman  sculpture,  was  wholly  the  work  of  the  Etruscans.  This  race 
had,  indeed,  settled  in  Rome  between  the  Capitol  and  the  Palatine, 
where  the  name  of  Vicus  Tuscus  preserved,  until  late  historical 
times,  the  memory  of  their  settlement  and  of  the  considerable  part 
taken  by  them  in  the  peopling  of  ancient  Rome.  It  is  even  stated 
by  Pliny  (xxxv.  12,45,  and  154)  that,  for  seventeen  years  after  the 
expulsion  of  the  kings — namely,  until  the  building  of  the  Temple  of 
Ceres  upon  the  Circus — all  the  sanctuaries  of  Rome  were  Etruscan ; 
that  is  to  say,  were  not  only  built  in  the  Tuscan  style,  which  might 
more  properly  be  called  the  ancient  Italian,  but  were  erected  by 
Etruscan  artificers,  or,  at  least,  under  the  direction  of  Etruscan  ar- 
tists. 

Even  the  Temple  of  Ceres  appears  to  have  been  Tuscan  in  gen- 
eral disposition,  its  cella  having  been  triply  divided  and  its  interco- 
lumniations  excessively  great,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  remains  of  a 
later  restoration  still  existing  in  S.  Maria  in  Cosmedin.  In  this  tem- 
ple, however,  the  influence  of  Greek  architecture,  introduced  through 
the  Hellenic  colonies  of  Magna  Graecia,  had  already  begun  to  gain 
ground  in  the  arrangement  and  the  details,  though  the  ancient  Ital- 
ian traditions  were  too  deeply  rooted  to  permit  it  essentially  to  al- 
ter the  original  distribution.  The  structure  remained  nearly  square, 
being  equally  divided  between  the  portico  and  the  cella.  This  is 
illustrated  by  the  Temple  of  Concord,  erected  by  Camillus  upon  the 
Forum  at  the  foot  of  the  Capitol  in  367  B.C.  The  limited  area,  de- 
fined by  the  neighboring  buildings  and  by  the  steep  slope  of  the 
hill  against  which  it  stood,  prevented  even  later  restorations  from 
elongating  its  plan.  The  extended  oblong  of  the  Hellenic  temple 
was  naturally  adopted,  in  place  of  the  heavy  proportions  of  the  Tus- 
can temples,  as  soon  as  the  execution  of  the  entablature  in  stone 
rendered  the  excessively  wide  intercolumniations  impossible,  and 
placed  insurmountable  difficulties  in  the  way  of  the  broad  front. 
Still,  the  Etruscan  or  ancient  Italian  division  of  the  building  was  re- 
tained, inasmuch  as  the  columns  were  usually  restricted  to  a  pronaos 
of  great  depth,  such  as  is  shown  by  the  ruins  of  four  temples  in  the 
Forum  Romanum.  The  Roman  prostylos,  as  Vitruvius  terms  a 
temple  thus  planned,  may  be  regarded  as  the  first  compromise  ef- 


TEMPLES. 


419 


fectcd   between   the  ancient   Italian  and  the   Hellenic   disposition. 
{Figs.  267  and  27 1 .) 

The  early  Italian  manner  of  abutting  the  undeveloped  back  of 
the  building  upon  the  circuit  wall  of  the  temenos,  or  against  a  cliff, 
seems  to  have  long  remained  in  practice ;  but,  in  cases  where  this 
was  impossible,  the  bare  sides  and  rear  of  the  cella  appeared  intoler- 
able when  compared  with  the  outstanding  wings  of  the  Greek  perip- 
teros.  Although,  in  some  instances,  the  prostylos  plan  was  adopted 
in  later  ages,  as  in  the  Temple  of  Antoninus  and  Faustina  {Fig.  268) 
in  the  Forum,  where  the  enclosing  walls  of  the  cella  are  treated  with 


Fig.  267.  —  Temple   of 
Fortuna  Virilis. 


Fig.  268.— Temple  of  An- 
toninus and  Faustina. 

pilasters,  this  was  only  in  cases  where  the  sanctuary  was  so  crowded 
by  adjoining  buildings  that  little  else  than  the  portico  could  be  seen. 
In  completely  isolated  structures  the  desire  of  approaching  the  pe- 
ripteral effect  led  to  the  application  of  engaged  columns  to  the  side 
and  rear  walls  of  the  cella,  thus  attaining,  in  the  so-called  prostylos 
pseudoperipteros,  the  highest  stage  of  that  development  of  sacred 
architecture  which  was  peculiar  to  Rome.  The  purely  peripteral 
form  was  naturally  adopted  in  later  times,  primitive  cellas  being  en- 
closed by  outstanding  ranges  of  columns ;  but  two  fundamental  pe- 
culiarities were  always  retained :  the  pronaos  always  formed  a  deep 
portico,  and  the  naos  always  remained  a  spacious  hall,  the  peripteral 


420  ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 

columns  being  fitted  to  it,  and  made  of  subordinate  importance.  The 
dimensions  of  the  cella  were  thus  not  restricted  by  the  pteroma,  as 
was  the  case  in  the  temples  of  Greece,  and  especially  in  those  of 
Sicily;  for  the  chief  difference  between  the  architectural  tenden- 
cies of  the  Greeks  and  the  Romans  was  that  the  former  devoted 
their  attention  almost  exclusively  to  the  perfection  of  external  ap- 
pearance, creating  monuments  of  unequalled  beauty,  while  the  latter 
held  material  usefulness  to  be  of  the  first  importance,  assigning  to 
technical  excellence  a  second  place,  and  to  artistic  design  but  a 
third,  thus  creating  imposing  interiors  admirably  adapted  to  their 
purposes. 

The  details  of  their  architecture  were  with  the  Romans  purely 
1  —I    decorative  and  applied.     The  Doric  style, 

I  J      which  had  predominated  in  Lower  Italy 

and  Sicily,  and  must  have  offered  the  most 
numerous  models  near  at  hand,  was  never- 
theless least  employed.  It  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  decide  whether  this  is  to  be  ascribed 
to  the  similarity  of  the  Tuscan  and  Doric 
styles,  and  their  derivation  from  a  com- 
mon prototype,  or  to  the  development  of 
— I  the  two  manners  of  building  in  different 
— ^  directions ;  certain  it  is  that  the  channelled 


Fig.  269.— Engaged  Tuscan  Col-  1         j         j  ^u     t^      • 

umn  from  the  Flavian  Amphi-  shatt  was  not  employed,  and  the  Doric  en- 
theatre,  tablature  appeared  only  in  an  attenuated 
and  purely  ornamental  imitation,  above  the  wide  intercolumnia- 
tions  of  the  ancient  Italian  facade.  The  Tuscan  {Fig.  269)  became 
somewhat  higher  in  proportion  to  its  diameter,  and  was  slightly 
altered  in  detail.  The  epistyle  was  diminished  to  a  narrow  band, 
and,  in  the  smaller  temples,  was  usually  carved  from  one  stone  with 
the  frieze  of  triglyphs,  thus  destroying  the  separate  importance  of 
these  two  members.  The  diminutive  triglyphs  were  frequently  in- 
creased in  number  above  the  intercolumniations ;  the  chamferings 
were  terminated  above  by  a  straight  line,  while  the  guttae  were 
lengthened  and  had  a  more  marked  conical  form.  The  proportion- 
ally small  metopes  were  either  entirely  without  sculptured  orna- 
ment, or  were  provided  with  rosettes,  disks,  and  the  heads  of  oxen  ; 


THE  TUSCAN    ORDER. 


421 


which  last  were  introduced  as  a  reminiscence  of  the  barbaric  custom, 
prevalent  in  early  times,  of  affixing  the  skulls  of  the  sacrificed  ani- 
mals to  the  wooden  entablature.  The  corona  was  usually  not  in- 
clined like  this  member  in  the  Doric  cornice;  the  mutules  lost  their 
gutta,  and  became  simplified  to  plain  consoles,  i^ig-  270.)  In  some 
instances  Ionic  elements  were  introduced  into  the  Doric  entablature, 
as  in  the  sarcophagus — now  in  the  Vatican — of  L.  Com.  Scipio  Bar- 
bat  us,  who  was  consul  in  298  B.C.,  where  an  Ionic  cornice  surmounts 


^'ife^T-*;*®'^' 


B'li-.':      31^.4  If 


Fig.  270. — Temple  at  Cori. 

the  frieze  of  triglyphs,  and  Ionic  spirals  decorate  the  lid.  The 
Theatre  of  Marcellus  displays  a  similar  combination ;  and,  in  other 
cases,  Doric  forms  are  entirely  supplanted  by  simplified  Ionic  mem- 
bers. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  third  century  B.C.  the  Ionic  style  was 
generally  introduced  ;  yet,  according  to  the  nature  of  Roman  archi- 
tecture, which  did  but  borrow  external  features  from  foreign  nations, 
itself  supplying  the  general  disposition  and  constructive  forms,  it 


422  ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 

became  nothing  more  than  a  decorative  adjunct :  the  Grecian  style 
became  a  Roman  order.  Attic  Ionic  influences  were  naturally  more 
prevalent  than  those  of  Asia  Minor.  This  was  particularly  fortunate, 
because  a  canon  of  mathematical  rules  early  took  the  place  of  inde- 
pendent development,  hardening  the  forms  into  formulas.  This  me- 
chanical method  of  design  was  favored  by  the  extended  application 
of  engaged  columns  and  pilasters  which  did  not  require  the  com- 
plete execution  of  the  elaborate  capital,  while,  in  the  decoration  of 


Fig.  271. — Temple  of  Fortuna  Virilis. 

colossal  buildings  of  several  stories,  the  distance  from  the  eye  ren- 
dered a  simplification  of  the  Ionic  helices  natural,  as  well  as  more 
suitable  to  the  coarse  and  porous  stone  employed  by  the  Roman 
builders.  {Fig.  271.)  The  complicated,  corner  capital  of  the  Ionic 
style  could  not,  however,  be  avoided  upon  the  free-standing  columns 
of  the  temple  fronts,  and  the  execution  of  this  member  must  have 
been  exceedingly  troublesome  to  artisans  accustomed  to  work  every- 
thing after  one  model.     It  is  therefore  to  be  regarded  as  a  direct 


THE   IONIC   ORDER.  423 

consequence  of  the  Roman  architectural  system  that  a  variety  of  the 
Ionic  capitals  appeared  in  later  times  which  omitted  the  rolls  and 
displayed  the  spirals  upon  all  four  sides.  This  form,  as  exemplified 
by  the  Temple  of  Saturn  upon  the  Clivus  Capitolinus,  seems  to  have 
arisen  by  repeating  the  two  outer  sides  of  the  corner  capital  upon 
those  remaining.  The  entablature  was  of  great  simplicity,  perhaps 
because  the  comparatively  rare  employment  of  this  order  left  it  un- 
developed. 

Before  the  Roman  had  decided  upon  the  practical  but  inartistic 
repetition  of  the  volutes  upon  all  four  sides — by  which  the  nature  of 
the  Ionic  capital  was  destroyed,  and  the  spiral  treated  in  the  early 
Asiatic  manner  as  mere  ornament — the  Corinthian  capital  had  come 
into  general  and  popular  use.  It  has  already  been  explained,  in  the 
section  upon  Hellenic  architecture,  that  the  Corinthian  capital  at- 
tained no  typical  form  in  its  native  country,  and  could  not  be  ranked 
with  the  Doric  and  Ionic  styles,  being  a  mere  variety  of  the  Ionic 
capital  without  any  individual  formation  of  the  shaft  and  entabla- 
ture. The  Corinthian  columns  of  the  uncompleted  Temple  of  the 
Olympian  Zeus  at  Athens,  which  Sulla  transported  to  Rome  about 
the  year  84  B.C.  for  the  rebuilding  of  the  Temple  of  Jupiter  Capito- 
linus, were,  if  not  the  first  in  Rome,  at  least  those  which  were  in  later 
times  taken  by  Roman  architects  as  typical  examples  of  their  style. 
The  Roman  architect  justly  preferred  the  Corinthian  capital  because 
of  its  capacity  for  more  varied  application,  without  that  fatal  diffi- 
culty at  the  corners  inherent  in  the  Ionic  style,  and  because  of  its 
rich  effect,  even  when  less  carefully  and  delicately  detailed.  The 
preference  for  the  Corinthian  may  be  justifiable,  but  that  form  of 
Composite  capital  into  which  it  developed,  by  a  multiplication  of  its 
ornaments  and  the  addition  of  four  spirals  upon  the  corners,  must 
be  regarded  as  a  debasement.  {Fig-  273.)  The  fact  should  not  be 
overlooked  that  this  arrangement  of  acanthus  around  a  concave 
kernel  best  solves  the  problem  of  the  capital  as  a  mediating  mem- 
ber between  the  vertical  support  and  the  horizontal  entablature,  as 
well  as  between  the  circular  plan  of  the  shaft  and  the  rectangle  of 
the  epistyle.     {Fig.  272.) 

The  leaves  and  tendrils  of  the  capital  were  at  last  introduced  into 
the  entablature,  which  thereby  assumed  a  peculiar  character,  and  per- 


424 


ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 


mitted  the  Romans,  for  whom  the  forms  of  Hellenic  architecture 
were  nothing  more  than  a  decorative  mask,  to  place  the  Corinthian, 
as  an  independent  order,  by  the  side  of  the  Ionic  and  the  Tuscan  or 
Doric.  As  the  Corinthian  base  had  been  formed  by  a  combination 
of  the  Ionic  and  Attic  mouldings,  the  consoles  of  the  cornice  result- 
ed from  a  fusion  of  Ionic  dentils  and  Doric  mutules.  The  simplicity 
and  slight  projection  of  the  dentils  did  not  suffice  for  the  require- 
ments of  florid  Roman  architecture;  the  horizontal  mutules  without 
guttae,  characteristic  of  the  later  Tuscan  style,  consequently  took 
their  place,  supported  by  the  spiral  brackets  which  had  been  al- 
ready employed  as  the  parotides  beneath  the  cornices  over  Ionic 
doorways.     A  richly  foliated  ornamentation  fully  harmonized  these 


Fig.  272. — Corinthian  Capital 
from  the  Pantheon. 


Fig.  273. — Composite  Capital. 


new  members  with  the  acanthus  capital,  and  gave  to  the  entire  cor- 
nice an  independent  importance  and  a  certain  lavish  elegance,  soon, 
however,  debased  by  the  extravagance  of  the  decorators.  Continued 
increase  of  ornament  resulted  in  a  want  of  attention  to  the  gen- 
eral composition — a  loss  which  the  multiplication  of  the  details  could 
ill  supply,  especially  as  they  were  without  even  formal  beauty. 

The  sacred  buildings  of  the  Romans  have  been  considered  thus 
at  length  because  offering  the  best  opportunity  for  a  characteriza- 
tion of  the  orders ;  yet  the  significance  of  their  national  architecture 
is  not  to  be  found  in  the  temples,  but  rather  in  their  structures  for 
public  utility  and  comfort.  In  these  the  technical  naturally  far  ex- 
ceeded the  artistic  element,  and  it  is  consequently  in  points  of  con- 
struction that  the  great  advances  of  the  Romans  appear.     In  these 


SEWERS.  425 

methods  they  were  almost  wholly  independent,  and  were  by  far  the 
most  important  people  of  antiquity.  Masonry  of  brick  and  hewn 
stones  early  attained  great  extent  and  perfection,  furthered  by  the  ex- 
cellent materials  at  hand — the  hard  Tiburtine  and  Travertine  lime- 
stones, the  tufa  so  easily  carved,  the  unequalled  clay  for  bricks,  and 
the  famous  volcanic  sand  and  pozzuolana  which,  when  combined  with 
lime,  harden  to  the  firmest  stone.  Vaulting  was  generally  introduced 
as  early  as  the  time  of  the  kings,  the  walls  and  ceiling  forming  an  un- 
interrupted mass  of  homogeneous  materials ;  the  vertical  and  hori- 
zontal members,  support  and  covering,  being  blended  together  with- 
out marked  transition.  Before  this  system  of  construction  was  in- 
vented the  spacious  and  monumental  development  of  protected 
rooms  had  been  possible  only  under  great  limitations;  without  it 
these  chief  ends  of  Roman  architecture  could  not  have  been  at- 
tained. 

The  building  of  barrel  vaults  with  hewn  stones,  as  observed  in 
the  Cloaca  Maxima,  was  attended  with  certain  difficulties :  the  great 
weight  of  the  masonry  permitted  a  moderately  large  span  only 
when  immense  and  cumbrous  buttresses  were  provided.  This  objec- 
tion was,  in  a  great  degree,  obviated  by  the  employment  of  bricks, 
but  the  size  of  the  spaces  covered  was  limited  by  the  necessity  of 
heavy  supporting-walls  at  the  sides.  The  full  scope  of  vaulted  con- 
struction was  not  recognized  until  the  introduction,  by  the  Romans, 
of  the  intersecting  or  cross  vaults,  or  the  so-called  groined  arch.  This 
replaced  the  two  side  walls  previously  necessary  to  support  the  bar- 
rel vault,  by  piers  upon  the  four  corners,  at  the  same  time  opening 
the  covered  space  on  all  four  sides.  The  way  was  thus  prepared  for 
an  indefinite  series  of  such  quadrangular  compartments,  or  bays,  cov- 
ering a  continuous  space.  A  third  development  of  this  principle, 
the  hemispherical  vault  or  cupola,  was  of  more  restricted  application, 
having  been  employed  only  for  circular  buildings,  or,  when  bisected, 
for  apses,  or  semicircular. additions  to  the  plans  of  rectangular  tem- 
ples and  halls.  The  date  of  the  first  appearance  of  the  cross-vault 
can  hardly  have  been  earlier  than  the  second  century  B.C. 

The  first  secular  buildings  which  attained  monumental  impor- 
tance were  undoubtedly  those  erected  for  public  usefulness,  like  the 
extensive  covered  canals  so  requisite  to  the  very  existence  of  Rome. 


426 


ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 


On  the  one  hand,  it  was  necessary,  by  means  of  gigantic  sewers,  to 
drain  the  low  land,  which  was  not  only  full  of  springs,  but  was  peri- 
odically flooded  by  the  Tiber ;  on  the  other,  to  provide  the  metrop- 
olis with  good  water  by  aqueducts  extending  to  great  distances. 
Still,  it  was  not  until  the  year  312  B.C.,  more  than  two  centuries 
after  the  building  of  the  Cloaca  Maxima,  that  the  first  work  of  this 
kind,  the  Aqua  Appia,  was  completed,  si- 
multaneously with  the  first  great  military 
road,  by  the  famous  censor  Appius  Claudius 
Caecus.  This  entirely  subterranean  aque- 
duct, eight  Roman  miles  long,  was  followed, 
down  to  the  time  of  Diocletian,  by  no  less 
than  thirteen  similar  constructions  of  in- 
creased dimensions  and  magnificence.  {Fig. 
274.)  Almost  all  extended  to  the  moun- 
tains which  surround  the  Campagna,  even 
reaching  a  length  of  forty-two  Roman  miles. 
They  provided  so  great  a  quantity  of  excel- 
lent water  that  one  third  part  of  it  would 
have  been  more  than  sufficient  for  the  real 
necessities  of  the  city.  Stupendous  arches 
raised  the  conduits  high  above  the  ground, 
while  valleys  and  ravines  were  spanned  by 
mighty  works  of  engineering,  even  rivalling 
the  bridges  upon  the  great  military  roads. 
The  greater  part  of  the  water  thus  obtained 
was  used  for  the  baths,  which  were  increased 
Fig.  274.-Section  of  the  Aqua  ""^er  the  emperors  to  a  measureless  luxury, 
Marcia,  Tepula,  and  Julia,  and   provided   the    chief  means   by  which 

near  the  Porta  San  Lorenzo.  , ,  ,  ,  1   ^  1       r  r  ^i 

these  rulers  purchased  the  favor  of  the  pop- 
ulace. There  were  in  Rome  no  less  than  eight  hundred  and  fifty- 
six  private  baths  open  to  the  use  of  every  citizen  for  a  certain 
price,  besides  the  great  imperial  structures  which  were  free  to  the 
public.  The  first  founder  of  these  free  baths  was  Agrippa,  in  25 
B.C.,  who  appears  to  have  followed,  in  their  general  arrangement, 
the  type  of  a  Greek  gymnasion.  The  bodily  exercises  of  early 
times,  by  which  the  military  power  of  the  State  had  been  trained, 


AQUEDUCTS.  427 

were  succeeded  under  the  empire  by  a  luxurious  care  for  physical 
well-being ;  gymnastic  drill  appeared  unnecessary  to  the  sovereigns 
of  all  the  known  world,  while  the  bath  and  the  toilet  became  more 
and  more  important.  Thus,  in  the  Roman  baths,  the  spaces  for 
serious  athletic  contests,  which  had  formed  the  principal  part  of 
the  Greek  gymnasion,  were  wholly  subordinated  to  the  depart- 
ments for  indolent  luxury  and  light  amusements.     The  primitive 


M  n  I  I  i  i  I  I  j^ 

Fig.  275. — Section  of  the  Pantheon,  in  its  Present  Condition. 

bathing- chambers  were  enlarged  to  magnificent  halls,  which  of- 
fered the  greatest  scope  for  the  development  of  that  interior  archi- 
tecture which  was  cultivated  with  such  great  success  by  the  Romans. 
This  grandeur  is  evident  in  the  imposing  rotunda  still  remaining 
from  the  Baths  of  Agrippa,  the  remarkable  circular  structure  which, 
because  of  its  beauty,  was  transformed  by  Agrippa  himself  into  a 
temple  —  the  Pantheon — by  the  addition  of  Corinthian  columns. 
{Figs.  275    and    276.)     The   building,  not    having    been    originally 


428 


ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 


planned  for  an  isolated  position,  is  wholly  undeveloped  upon  the 
exterior,  but  its  massive  construction  and  harmonious  proportions 
have  merited  the  admiration  accorded  to  it  in  all  ages.  From  the 
existing  remains  it  cannot  be  surely  determined  whether  the  Baths 
of  Nero,  Titus,  Trajan,  and  Commodus,  which  followed  the  great 
creation  of  Agrippa,  surpassed  it  in  dimensions  and  magnificence ; 
but  it  is  certain  that  this  was  the  case  with  the  enormous  structure.^ 


Fig.  276. — Section  of  the  Pantheon.     Restoration  by  Adler, 


of  Caracalla  and  of  Diocletian,  as  the  entire  plan  of  the  former,  with 
parts  of  the  mosaic  pavements,  still  remains ;  while  the  main  hall  of 
the  latter,  in  almost  perfect  preservation,  forms  the  chief  part  of  the 
Church  of  S.  Maria  degli  Angeli.  The  principal  structure  was  usu- 
ally surrounded  by  an  extensive  enclosure,  which,  in  the  case  of  the 
Baths  of  Caracalla  {Fig.  277),  was  formed  upon  the  front  {a)  by  a 
Series  of  separate  cabinets.  Upon  the  sides  were  segmental  projec- 
tions, or  exedras  {b),  with  various  chambers  {c),  probably  intended 


BAIIIS.  429 

for  intellectual  entertainments,  such  as  rhetorical  and  poetical  dis- 
sertations, etc. ;  while  the  rectangle  was  closed  by  a  one-sided  sta- 
dion,  with  spaces  for  gymnastic  purposes  (</),  and  a  reservoir  for 
water  {e).  The  central  building  provided  upon  either  side  enormous 
halls  for  games,  preparatory  to  the  ablutions  (^,  /),  between  them 
(»,  k,  I)  the  spaces  for  the  cold,  tepid,  and  hot  baths ;  while  the  ad- 


WilliniliWIllllWllllllllWllipillllllll^ 


Fig.  277. — Plan  of  the  Baths  of  Caracalla. 

joining  smaller  chambers  served  as  rooms  for  dressing  and  the  mani- 
fold processes  of  the  toilet.  Between  this  chief  structure  and  the 
enclosure  race-cour?es  and  promenades,  with  fountains  and  beds  of 
flowers,  added  the  charms  of  nature  to  the  magnificence  of  architect- 
ute/  ^The  public  Baths  of  Alexander  Severus,  Decius,  and  Constan- 
tihe  appear  to  have  been  less  extended  ;  but  these  were  far  surpassed 


430 


ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 


in  size  by  the  constructions  of  Diocletian,  which  could  accommodate 
three  thousand  bathers.  The  Roman  buildings  for  the  circus,  the 
theatres,  and  amphitheatres  were  of  scarcely  less  importance.  The 
extreme  simplicity  of  the  Circus  Maximus  recalls  the  early  Greek 
hippodrome ;  the  slopes  of  the  Palatine  and  Aventine  served  as  a 
s'ation  for  the  spectators,  while  the  level  ground  in  the  valley  be- 
tween formed  the  arena.  It  was  not  until  327  B.  C.  that  the  barriers 
(carceres)  were  architecturally  embellished,  and  even  the  rebuilding  of 
the  whole  by  Caesar  was  limited  to  the  erection  of  the  lower  stories 
of  the  auditorium  in  stone.     The  wooden  superstructure  was  not  re- 


Fig.  278. — Chief  Hall  of  the  Baths  of  Caracalla. 

placed  by  a  more  permanent  and  monumental  construction  until  the 
time  of  Domitian  and  Trajan.  The  general  plan  was  adopted  from 
the  Greek  model,  the  peculiarities  of  the  Roman  arrangement  being 
a  low  division  wall,  or  spina,  the  position  of  the  barriers,  and  the 
moat  which  surrounded  the  arena  {euripis),  intended  to  protect  the 
lower  tiers  of  spectators  during  the  combats  of  v/ild  beasts.  The 
spina,  connecting  the  two  turning-posts  {met<;e),  was  ornamented  with 
memorial  columns,  altars,  aediculas,  statues,  obelisks,  and  the  like ; 
it  did  not  follow  a  direction  precisely  parallel  to  the  side  seats,  but 
allowed  a  considerably  broader  space  upon  the  right  than  upon  the 
left,  so  that  the  many  chariots  here  crowded  together  early  in  the 


r\ 


CIRCUSES.  43  J 

race  might  not  be  too  greatly  impeded.  That  all  the  competitors 
might  have  an  equally  favorable  position  when 
brought  into  line,  it  was  necessary  that  the 
starting-points  should  be  arranged  in  the  seg- 
ment of  a  circle,  the  centre  of  which  was  a  lit- 
tle to  the  right  of  the  spina.  This  plan  may 
be  recognized  in  the  best -preserved  Roman 
circuses,  as,  for  instance,  in  that  at  Bovillx,  near 
Albano,  and  that  of  Romulus,  the  son  of  Max- 
entius,  upon  the  Via  Appia.  (/^f^.  279.)  The 
Circus  Maximus,  like  all  the  other  structures  of 
its  kind  in  Rome,  has  been  entirely  destroyed. 
In  the  earlier  periods  of  Roman  history,  the 
theatre  did  not  receive  th(*  recognition  and 
assistance  of  the  government ;  and  the  law  in 
force  until  the  end  of  the  republic,  which  per- 
mitted no  theatre  with  seats  to  be  constructed 
within  the  limits  of  the  city,  prevented  any 
monumental  development  in  this  direction. 
Dramatic  representations,  however,  were  not 
to  be  suppressed  after  an  acquaintance  with 
the  Greek  drama  had  once  been  formed. 
Comedy  was  especially  popular,  and  Roman 
authors  devoted  their  attention  to  it  with  suc- 
cess. But  these  plays  were  performed  only 
upon  festival  days,  and  were  undertaken  by  ^ 
individuals.  The  creation  of  the  improvised 
stage,  for  transient  usage,  thus  fell  to  the  lot 
of  those  politicians  whose  desire  it  was  to  win 
the  favor  of  the  populace.  In  the  latter  days 
of  the  republic  structures  were  reared  which 
equalled  the  extravagant  magnificence  of  the 
Diadochi ;  the  aedile  M.  Scaurus,  for  instance, 

erected  a  gigantic  theatre,  to  stand  only  a  few  „,       , .    ^. 

.^^  ^  ^  Fig.  279.— Plan  of  the  Circus 

days,  which  provided   seats  for  no  less  than  of  Romulus. 

eighty  thousand    spectators,  the  stage  being 

ornamented  by  three  hundred  and  sixty  marble  columns  and  thtee 


432 


ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 


thousand  bronze  statues.  This  boundless  waste  was  brought  to  an 
end  through  the  building  of  the  first  stone  theatre  in  Rome,  by  Pom- 
pey,  who,  notwithstanding  his  great  political  power,  could  succeed  in 
silencing  the  objections  made  by  the  conservative  party  against  this 
innovation  only  by  the  pretence  that  the  stone  seats  were  the  steps 
of  a  temple,  which  he  erected  upon  the  summit  of  the  cavea.  This 
first  permanent  structure  was  succeeded  during  the  reign  of  Augustus 
by  two  other  theatres,  those  of  Marcellus  and  of  Balbus ;  the  first 
could  seat  but  a  quarter  as  many  spectators  as  did  the  theatre  of 
Pompey — namely,  twenty  thousand — while  that  of  Balbus  provided 
places  for  only  eleven  thousand  six  hundred.    In  later  imperial  times 


Fig.  280. — Scheme  of  the  Roman  Theatre,  according  to  Vitruvius. 

even  this  capacity  was  found  too  great.  The  theatre  lost  much  of  its 
attraction  after  the  Roman  people  had  once  seen  blood  flow  in  the 
arena.  Yet  in  all  the  Roman  empire  there  was  scarcely  a  city  of  im- 
portance where  a  stone  theatre  was  not  erected  during  the  reign  of 
Augustus ;  even  small  towns  like  Tusculum,  where  the  remains  are 
particularly  well  preserved,  boasted  of  these  monuments.  The  char- 
acteristic differences  between  the  Roman  theatre  and  the  Greek,  its 
prototype,  were  that  the  orchestra  did  not  exceed  a  semicircle,  the 
front  of  the  stage  (A  A)  being  so  advanced  as  to  form  its  diameter, 
which  thus  brought  the  actors  nearer  to  the  spectators.  {Fig.  280.) 
The  open  half  of  the  circle  was  not,  as  in  Greece,  reserved  for  the 


THEATRES. 


433 


evolutions  of  the  chorus,  but  was  occupied  by  the  senators  and  the 
higher  classes  of  citizens,  who  brought  thither  their  own  seats.  The 
auditorium,  which,  with  the  orchestra,  had  been  restricted  to  a  semi- 
circle, assumed  a  peculiar  form  upon  the  exterior,  the  entire  build- 
ing standing  in  a  plain,  and  only  rarely,  as  in  Tusculum,  occupying  a 
natural  slope.  With  the  introduction  of  vaulting,  massive  founda- 
tions of  masonry  were  ren- 
dered unnecessary.  Barrel 
vaults  were  placed  one  above 
another,  terminating  upon 
the  exterior  in  a  series  of 
arcades,  the  decorative  feat- 
ures of  Roman  architecture 
being  usually  so  applied  that 
the  lower  story  displayed 
engaged  Tuscan  columns, 
the  second  Ionic,  and  the 
third  Corinthian  pilasters, 
with  their  respective  entab- 
latures. This  treatment  of 
the  exterior  is  shown  in  the 
best  preservation  by  the  re- 
maining amphitheatres;  but 
vestiges  of  theatres  may  still 
be  seen  sufficient  to  serve 
as  illustrations,  like  that  of 
Marcellus  {Fig.  281),  and 
those  at  Orange  in  Southern 
France,  at  Aspendos  in  Asia 
Minor,  etc. 

Imposing  as  the  architectural  appearance  of  the  Roman  theatre 
was,  magnificently  and  suitably  as  it  was  planned,  it  could  never 
attain  great  national,  and  consequently  historical,  importance,  be- 
cause tragedy  was  never  popular  and  comedy  never  political.  The 
warlike  and  bloody  scenes  presented  by  the  mortal  combats  of  glad- 
iators and  wild  beasts  had  a  far  greater  attraction  for  a  people  who, 
by  nature,  felt  more  reverence  for  Mars  than  for  the  Muses.     It  was 

28 


Fig.  281. — Theatre  of  Marcellus,  Rome. 


434 


ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 


long,  however,  before  these  exhibitions  were  provided  with  especial 
arenas.     After  the  introduction  of  the  gladiatorial  contests  by  Mar- 


Fig.  282. — Plan  of  the  Flavian  Amphitheatre. 


cus  and  Decius  Brutus,  in  264  B.C.,  upon  the  occasion  of  funeral 
games,  the  prisoners  of  war  had  fought  together  upon  the  Forum  ; 


AMPHITHEATRES. 


435 


and  the  slau^litcr  ot  powerful  animals,  inaugurated  under  Metellus  by 
the  killing  of  elephants  taken  from  the  Carthaginians  in  252  B.C., 
and  continued  under  yEmilius  Paullus  by  the  sacrifice  of  deserters  to 
beasts  of  prey,  had  taken  place  in  the  Circus.  But  this  could  not 
have  been  well  suited  to  the  purpose,  as  its  limited  width  was  im- 
peded by  the  spina,  and  its  side  barriers  could  not  have  offered  suffi- 
cient protection  to  the  spectators  from  the  desperate  attempts  of  the 


JoMOi 


Fig.  283. — Section  of  the  Auditorium  of  the  Flavian  Amphitheatre. 


infuriated  animals  to  escape.  As  early  as  59  B.C.,  Caius  Curio  had 
surprised  the  Roman  people  with  two  wooden  theatres,  built  back 
to  back,  and  arranged  so  as  to  turn  bodily  upon  their  axes  after  the 
conclusion  of  the  scenic  performances,  so  that  the  two  auditories 
faced  one  another,  and  left  between  them  an  arena  for  the  succeed- 
ing combats  of  gladiators.  It  is  not  certain  whether  this  was  the 
original  of  the  amphitheatre,  or  whether  the  oval  plan  arose  from 


436  ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 

simply  giving  broader  proportions  to  that  form  of  stadion,  like  the 
one  at  Aphrodisias  in  Caria,  which  was  terminated  by  a  semicircle 
at  each  end.  But  it  is  scarcely  to  be  doubted  that  the  wooden 
Theatrum  Venatorium  of  Caesar  had  the  disposition  which  was  re- 
peated, with  but  few  alterations,  in  the  stone  amphitheatre  of  Sta- 
tilius  Taurus,  built  during  the  reign  of  Augustus,  and  in  those  of 
wood  erected  by  Augustus,  Tiberius,  and  Nero,  By  the  time  of  the 
Flavians  it  was  recognized  that  no  gift  was  so  acceptable  to  the 
Roman  populace  as  the  provision  of  a  magnificent  place  fitted  for 
these  inhuman  games,  and  thus  arose  that  most  gigantic  edifice  of 
all  ages  —  the  Colosseum.  {Figs.  282  and  283.)  Even  provincial 
towns  like  Reggio,  Pompeii,  Herculaneum,  Albanum,  Tusculum, 
Sutri,  Pola,  Verona,  Nismes,  Treves,  Constantine,  etc.,  were  provided 
with  edifices  of  this  kind,  fully  as  important  in  proportion  to  the 
number  of  their  inhabitants. 

The  mausoleums  and  monuments  erected  in  honor  of  prominent 
citizens  constitute  an  important  class  in  the  architectural  history 
of  Rome.  In  early  times  a  tumulus  form,  similar  to  that  of  the 
Etruscan  tombs,  seems  to  have  predominated.  The  older  monu- 
ments in  the  vicinity  of  Rome  were  thus  constructed.  A  tumulus, 
the  lower  cylinder  of  which  appears  to  have  been  elevated  upon 
a  square  substructure  decorated  with  Tuscan  pilasters,  may  be  as- 
sumed to  have  existed  above  the  remarkable  sepulchral  labyrinth 
of  the  Scipios,  outside  the  Porta  Appia,  and  within  the  present 
Porta  S.  Sebastiano.  In  course  of  time  the  circular  drum  of  masonry 
increased,  while  the  original  cone  was  diminished  to  a  pointed  roof; 
the  magnificent  tombs  of  Caecilia  Metella,  the  wife  of  Crassus,  and  of 
the  Plautii  upon  the  Via  Appia  and  Via  Tiburtina,  show  it  as  already 
preponderating.  The  tumulus  of  Augustus  upon  the  Via  Flaminia, 
at  present  within  the  Porta  del  Popolo,  displays  a  cylinder  of  24  m. 
in  diameter,  decorated  by  thirteen  niches  once  provided  with  statues ; 
while  the  cone  of  earth  above,  which  was  archaistic  agreeably  to  the 
affectation  of  Augustus,  was  planted  with  cyprus-trees  and  termi- 
nated by  a  colossal  image  of  the  imperial  builder.  Even  more 
gigantic  was  the  mausoleum  built  by  Hadrian,  the  lower  portion  of 
which  now  forms  the  substructure  of  the  Castle  of  S.  Angelo.  It 
was  once  surmounted  by  a  second  smaller  cylinder  bearing  a  conical 


TOMBS,  437 

roof.  When  the  area  at  disposal  was  too  limited  for  the  adoption 
of  so  extended  a  base,  the  monument  rose,  like  a  tower,  to  a  great 
height,  in  successive  stories  of  decreasing  dimensions,  with  or  with- 
out columns,  as  in  the  fine  example  of  St.  Remy  in  Southern  France. 
The  endless  rows  of  tombs  upon  the  Via  Appia  vary  from  simple 
piers  and  subterranean  burial-chambers  (called  columbaria,  from  the 
thousands  of  niches  for  funeral  urns  resembling  the  nests  of  doves') 
to  colossal  mausoleums.  The  remains  of  bulwarks  prove  that  many 
of  these  elevations  were  utilized  for  mediaeval  fortresses.  Even  for- 
eign forms  were  employed  ;  the  so-called  Tomb  of  the  Horatii  at 
Albano  resembles  that  of  Porsena,  while  the  Egyptian  pyramid  is  re- 
produced in  the  mausoleum  of  C.  Cestius  near  the  Porta  di  S.  Paolo. 
The  conformation  of  the  land  presented  but  little  opportunity  for 
the  execution  of  rock-cut  tombs  with  a  front  carved  in  the  cliff;  but 
one  remarkable  example  has  been  preserved  upon  the  Lake  of  Al- 
bano, called,  from  the  twelve  fasces  introduced  in  its  decoration,  the 
Tomb  of  the  Consuls.  In  the  mountainous  provinces  of  the  East 
these  sepulchres  were  more  common,  as,  for  instance,  in  Petra,  where 
numbers  of  fa9ades  hewn  in  the  rock,  with  a  kind  of  decorative 
temple-like  architecture,  betray  magnificence  rather  than  good  taste. 
{Fig.  284.). 

The  monuments  commemorative  of  individuals  do  not,  as  in 
Greece,  deserve  to  be  treated  in  the  section  upon  sculpture ;  in 
Rome  the  architectural  pedestal  was  more  important  than  the  stat- 
uesque carving,  and,  indeed,  the  image  was  frequently  supplanted 
altogether  by  inscriptions.  Statues  were  often  placed  upon  col- 
umns. These  were  often  provided  with  characteristic  decorations — 
as  is  the  case  with  the  prows  of  vessels  upon  the  shaft  of  Duilius, 
erected  in  260  B.C. — and  were  often  of  gigantic  dimensions,  thus 
withdrawing  the  figures  upon  their  summits  from  close  inspection. 
The  most  sumptuous  example  of  these  monuments  is  presented  by 
Trajan's  Column,  the  base  of  which  contained  the  sarcophagus  of 
that  emperor.  The  surface  of  the  shaft  was  either  covered  with 
reliefs  of  many  figures  which,  like  the  interior  staircase,  ascended 
spirally  upward,  as  upon  the  Columns  of  Trajan  and  of  Marcus  Aure- 
lius,  or  were  merely  treated  with  architectural  forms  like  the  granite 
column  of  Antoninus  Pius,  the  relief  upon  the  pedestal  of  which  is 


438  ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 

given  below.  {Fig.  304.)  There  are  similar  shafts,  dating  from  the 
Roman  occupation,  at  Cussi  in  France,  at  Alexandria,  Constanti- 
nople, and  Ancyra.  In  all  these  works  the  portrait  was  far  exceeded 
in  importance  by  the  monument;  sculpture  was  rendered  subordi- 
nate to  architecture.  This  was  the  case  in  a  still  greater  degree 
in  the  triumphal  and  commemorative  arches.  As  the  equestrian 
statues  and  quadrigas  have  disappeared  from  all  the  works  of  this 


Fig.  284. — Fa9ade  and  Section  of  a  Rock-cut  Tomb  at  Petra. 


kind  now  preserved,  it  might  easily  be  forgotten  that  these  figures 
were  in  reality  the  principal  part  of  the  composition,  and  the  arches 
beneath  them  little  else  than  pedestals  placed  above  the  streets,  and 
consequently  provided  with  passages.  Festive  portals  constructed 
of  light  timbers  and  decorated  for  gala-days  doubtless  afforded  the 
prototype  for  these  works.  Triumphal  arches  were  comparatively 
rare  in  the  time  of  the  republic,  but  very  common  under  the  em- 


TRIUMPHAL   ARCHES. 


439 


perors.  They  express  the  nature  of  Roman  art  better,  perhaps,  than 
any  other  class  of  structures:  the  mass  of  masonry,  encased  in  col- 
umns and  entablatures  which  were  merely  ornamental  features  with- 
out constructive  functions ;  the  reliefs  of  small  figures  crowded  to- 
gether as  in  a  chronicle  ;  the  numerous  decorative  statues  above  the 
columns  as  well  as  upon  the  top;  the  extended  inscriptions  upon  the 
attic  above  the  arches,  which  thus  formed,  in  a  more  restricted  sense, 
the  pedestal  of  the  crowning  group — these  all  express  characteristic 


Fig.  285. — Triumphal  Arch  of  Titus. 

tendencies,  and  present  the  best  example  of  the  solid  but  ostenta- 
tious construction  which  predominated  in  Roman  architecture,  sub- 
ordinating ideal  beauty  to  the  temporary  purpose.  Augustus,  Tra- 
jan, and  Hadrian  were  the  chief  builders  of  these  monuments,  which 
have  remained  in  all  the  provinces  of  Rome  :  at  Benevento,  Ancona, 
Rimini,  Susa,  and  Aosta  in  Italy  ;  at  St.  Remy,  Orange,  Besangon, 
Cavaillon,  and  Rheims  in  France ;  at  Alcantara,  Merida,  Bara,  and 
Caparra  in  Spain  ;  at  Theveste  and  El  Casr  in  Africa,  etc.    There  are 


440 


ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 


four  of  these  arches  in  Rome — two  with  a  single  passage  (those  of 
Drusus  and  of  Titus  [Fi^.  285]),  and  two  (those  of  Septimius  Severus 
[Fi^.  286]  and  of  Constantine)  with  additional  openings  on  either  side. 
The  Arch  of  Constantine  surpasses  its  known  predecessors  in  beauty 
of  composition  and  proportion  only  because  it  was  patterned  after  an 
arch  of  Trajan,  and  even  built  with  the  same  materials.  This  arch 
is  at  once  the  memorial  of  one  of  the  most  important  victories  re- 


Fig.  286. — Triumphal  Arch  of  Septimius  Severus. 


corded  by  history,  the  battle  near  the  Milvian  Bridge,  and  of  that 
unexampled  poverty  of  artistic  invention,  or  rather  want  of  pro- 
ductive energy,  which  characterized  all  Roman  intellectual  life  after 
the  time  of  Constantine. 

The  so-called  Janus  portals  were  erected  above  the  streets  and 
squares  of  Rome,  much  in  the  same  manner  as  the  triumphal  arches. 
They  were  commonly  simple,  like  the  three  Jani  upon  the  Forum 
Romanum,but  were  increased  at  street-crossings  to  extensive  quadri- 


JANI.  441 

frontes,  or  structures  presenting  the  same  face  upon  all  four  sides. 
The  former  bore  two-faced  Jani  upon  their  summits,  the  latter  a 
four-faced  combination  like  that  upon  some  figures  of  Hermes — an 
image  well  adapted  to  represent  the  watcher  over  the  crowded 
thoroughfares.  The  Janus  Quadrifrons  upon  the  Forum  Boarium 
{Fig.  263)  is,  with  exception  of  the  attic,  particularly  well  preserved  ; 
it  was  richly  ornamented  by  the  statues  of  deities,  no  less  than 
thirty-two  niches  being  provided  upon  its  walls. 

The  buildings  which  surrounded  the  public  squares  corresponded 
in  lavish  magnificence  to  the  altars,  statues,  dedicatory  columns,  and 
triumphal  arches.  Broad  colonnades  with  shops  formed  the  enclos- 
ure, interrupted  by  temples,  and  courts  of  justice,  or  curias,  which 
can  have  differed  but  little  in  external  appearance  from  the  sacred 
edifices.  Most  important  among  these  public  buildings  were  the 
basilicas,  which,  in  name,  purpose,  and  form,  were  derived  from 
Greek  prototypes.  As  halls  of  justice  and  places  for  commercial 
traffic,  they  may  be  regarded  as  covered  extensions  of  the  open 
squares.  Several  of  these  buildings,  erected  during  the  imperial 
epoch,  are  known  by  considerable  remains,  but  they  deviate  so 
greatly  in  disposition  as  to  have  no  plan  in  common  beyond  that 
of  a  hall  surrounded  by  narrow  aisles.  The  oldest  Roman  structure 
of  this  kind,  the  Basilica  Porcia  built  by  Cato  in  185  B.C.,  was  of  an 
oblong  shape,  abutting  with  one  of  its  ends  upon  the  Forum,  while 
the  other  was  enlarged  by  a  small  exedra,  or  apse.  {Figs.  287  and 
288.)  The  chief  space  was  surrounded  upon  all  four  sides  by  two- 
storied  aisles,  the  central  hall,  however,  not  rising  above  them,  as  in 
the  Christian  basilica,  this  being  difficult  of  construction  because  of 
the  slightness  of  the  shafts,  and  not  necessary  for  the  introduction 
of  light.  A  portico  with  a  flat  roof  was  erected  above  the  entrance, 
enlivening  the  bare  and  extended  front  wall.  Thus  the  Basilica 
Porcia  did  not  differ  in  principle  from  the  early  Christian  church, 
and  the  similarity  appears  also  in  the  other  basilicas  of  the  Roman 
republic,  all  of  which  had  their  front  upon  the  smaller  side.  In  the 
courts  of  the  imperial  epoch,  however,  this  primitive  type  was  treated 
with  great  freedom,  and  nothing  remained  of  the  original  arrange- 
ment but  a  large  central  hall  surrounded  by  a  double  passage  of  ar- 
cades upon  piers,  without  columns  and  without  an  apse.     The  nor- 


442 


ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 


mal  basilica,  described  by  Vitruvius,  with  two-storied  side  aisles, 
faced  with  its  greatest  length  upon  the  public  square,  and  had 
an  apse  ;  the  basilica  at  Fanum,  built  by  the  Roman  writer,  was 
similarly  arranged  upon  the  facade,  but  a  clere-story  supported  upon 
gigantic  columns  rose  above  the  lateral  passages.     These  passages 


Fig.  287. — Section. 


Fig.  288. — Plan  of  tht  Primitive  Roman  Basilica.     Restoration  by  Reber. 

opened,  from  the  end  opposite  the  entrance,  into  an  adjoining  tem- 
ple, the  pronaos  of  which  served  as  the  tribune  of  the  forensic  court. 
The  basilica  at  Pompeii,  of  which  the  narrow  side  was  the  front,  had 
no  apse,  while  the  Basilica  Ulpia  had  great  exedras  upon  both  ends, 
with  the  entrance  portal  upon  the  Idnger  side.  The  Basilica  of 
Maxentius  {Fig.  289),  which  was  completed  by  Constantine,  was  an 


BASILICAS. 


443 


exception  in  every  respect,  being  entirely  vaulted,  and  having  two 
apses  upon  adjoining  sides  opposite  to  the  two  chief  entrances.  The 
whole  formed  one  of  the  most  remarkable  and  important  halls  of 


antiquity,  with  the  consideration  of  which  the  history  of  Roman 
architecture  may  well  be  terminated.  The  original  type  of  the 
basilica  was  wholly  neglected  by  later  architects,  who  treated  the 


444 


ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 


problem  of  a  forensic  hall  without  restrictions,  utilizing  the  acci- 
dental formations  of  the  ground,  while  endeavoring  to  combine 
suitability  and  the  display  of  ingenious  constructions  with  magnifi- 
cent novelties  of  their  own  invention. 

The  Roman  dwelling-house  was,  in  the  earliest  ages,  identical 
with  that  of  Etruria,  and,  indeed,  of  all  Central  Italy.  Although  re- 
lated to  Hellenic  prototypes,  the  peculiarly  Italian  atrium,  without 


Fig.  290. — Section. 


Pig.  291. — Plan  of  the  House  of  Pansa  in  Pompeii. 

columnar  supports  for  the  roof,  remained  in  use  even  after  the  gen- 
eral introduction  of  the  Greek  peristyle.  At  Pompeii  a  combination 
of  these  two  varieties  of  court  is  met  with,  the  front  space  being  a 
simple  atrium,  and  that  further  within  a  peristyle.  Each  enclosure 
was  surrounded  by  chambers.  {Figs.  290  and  291.)  The  mosaic  and 
painted  decoration  of  the  floors  and  walls  will  be  treated  in  a  later 
section.  The  small  chambers  were  lighted  only  through  doors  open- 
ing from  the  inner  courts,  and  did  not  share  in  the  architectural  im- 


DWELLING-HOUSES. 


445 


portance  assigned  to  the  larger  halls,  which,  in  the  last  years  of  the 
republic  and  in  the  imperial  period,  transformed  the  houses  of  the 
wealthy  into  veritable  palaces.  With  the  luxury  of  the  table,  the 
magnificence  of  the  dining-room  was  increased  ;  and,  with  the  grow- 
ing taste  for  literature  and  art,  extensive  libraries  and  galleries  of 
pictures  became  prominent  features.  Many  of  the  forms  adopted 
for  this  palatial  architecture  appear  to  have  been  derived  from  the 
later  Greeks  ;  the  designation  of  halls,  as  those  of  Egypt  and  of 
Kyzicos,  employed  by  Vitruvius,  pointing  to  the  sovereignties  of 
the  Diadochi.    This  enlargement  of  extensive  rooms  by  columns  was, 


1 1 1  HtiTTiYlriTTrrrri-n 


Fig.  292. — Flavian  Palace. 
A.  Tablinum  ;  B.  Lavarium ;  C.  Basilica ;  D.  Atrium ;  E.  Dining-hall  (CEcus) ;  F.  Nymphaeum. 

however,  in  a  great  degree  supplanted  by  vaulting,  in  which  case 
the  columns  were  introduced  merely  as  decorative  members.  Much 
attention  was  devoted  to  a  lavish  enrichment  of  these  rooms,  the 
shafts  being  colored  marble  monoliths,  the  lacunae  of  the  vaulted 
ceilings  overlaid  with  bronze  or  richly  gilded,  and  the  capitals  being 
sometimes  formed  of  solid  metal.  One  of  the  halls  in  these  palatial 
residences,  the  private  basilica,  though  it  may  not  have  been  univer- 
sal, deserves  especial  consideration  because  of  its  great  importance  in 
later  times.  Such  courts  of  justice  are  mentioned  by  writers  of  the 
Augustan  age  as  forming  part  of  the  dwellings  of  men  of  condition, 
"  Decause  in  their  houses  councils  were  held  upon  public  and  private 


446 


ROME.— ARCHITECTURE. 


matters,  and  civil  cases  decided."  These  halls  were  naturally  mod- 
elled in  a  great  degree  after  the  public  basilicas  upon  the  forums, 
such  as  the  Porcian,  ^milian,  Sempronian,  and  Opimian  basilicas, 
which  had  been  built  during  the  republic ;  but  they  appear,  when 
compared  with  the  primitive  type  of  the  Roman  basilica,  to  have  dif- 
fered fundamentally  in  two  respects.  In  the  first  place,  the  hall,  be- 
ing surrounded  by  the  chambers  of  the  dwelling,  could  not  be  provid- 
ed with  windows  like  the  free-standing,  forensic  basilicas,  and  a  clere- 
story rising  above  the  adjoining  rooms  was  consequently  adopted. 


Fig.  293. — Court  of  the  Palace  of  Diocletian  at  Spalatro. 

This  rendered  necessary  a  second  modification.  To  impose  a  heavy 
wall  of  masonry,  besides  the  timbered  ceiling  and  roof,  upon  a  double 
story  of  columns  must  have  seemed  inadmissible  to  the  Roman 
taste  for  substantial  con-struction.  The  aisles  upon  the  front  and 
rear  were  consequently  given  up,  the  columns  and  galleries  remain- 
ing upon  the  sides  only,  the  massive  masonry  of  the  enclosure  thus 
receiving  the  thrust  of  the  clere-story  wall,  and  greatly  increasing  its 
stability.  {Fig-  292.)  This  loss  of  continuity  could  have  been  of 
no  great  disadvantage  in  the  private  basilica,  as  it  did  not  serve,  like 
the  free-standing  public  structures,  for  traffic  and  promenades,  as 


PRIVATE   BASILICAS. 


447 


well  as  for  sessions  of  justice.  The  galleries  over  the  side  aisles  were 
frequently  omitted,  and  it  appears  to  have  been  in  these  halls  that 
the  connection  of  columns  by  arches,  in  the  place  of  lintels,  was  first 
introduced.  Such  archivolts  are  first  known  by  examples  built 
during  the  reign  of  Diocletian,  as  at  Spalatro  (Fijf.  293) ;  but  they 
soon  came  into  general  usage,  their  practical  advantages  outweigh- 
ing the  want  of  aesthetic  fitness  inherent  in  such  curved  entabla- 
tures.    It   was  from  these  private  basilicas  that  the  first  Christian 


Fig.  294. — Fragment  of  the  Cista  Praenestina. 

churches  were  architecturally  developed.  The  believers  had  assem- 
bled, during  the  imperial  ages,  in  the  houses  of  wealthy  converts ; 
and  as  these  halls  of  justice  had  been  used  for  religious  services  dur- 
ing times  of  persecution,  it  is  not  strange  that,  after  the  recognition 
of  Christianity  by  the  Roman  government,  their  arrangement  and 
even  their  name  should  have  been  retained. 


'In  Roman  architecture  were  found  great  intelligence  in  the  solu- 


448 


ROM  E.— SC  U  LPTU  RE. 


cion  of  the  constructive  problems  involved  in  the  enclosing  of  large 
spaces,  great  independence  in  the  development  of  technical  perfec- 
tion, and  a  masterly  conformity  to  the  purpose  of  the  structure  ;  but 
Roman  sculpture,  although  of  very  extended  application,  had  less  in- 
dependence and  significance.  The  Romans,  originally  too  practical 
to  provide  a  place  for  the  beautiful  beside  the  useful,  first  gave  de- 
cided admission  to  this  art  when  the  political  growth  of  the  world's 
metropolis  had  reached  the  acme  of  its  power ;  and  even  then  they 
transferred  the  question  of  sculpture  to  foreign  artists  in  their  em- 
ploy. In  the  earlier  republican  period,  their  practice  of  this  art  was 
scarcely  worthy  of  mention ;  in  the  time  of  the  kings,  or,  at  least, 
until  the  year  170  of  the  city,  sculpture  seems  not  to  have  existed 
in  Rome,  or  only  to  have  been  employed  in  the  ornamentation  of 

utensils  like  the  Cista  Praenestina  {Fig.  294) 
with  Phoenician-Etruscan  anthemions  and 
figures  of  animals  riveted  on.  If  these 
may  be  considered  rather  as  a  direct  im- 
portation from  Etruria  and  the  neighbor- 
ing Grecian  and  Phcenician  colonies  than 
as  their  own  work,  it  may  be  said  that 
the  Romans  of  this  period  had  no  im- 
ages of  the  gods. 

The  first  work  of  statuary  which  ap- 
pears to  have  been  exhibited  in  Rome  was 
by  an  Etruscan,  Volcanius,  or  Volca,  from  Veii.  This  was  the  colossal 
Jupiter  sitting  upon  a  throne,  ordered  by  Tarquinius  Priscus  for  the 
Capitoline  Temple.  Formed  of  terra-cotta,  the  face  colored  red,  and 
wearing  upon  the  head  a  chaplet  of  oak-leaves — originally,  perhaps, 
of  bronze,  but  afterwards  of  gold — it  appears,  with  the  exception  of 
the  head,  to  have  been  but  slightly  modelled,  as  it  was  covered  with 
an  embroidered  garment.  A  Hercules  within,  and  the  quadriga  upon 
the  gable  of  the  same  temple,  both  also  of  terra-cotta,  are  ascribed 
to  this  artist.  The  chariot  was,  in  296  B.C.,  replaced  by  a  bronze, 
which  ninety  years  later  was  gilded. 

Even  from  the  beginning  the  tone  of  Roman  sculpture  was  af- 
fected by  Grecian  as  well  as  by  Etrustan  influences.  The  image  in 
the  Temple  of  Diana  built  by  Servius  TulHus  upon  the  Aventine 


Fig.  295. — Janus  Bifrons  upon  an 
Ancient  Roman  Coin. 


THE   ETRUSCAN    ELEMENT.  44^ 

was  a  xoanun — a  rude  puppet  of  wood  imitated  from  the  Artemis 
of  Massalia  (Marseilles) — a  work  after  the  manner  of  the  Ephesian 
Artemis,  and  consequently  still  undeveloped,  and,  at  the  best,  Dai- 
dalian.  Two  generations  later  a  more  advanced  Hellenic  style  ob- 
tained, when,  in  493  B.C.,  two  Greeks  of  Lower  Italy,  Gorgasos  and 
Damophilos,  decorated  the  Temple  of  Ceres  with  paintings  and  fig- 
ures of  terra-cotta.  Eight  years  later,  these  were  followed  by  the 
three  divinities  of  the  temple — Ceres,  Liber,  and  Libera — which  were 
the  first  bronze  statues  in  Rome.  But,  at  the  same  time  with  the 
work  of  the  Grecian  artists,  and  as  if  to  prevent  a  decided  Hellenic 
preponderance,  the  wooden  image  of  Juno  Regina  was  brought  from 
Veii  to  Rome ;  and  this  cannot  have  been  without  effect  upon  the 
figures  of  Fortuna  Muliebris,  consecrated  four  or  five  years  later,  in 
487  or  486  B.C.  In  the  epoch  next  following,  rife  with  civil  wars 
and  misfortunes  of  every  kind,  the  pursuit  of  art  seems  to  have  lan- 
guished, and  its  necessities  to  have  been  met  chiefly  by  booty  from 
the  conquered  cities  of  Etruria,  though  many  of  the  subjects  were 
Roman,  like  the  Janus  Geminus,  copies  of  which  have  been  pre- 
served upon  coins.  {Fig.  295.)  Of  this  period  are  the  Vertumnus 
and  the  Lavinian  Penates,  and  especially  the  first  portrait  statues 
of  heroes  like  those  of  the  Ephesian  Hermodorus,  the  interpreter 
among  the  lawgivers  of  the  Decemvirate,  in  450  B.C. ;  of  Ahala  and 
L.  Minucius,  as  protectors  from  usurpation,  in  439  B.C.  ;  and  of  the 
four  ambassadors  murdered  by  the  Fidenates,  in  438  B.C. 

Art  first  became  more  active  when,  at  the  close  of  the  Samnite 
war,  in  288  B.C.,  the  Roman  authority  began  to  make  itself  felt  in 
the  Grecian  towns  of  Lower  Italy.  Then  originated  the  rich  sculpt- 
ured ornaments  of  the  Forum — the  statues  in  honor  of  Maenius,  Ca- 
millus,  Tremulus,  and  Duilius,  and  also  of  the  Greeks  Pythagoras 
and  Alkibiades,  commanded  by  the  oracle ;  further,  as  shown  by 
Detlefsen  to  be  probable,  portraits  of  the  Sibyls,  and  of  Attus  Na- 
vius,  Horatius  Codes,  M.  Scaevola,  and  Porsena,  falsely  attributed 
to  earlier  times.  The  Capitol  was  decorated  by  statues  of  the  seven 
kings,  and  of  Tatius  and  Brutus  ;  and  the  Via  Sacra,  besides  those  of 
Romulus  and  Tatius,  with  an  equestrian  statue  of  Cloelia.  Nothing 
remains  of  these  works,  which  were  almost  exclusively  of  bronze,  and 
only  one  sacred  figure  gives  any  illustration  of  their  technicalities 


45P 


ROME.— SCULPTURE. 


and  style — the  Wolf— now  preserved  in  the  Capitol.  Although  the 
two  sucking  children  are  lost,  it  is  probably  the  one  consecrated  by 
Ogulnius  under  the  Ruminal  fig-tree,  in  295  B.C.  {Fig.  260.)  With- 
out doubt,  the  characteristics  of  this  period  were  more  Italian,  or, 
according  to  the  usual  term,  Etruscan,  than  Greek ;  and,  in  consid- 
ering the  sculptures  generally,  the  predominant  influence  in  the  por- 
trait-statues may  be  ascribed  to  the 
Etruscans,  and,  in  those  of  a  devo- 
tional character,  to  the  Greeks,  since  it 
was  from  the  Greeks  that  the  Romans 
chiefly  borrowed  this  type. 

Two  other  works  preserved  from 
the  third  century  B.C.,  and  designated 
in  the  inscription  as  by  Roman  artists, 
show  plainly  the  conflict  of  the  two 
tendencies.  The  first  of  these  is  the 
celebrated  Cista  of  Ficoroni,  made  in 
Rome,  with  the  inscription  of  Novius 
Plautius  engraved  in  the  ancient  char- 
acter, found  near  Palestrina(the  ancient 
Praeneste),  and  now  in  the  Kircherian 
Museum  in  Rome.  Its  chief  feature, 
an  episode  from  the  legend  of  the  Ar- 
gonauts, represented  in  sgraffito  upon 
the  vessel,  is  so  purely  Greek  that  it 
might  be  regarded  as  imported  ware 
were  it  not  for  the  accessories  —  the 
bulla,  bracelet,  and  shoes — which  point 
to  Italy,  perhaps  to  Lower  Italy.  Ac- 
Fig.  296.-Statue  of  Isis.    (Museum   wording    to    Mommsen,   Plautius    was 

ot  Naples.)  ^^ 

from  Campania.  The  handle  and  feet, 
on  the  contrary,  are  entirely  Etruscan,  and  exhibit  quite  a  different 
tendency.  Though  the  name  of  the  artist  and  the  dedicatory 
inscription  are  placed  upon  the  handle,  they  cannot  relate  to  these 
castings,  which  are  of  quite  ordinary  manufacture,  but  rather  to 
the  engraving,  Plautius  having  obtained  the  vessel  ready-made  in 
Rome,  where  he  worked.     The  second  of  these  works,  nearly  con- 


THE  GREEK   INFLUENCE. 


451 


temporary  with  the  other,  is  a  small  head  of  Medusa,  in  high-relief, 
with  the  artist's  name  upon  it,  C.  Ovius,  from  the  Tribus  Aufentina. 
In  this  the  two  factors.  Grecian  and  ancient  Italian,  which  formerly 
stood  side  by  side,  appear  to  blend,  and  thus  to  perfect  what  must 
be  designated  as  the  specifically  Roman  style. 

But  at  the  close  of  the  second  Punic  war,  about  200  B.C.,  began 
the  extensive  importation  of  statues,  first  from  the  Grecian  cities  of 
Italy,  afterwards  from  Greece  proper.  It  has  been  related  how 
Rome,  in  150  B.C.,  became  the  central  point  of  Grecian  activity  in 
art,  and  the  seat  of  that  renaissance  which  followed  the  past  stages 
of  Hellenic  artistic  development  in  reversed  succession.  As  the  Ro- 
man deities  had  become 
throughout  almost  iden- 
tical with  those  of  the 
Greeks,  and  as  the  stat- 
uary that  ornamented 
the  squares,  streets,  gar- 
dens, baths,  fountains, 
houses,  and  villas  were 
either  Grecian  spoil  or 
copied  from  celebrated 
Hellenic  originals,  there 
remained  for  the  pecul- 
iarly Roman  art,  as  it 
had  arisen  from  the 
combination  of  Etrus- 
can and  Hellenic  elements,  only  a  comparatively  small  field. 

The  Grecian  stamp  was  given,  so  far  as  might  be,  even  to 
those  deities,  such  as  Juno  Lanuvina,  who,  on  account  of  their  de- 
cided individuality,  could  not  be  exchanged  with  those  of  the  Greeks, 
nor  with  the  gods  borrowed  from  the  Oriental  mythology.  This  did 
not,  indeed,  flourish  in  the  West  until  the  late  times  of  Hellenism, 
two  centuries  B.C.,  and  appeared,  for  the  most  part,  still  later  in 
Rome,  as  shown  by  the  worship  of  Isis,  and  the  frequent  statues  of 
that  goddess  {Fig.  296)  and  of  Harpocrates,  and  by  the  Persian  homage 
to  Mithras,  with  its  sacrifice  of  bulls.  {Fig.  297.)  It  was  the  same 
with  the  uncommonly  numerous  Roman  personifications  and  al- 


Fig.  297. — Relief  of  Mithras.     (In  the  Louvre.) 


452 


ROME.— SCULPTURE. 


legories,  the  individual  type  of  which  was,  as  a  rule,  quite  common- 
place and  without  expression,  the  intention  of  the  artist  being  rec- 
ognizable only  by  attributes.  A  draped  female  figure,  such  as 
the  Flora  or  Pudicitia,  might  be  a  Concordia,  Constantia,  or  Fides ; 
a   Pax,  Libertas,  or   Securitas;  a  Virtus,  Justitia,  or   .^^quitas;   a 

Salus,  Pietas,  or  Annona  —  ac- 
cording to  what  was  placed  in 
the  hand,  upon  the  head,  or  at 
the  feet ;  the  age,  garments,  or 
position  being  rarely  taken  into 
consideration.  With  the  male 
representations  the  difference  in 
regard  to  nudity  and  manner  of 
clothing  {Figs.  298  and  299)  was 
•greater,  and  the  interchange  of 
related  deities  facilitated,  as  in 
the  use  of  Hermes  for  Bonus 
Eventus.  In  personifications 
the  character,  garments,  and  at- 
tributes were  doubtless  more 
marked.  To  the  most  celebrated 
works  of  this  kind  belong  the 
figures  of  the  fourteen  nations 
conquered  by  Pompey  in  the 
Porticus  ad  Nationes.  These 
were  executed  by  Coponius,  the 
only  distinguished  sculptor  cer- 
tainly known  with  a  Roman 
name.  We  may,  perhaps,  con- 
sider these  as  analogous  to  the 
Germania    Devicta   (Thusnelda) 


Fig.  298. — Vertumnus  (Silvanus). 
(In  Berlin.) 


in  Florence,  but  probably,  after  the  manner  of  representations  of 
Asiatic  cities  upon  the  base  of  Puteolani,  they  were  more  varied  and 
less  cold  than  the  mere  allegories  of  abstract  ideas.  Generally,  in 
carrying  out  these  conceptions,  individuality  of  characterization  in 
the  figure  or  the  action  was  not  attempted,  a  certain  common  cor« 
rectness,  grace,  and  superficial  beauty  being  held  to  suffice. 


rOKTKAlTURE. 


453 


In  portraiture,  the  Roman  sculpture  developed  far  more  speciality 
and  meaning.  The  early  tendency  of  ancient  Italian  art  towards  the 
individual  has  already  been  described,  and  it  may  easily  be  under- 
stood that,  in  the  line  of  portraiture,  this  had  an  important  influence, 
even  after  Hellenic  art  had  completely  established  itself  upon  the 
Tiber.  In  this  province  it  best  served  its  purpose.  Still,  it  is  evi- 
dent that  the  vacant,  external  individualization  peculiar  to  the  prim- 
itive works  of  Etruria  and  Rome,  such  as  the  wax  masks  of  their 
ancestors,  required  improvement  by  greater  expression  of  life  and 
character,  for  which  Lysippos,  in  portrait-sculpture,  had  so  decided- 
ly opened  the  way.  By  the  combination  of  these  two  elements, 
the  portraits  became  the  most  successful  works  of  Roman  sculpture. 
The  Hellenic  tendency  to  idealize  pre- 
vailed in  those  statues  which  presented 
the  person  heroically — as  Achilles,  for 
instance — or  were  rendered  divine  by 
attributes  of  Zeus,  or  Apollo,  Juno, 
Ceres,  Venus,  and  others.  The  figure 
was  then  usually  nude,  and  was  only 
so  far  imitated  from  life  as  to  give  to 
the  head  the  true  features,  with  a  cer- 
tain transfiguration.  This  treatment, 
exemplified  in  many  of  the  statues  of 
Antinous,  had  prevailed  in  Hellenic 
art  since  the  time  of  Lysippos,  the 
great  master  of  portrait-sculpture.  The  native  Italian  tendency, 
on  the  contrary,  had  sway  in  the  so-called  "iconic"  statues;  in 
those,  namely,  in  which  the  personal  and  human  character  was  car- 
ried out.  In  these  the  clothing  was  given  with  more  detail  and 
significance ;  as,  for  example,  in  the  figures  of  the  emperors  wearing 
the  toga  {statucB  togatce),  or  the  presidents  of  the  senate.  Others  are 
represented  as  high-priests,  with  the  drapery  drawn  over  the  back 
of  the  head;  others  {statues  thoracatce)  as  field-officers,  in  coats  of 
mail,  as,  among  many  examples,  in  the  celebrated  Augustus  of  the 
Vatican,  found,  in  1863,  before  the  Porta  del  Popolo.  {Fig.  300.)  In 
these  the  action  generally  chosen  seems  to  have  been  that  of  ad- 
dress to  the  senate  or  to  the  army.     Equestrian  statues  belonged 


Fig.  299. — Relief  of  Bonus  Eventus. 
(British  Museum.) 


454 


ROME.— SCULPTURE. 


chiefly  to  the  t/wracat(Z,  though,  they  appear  also  in  conception  Hke 
Achilles,  nude,  or  clothed  only  with  the  himation.  As  they  were 
all  of  bronze,  few  remain ;  so  that  the  Marcus  Aurelius  upon  the 

Capitoline,  notwithstand- 
ing its  hardness  and  other 
faults,  is  the  most  cele- 
brated, and  has  become 
the  standard  for  countless 
modern  statues.  The  fig- 
ures upon  chariots,  on  the 
contrary,  and  especially 
those  which  ornamented 
the  triumphal  arches, 
were,  for  the  most  part, 
togatce.  The  mention  of 
triumphal  groups  with  six 
pairs  of  horses,  or  of  ele- 
phants, shows  to  what  ex- 
treme of  tastelessness  Ro- 
man art  had  become  de- 
based in  the  time  of  the 
emperors.  The  better 
works  of  this  class  are 
most  suitably  represented 
by  the  four  bronze  horses, 
falsely  ascribed  to  Lysip- 
pos,  which  were  brought 
by  the  Venetians  from 
Constantinople  in  1204, 
and  which  have  been 
placed  over  the  portal  of 
St.  Mark's  Church  in  Ven- 
ice. Iconic  female  stat- 
ues are  distinguished  by 
careful  imitation  of  garments  falling  in  rich  folds,  and,  even  in  the 
early  times,  by  exaggerated  head-dresses,  which  gave  them  the  ap- 
pearance of  fashion-plates.     Noble  ladies,  sitting  comfortably,  and 


Fig.  300. — Statue  of  Augustus.     (In  the  Vatican.) 


STATUES.  455 

with  dignity,  in  arm-chairs,  arc  among  the  most  successful  of  Roman 
works.  Yet  there  is  in  all  these  portrait-statues,  especially  in  the 
usual  6ratorical  gestures,  a  typical  character  as  little  to  be  mistaken 
as  is  the  softening  influence  of  Hellenic  idealism  in  most  of  the 
heads.     Without  injuring  the  individuality,  it  increases  the  beauty 


Fig.  301. — Equestrian  Statue  of  Nonius  Balbus,  Jun.     (Sculptor  unknown.) 


and  heroic  elevation  of  the  entire  figure.  Not  unfrequently,  how- 
ever, instead  of  inner  significance,  we  find  merely  richness  of  drapery 
and  detailed  accessories,  particularly  in  reliefs  upon  coats  of  mail,  etc. 
The  same  combination  of  native  Italian  tendency  with  Hellenic 
enlightenment,  found  in  portrait -sculpture,  is  shown  in  the  reliefs 


456  ROiME.— SCULPTURE. 

which  thereby  became  specifically  Roman.  These  appear  to  have 
been  very  numerous,  as  it  pleased  this  people  to  leave  few  vacant 
surfaces  upon  their  monuments,  which  were  not  only  ornamented, 
but  literally  covered  with  reliefs  and  inscriptions.  Thus  sculpture 
became  as  much  a  written  chronicle  as  a  decoration.  In  limited 
spaces,  such  as  pedestals  and  capitals,  and  the  key-stones  of  arches, 
it  became  merely  ornamental ;  the  subjects  of  the  ornamentation,  in 
keeping  with  the  style,  being  chiefly  allegorical,  such  as  Victories  bear- 
ing trophies,  the  Seasons,  etc.  Upon  large  surfaces  sculpture  com- 
pletely took  the  nature  of  chronicles  and  inscriptions,  and  thus  were 
developed  the  truly  Roman  historical  reliefs  in  connection  with  in- 
scriptions. 

These,  in  accordance  with  the  Italian  view  of  art  in  general, 
rested  almost  entirely  upon  a  realistic  foundation.  Mythology  dis- 
appeared, and  allegory  alone  still  exercised  a  small  influence ;  as,  for 
example,  the  Genius  of  Immortality  bearing  upward  a  deified  em- 
peror, Roma  with  the  triumphal  quadriga.  Victory  upon  a  shield 
perpetuating  the  memory  of  conquest ;  while  personifications  of  cities 
or  rivers,  and  even  of  swamps,  indicated  the  locality  of  the  action,  or 
Jupiter  Pluvius  signified  the  coming  of  the  saving  rain.  After  the 
Antonines,  the  events  are  related  with  simple  truth  to  nature,  as 
a  mere  chronicle,  without  any  idealization  at  all.  The  subjects  of 
Roman  reliefs  are  distinguished  from  the  Grecian  only  by  the 
Greeks  having  substituted,  whenever  possible,  mythological  for  hu- 
man or  common  events ;  and  there  was  no  less  difference  in  the  ar- 
tistic treatment.  The  Greek  never  lost  sight  of  that  conventional 
law  in  sculptural  reliefs  by  which  the  figures  are  conceived  in  a  situ- 
ation to  give  the  most  pleasing  outline.  The  whole  procession  of 
persons,  one  behind  the  other,  excluding  all  effect  of  foreshortening 
and  perspective,  was  displayed  upon  a  surface,  and  developed,  so  far 
as  the  figure  would  permit,  in  harmonious  unity,  and,  whether  repre- 
sented sitting  on  horseback,  or  on  foo.t,  occupying  the  same  space  in 
regard  to  height  and  in  regard  to  the  depth  of  relief.  It  resulted 
that  the  design  was  arranged  in  reference  to  two  planes  only — the 
original  surface  of  the  stone,  which  disappeared  with  the  work  (ex- 
cept in  the  highest  points),  and  the  common  background.  Roman 
sculpture,  on  the  other  hand,  freed  itself  from  all  such  laws  of  style. 


ALLEGORY.  457 

The  profile  position  no  longer  predominated,  and  the  figures  in  the 
mutilated  remnants,  where  the  details  are  lost,  appear  like  formless 
masses,  which,  in  the  Hellenic  system,  would  have  been  impossible. 
The  outline  loses  its  significance,  and  the  figures  are  arranged  with 
such  disregard  of  the  surface  upon  which  they  are  placed  that  they 
rather  resemble  portions  of  statues.  The  projection  from  the  back- 
ground also  varies,  many  parts,  particularly  the  head  and  arms, 
standing  entirely  disengaged.  In  the  arrangement  of  several  figures, 
one  behind  another,  against  a  landscape  or  architectural  background, 
an  attempt  was  made  to  distinguish  the  forms  in  front  from  those 
behind  by  higher  or  lower  relief,  with  something  of  the  effect  of  per- 
spective. {Fig.  302.)  From  this  ensued  a  confusion  of  lines  and  a 
want  of  clearness,  atmospheric  effect  not  assisting  in  sculpture,  as  in 
painting,  to  separate  the  farther  object  from  the  nearer,  and  thus  to 
define  the  distance.  This  crowding  was  still  more  objectionable 
when,  besides  being  grouped  one  behind  another,  the  figures  were 
placed  one  over  another,  representing  the  scene  as  if  from  a  bird's- 
eye  view. 

It  thus  happened  that  Roman  sculpture  in  relief  was  character- 
ized rather  by  a  realistic  and  picturesque  tendency  than  by  well- 
conventionalized  composition.  But  the  forms  remained  Hellenic, 
at  least  so  far  as  the  circumstances  represented  in  Grecian  examples 
would  permit.  When,  however,  a  river  was  to  be  represented,  for 
which  the  Greeks  always  placed  a  local  deity  as  symbol,  or  when  the 
besieging  of  towns,  castles,  or  bridges  was  given,  the  Romans  ap- 
proached more  nearly  to  the  conception  of  Oriental  nations.  As 
the  subject  was  of  more  importance  than  the  composition,  the  deed 
than  the  artistic  illustration,  a  certain  common  and  formal  correct- 
ness sufficed — an  artistic  handwriting,  so  to  speak,  which  might  be 
easily  read.  Their  work  might  be  termed  an  unconscious  translation 
from  the  Assyrian  or  Egyptian  into  the  Roman  language. 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  sculpture  of  historical  reliefs  was  de- 
veloped much  before  the  time  of  the  Empire ;  at  least,  not  more  of 
these  remain  than  of  the  Roman  portrait  -  statues  that  can  be  im- 
puted to  a  more  remote  period.  Historic  sculpture  was  best  ex- 
hibited in  triumphal  monuments.  To  this  class  belong  the  two 
world-renowned  columns  of  Trajan  and  of  Marcus  Aurelius.     With 


ROME.— SCULPTURE. 


458 

more  than  five  thousand  figures  and  over  two  hundred  scenes,  they 
are  among  the  most  magnificent  sculptural  representations  of  all 


be 


times.  Upon  these  ascending  spiral  reliefs  are  unrolled  the  chronicles 
of  the  Dacian  and  Marcomannic  wars.  The  main  events  are  recog- 
nizable throughout,  and  the  barbaric  tribes  may  be  distinguished  by 


HISTORICAL   RELIEFS.  ^^g 

their  costumes,  arms,  and  physiognomy;  so  that  if  written  history 
were  wanting,  the  reliefs  upon  Trajan's  Column  would  be  an  impor- 
tant source  of  information  in  regard  to  the  biography  of  this  em- 
peror and  Roman  imperial  history.  Vigorous  in  treatment  and 
skilful  in  drawing  as  it  must  be  admitted  that  they  are,  still  their 
artistic  value,  from  want  of  style  in  composition,  is  very  small. 


Fig.  303. — Relief  of  Trajan,  from  the  Arch  of  Constantine  in  Rome. 

The  oblong  tablets  of  relief  upon  the  triumphal  arches  occupy  a 
somewhat  more  favorable  position,  because  the  frame  led  to  a  more 
formal,  and  the  duplication  to  a  more  harmonious,  composition. 
The  reliefs  upon  the  Arch  of  Titus,  particularly  those  on  the  sides 
of  the  two  large  passages,  notwithstanding  the  ignorance  which  they 
betray,  are  of  far  higher  importance  in  art ;  and  the  same  may  be 


460 


ROME.— SCULPTURE. 


said  of  the  reliefs  upon  the  monuments  of  Hadrian  and  Trajan. 
{Fig.  303.)  How  far  the  graces  of  form  and  order,  inherited  from 
the  Greeks  and  hitherto  prevalent,  had  disappeared  even  in  the  time 
of  the  Antonines,  and  given  place  to  a  formal  and  vacant  hardness, 
is  shown  by  the  relief  upon  the  pedestal  of  the  lost  statue  of  An- 
toninus Pius.  {Fig-  304.)  This  represents  the  apotheosis  of  An- 
toninus and  Faustina,  who  appear  seated  upon  the  back  of  a  stiff, 


Fig.  304. — Relief  upon  the  Pedestal  of  the  Column  of  Antoninus  Pius. 

floating  Genius  of  Immortality,  in  the  weakest  of  compositions, 
while  cold  and  all-controlling  Allegory  places  by  the  side  of  Roma 
a  personification  of  the  Campus  Martins,  recognizable  by  the  attri- 
bute of  the  obelisk  which  was  erected  there  by  Augustus. 

Roman  sculpture  reached  its  highest  point  under  Hadrian.  This 
emperor  filled  all  spaces  with  sculpture,  as  Trajan  covered  them  with 
inscriptions  commemorating  his  restorations,  acquiring  thus,  in  later 
times,  the  nickname  of  the  "  Lichen."     Even  the  golden  house  of 


PORTRAITURE.  46 1 

Nero  was,  in  this  respect,  surpassed  by  the  Villa  of  Hadrian  at 
Tibur,  where  it  pleased  him  to  reproduce  all  the  wonderful  works  of 
architecture  and  of  sculpture  which  he  had  noticed  in  his  extended 
travels  through  the  Roman  world.  After  the  death  of  Hadrian, 
however,  who,  as  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  Greek  art,  naturally 
directed  the  artistic  industry  of  his  time  to  the  best  possible  repro- 
ductions of  the  highest  products  of  Hellenic  art,  the  Romans  began 
to  follow  the  works  of  the  later  ages.  The  lower  they  placed  their 
aim,  and  the  farther  they  were  removed  from  the  original  source  of 
inspiration  the  more  rapid  was  their  decline. 

Ideal  art  degenerated  into  increasing  formalism,  carelessness, 
weakness  of  sentiment,  and  shallowness,  though  still  retaining  much 
that  was  good,  because  the  originals,  though  copied  and  recopied, 
still  dated  back  to  the  best  periods.  Portraiture  naturally  retained 
more  independence ;  but  this  also  would  have  been  stifled  by  the 
enormous  requirements,  even  if  the  declining  art  had  possessed  fresh 
vigor.  To  understand  this  excessive  demand,  it  is  only  necessary  to 
bear  in  mind  the  rapid  succession  of  emperors  after  Antoninus,  with 
the  consequent  changing  of  imperial  statues  in  all  the  cities  of  the 
Roman  empire.  With  the  Antonines  expired  the  ideal  element  in 
sculptural  portraits ;  and  prosaic  realism,  as  it  had  existed  in  ancient 
Italian  art,  obtained  exclusive  mastery.  Anxious  struggles  after  ex- 
ternal likeness  in  small  and  inartistic  details,  like  wrinkles,  and  ab- 
normities such  as  the  curly  and  frizzled  hair  of  the  Antonines,  and 
of  L.  Verus,  with  locks  like  porous  pumice-stone,  took  the  place  of 
the  lost  ideal  —  remarkable  examples,  which  failed  to  preserve  the 
lifelike  expression.  Within  a  century  art  had  altogether  lost  the 
capacity  for  characterization,  even  in  portraiture;  and  the  numerous 
busts  of  the  later  empire  can  hardly  be  distinguished  one  from 
another.  They  are  mostly  portraits  of  emperors,  empresses,  and 
princes,  whose  heads  are  stiffened  and  hardened  into  a  common 
type.  Previously,  with  a  change  of  the  sovereign,  they  had  altered 
the  heads  of  the  Achilleic  and  iconic  imperial  statues ;  but  it  now 
sufficed  merely  to  vary  the  inscription,  and,  at  most,  the  accessories. 
But  it  was  not  difficult  to  change  the  face  also,  since  it  pleased  them, 
in  making  busts,  to  combine  marbles  of  different  hues,  so  as  to  real- 
ize the  local  colors.     Thus  the  mask  was  of  simple  white,  the  hair 


462  ROME.— SCULPTURE. 

of  dark  marble,  the  garments  of  red,  green,  and  gray  marble  or  gran- 
ite, and  even  the  band  for  the  forehead  and  the  clasp  for  the  toga 
were  of  a  suitable  hue.  In  the  heads  of  ladies  this  disagreeable 
polychromy  had  the  advantage  that,  upon  the  portrait  of  the  same 
sovereign,  not  only  the  mask,  but  the  wig,  could  be  altered,  which, 
according  to  the  fashion  of  the  day,  might  be  blond,  red,  or  dark, 
with  any  desired  mode  of  dressing  the  hair. 

Carving  in  relief,  after  the  Antonines,  suffered  a  similar  decline. 
The  sculptures  upon  the  Column  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  in  comparison 
with  those  of  Trajan's  Column,  notwithstanding  their  unmistakable 
dependence  upon  the  older  example,  show  the  want  of  energy,  of 
appreciation  of  form,  of  variety,  and  of  technical  ability  which  char-  " 
acterizes  the  loss  of  creative  power,  and  the  mere  reproduction  of 
models.  The  reliefs  of  the  Arch  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  once  upon  the 
Corso  at  Rome,  now  in  the  palace  of  the  Capitol,  betray  the  same 
vacuity  of  expression  and  hardness  of  form,  in  comparison  with  the 
illustrations  from  the  life  of  Trajan  upon  the  Arch  of  Constantine ; 
even  when  compared  with  the  sculptures  upon  the  pedestal  of  the 
Column  of  Antoninus  Pius,  a  decline  is  visible  from  the  time  of  the 
older  to  the  younger  Antoninus.  But  even  these  are  superior  to 
the  reliefs  upon  the  Arch  of  Septimius  Severus,  erected  in  201  B.C., 
which,  in  the  main  parts,  have  a  fourfold  division,  in  order  to  gain 
space  for  the  utmost  possible  number  of  representations.  From 
the  nature  of  the  design,  the  spiral  reliefs  upon  the  columns  of  Tra- 
jan and  of  Marcus  Aurelius  exhibited  such  parallel  rows,  one  above 
another ;  but  here  the  same  method  is  employed  upon  a  plane  sur- 
face, although  it  crowds  the  subject  to  such  an  extent  that  the  fig- 
ures become  insignificant  and,  at  a  little  distance,  indistinct.  In 
these  four  lines  are  given  scenes  of  war,  not,  apparently,  so  much  to 
celebrate  combat  and  victory  in  general  as  to  register  especial  facts, 
battles  fought  with  various  weapons,  sieges,  capitulations,  and  the 
transport  of  booty.  Though  many  of  the  details  were  vigorous,  the 
forms  in  general  tolerably  correct,  and  thq  technical  ability  consider- 
able, yet  the  composition  appears  barbaric,  the  grouping  awkward, 
and  the  filling  of  the  given  space,  the  composition,  and  the  artistic 
construction  altogether  unfortunate. 

After  Septimius  Severus,  statuesque  art  degenerated  into  mere 


THE  DECLINE.  463 

stone-cutting ;  the  portraits  are  unrecognizable,  the  reliefs  without 
expression  or  effect,  except,  as  in  Egyptian  art,  from  the  number  of 
figures  and  accessories.  In  religious  sculptures,  finally  reduced  to 
bungling  artisan  work,  the  last  spark  of  Hellenic  tradition  died  out 
in  continued  weak  copies.  In  historical  reliefs  the  impulse  to  create 
perished  with  the  artistic  ability.  When  large  monumental  con- 
structions were  required,  the  material  was  frequently  drawn  from 
the  works  of  former  emperors ;  and  even  in  triumphal  memorials, 
like  the  Arch  of  Constantine,  there  was 
no  hesitation  in  inserting  reliefs  unmis- 
takably celebrating  the  deeds  of  Trajan, 
or  installing  statues  connected  with  his 
conquests  upon  the  Danube,  the  builders 
contenting  themselves  with  filling  out  what 
was  lacking,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Victories 
upon  the  pedestals  of  the  columns  {Fig. 
305),  and  the  narrow  frieze  of  reliefs  over 
the  side  passages.  The  figures  err  greatly 
in  proportions  :  dumpy,  formless,  and  awk- 
ward, appearing  incapable  of  motion,  they 
already  exemplify  that  perfect  rigidity 
which,  in  the  following  centuries,  was  to 
hold  sculpture  in  bondage.  Even  where 
the  nature  of  the  representations  permit- 
ted the  influence  of  the  old  models,  the 
decline  of  technical  ability  is  striking,  as  ^.  ,^.         ,       ,    .    . 

■'  °  Fig.  305. — Victory,  from  the  Arch 

may  be  seen  by  comparing  these  figures  of  Constantine. 

with  the  Victories  upon  the  pedestals  of 

the  Arch  of  Septimius  Severus,  which,  though  superficial,  are  not 
without  a  certain  style.  The  folds,  for  example,  look  like  the  holes 
and  lines  of  the  wood -worm;  they  are  simple  stripes  cut  into  the 
garment,  without  movement  or  purpose,  hard,  rough,  and  hasty,  as 
is  the  entire  treatment. 


If  in  Roman  art  the  province  of  architecture  is  the  most  impor- 
tant, and  that  of  sculpture  the  most  richly  represented,  that  of  paint- 
ing is  the  most  charming.     In  this,  as  in  sculpture,  the  decorative 


464  ROME.— PAINTING. 

character  predominated.  Traces  of  that  monumental  art  which 
creates  for  itself,  and  for  its  own  sake,  are  found  only  in  works  of 
the  earlier  time,  and  even  then  in  few  and  isolated  instances. 
Even  more  than  sculpture,  painting  appears  dependent  and  imitative, 
vacillating  in  the  first  five  centuries  between  the  influence  of  ancient 
Italy  and  of  Greece ;  later,  in  close  subjection  to  the  latter,  as  devel- 
oped in  the  Hellenistic  period  after  Alexander. 

The  earliest  notice  of  monumental  painting  in  Rome  relates  to 
the  decoration  of  the  temples  of  Ceres,  Liber,  and  Libera  by  the 
Greek  artists  of  Lower  Italy,  Gorgasos  and  Damophilos,  in  493  B.C., 
of  which  mention  has  already  been  made.  Although  they  made  use 
of  four  colors,  their  method  was  that  of  the  time  before  Polygnotos, 
and  their  work  was  little  distinguished  from  the  older  painting  upon 
vases,  such  as  those  of  Ergotimos  and  Clitias  in  Florence,  the  sur- 
faces within  the  outlines  being  treated  in  color,  without  gradation 
of  light  or  shade.  It  may  therefore  be  concluded  that,  in  the  two 
chief  temples  of  the  last  period  of  the  kings,  colored  ornament, 
whether  upon  the  plaster  itself,  or  upon  a  revetment  of  terra-cotta 
slabs,  as  in  the  tomb  at  Caere  {Fig.  262),  was  as  little  wanting  as  in 
the  temples  and  tombs  of  Etruria.  It  may  be  judged  that  in  Rome 
this  was  specifically  Etruscan,  since  Pliny  refers  to  the  ornamenta- 
tion of  the  Temple  of  Ceres  only  because  in  this  Grecian  artists  first 
appear  to  have  taken  part,  while  before  "  everything  in  the  Roman 
temple  had  been  Etruscan."  Much  as  we  may  be  inclined  to  regard 
the  primitive  art  of  Etruria  as  dependent  upon  that  of  Greece,  the 
difference  must  have  been  considerable ;  and  the  Grecian  wall-paint- 
ings in  the  Temple  of  Ceres  must  have  been  held  in  great  estimation, 
since,  according  to  Pliny,  they  were  protected  when  the  temple  was 
restored,  being  removed  from  the  walls  with  great  care,  framed  upon 
tablets,  and  replaced. 

It  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  these  wall-paintings  opened  the 
way  to  Hellenic  influence,  although  a  guild  of  Etruscan  artists  for  a 
long  time  worked  by  the  side  of  the  Greeks  in  Rome,  for  purposes 
of  ordinary  decoration.  If,  according  to  Pliny, "  art  came  early  to 
be  honored  in  Rome,"  and  even  patricians  did  not  hesitate  to  devote 
themselves  to  it,  it  would  seem  that 'this  must  have  been  brought 
about  through  Grecian  methods.     Fabius  Pictor,  whose  wall-paint- 


PANEL-PICTURES.  465 

ings,  according  to  Dionysios  of  Halicarnassos,  were  carefully  drawn, 
of  a  fresh,  agreeable  color,  and  composed  in  a  grand  historical  style, 
acquired  his  sobriquet  and  his  great  fame  by  his  paintings  in  the 
Temple  of  Salus,  executed  in  the  year  304  B.C.  His  rank  in  regard 
to  drawing  may  be  exemplified  by  the  wonderful  sgraffiti  of  the 
Cista  of  Novius  Plautius  in  Rome,  although  the  latter,  having  flour- 
ished half  a  century  later,  may  take  a  somewhat  higher  rank.  The 
paintings  of  the  tragic  poet  Pacuvius,  from  220  to  130  B.C.,  were 
still  more  advanced.  Among  these  a  picture,  probably  upon  a 
panel,  in  the  Temple  of  Hercules  in  the  Forum  Boarium,  was  very 
celebrated ;  and  it  may  be  assumed  that,  in  order  to  obtain  renown, 
the  artist  adopted  with  success  the  technical  refinements  of  the 
period  of  the  Diadochi.  The  aged  artist,  before  his  death,  must 
have  witnessed  the  extensive  robberies  which  brought  to  the  me- 
tropolis, besides  the  sculptural  Works,  the  most  distinguished  pict- 
ures of  Greece,  it  having  happened  in  his  prime  that  the  Athenian 
painter  and  philosopher  Metrodoros  was  called  to  Rome  by  M.m\\- 
ius  Paulus — as  a  philosopher  to  educate  his  children,  and  as  an  artist 
to  illustrate  his  triumphs.  Metrodoros,  who,  in  his  artistic  and 
scholarly  versatility,  had  written  a  book  upon  architecture,  gave 
assistance  even  in  the  construction  of  triumphal  arches.  Still,  .^mil- 
ius  Paulus  may  well  have  wished  to  glorify  his  deeds  by  historical 
paintings,  as  had  been  customary  with  the  conquerors  for  a  century. 
In  293  B.C.,  M.  Valerius  Maximus  Messala  had  placed  a  battle-scene 
in  the  Curia  Hostilia,  illustrating  his  victory  over  the  Carthaginians 
and  Hiero  of  Syracuse — an  example  which  was  followed  by  L.  Scipio, 
in  190  B.C.,  with  a  representation  of  his  success  at  Magnesia  over 
Antiochus  of  Syria.  These,  however,  must  be  regarded  less  as  works 
of  art  than  as  realistic  delineations  of  the  events,  analogous  to  the 
Roman  historical  reliefs  in  the  time  of  the  Empire ;  at  least,  great 
importance  was  given  to  details  in  the  picture  representing  the  Con- 
quest of  Carthage  which  L.  Hostilius  Mancinus,  in  146  B.C.,  exhib- 
ited upon  the  Forum  and  explained  to  the  people,  and  which  es- 
pecially showed  the  Roman  preparations  for  a  siege.  Such  works, 
the  background  of  which  was  probably  treated  more  or  less  as  a 
landscape,  like  the  topographical  representations  of  earlier  antiquity, 
must  have  been  similar  in  conception  and  composition  to  the  As- 

30 


466 


ROME.— PAINTING. 


Syrian  reliefs  that  represent  battles  and  sieges,  and  to  the  pictures 
of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  of  the  Christian  era. 
In  the  notices  of  these  panel-paintings  there  are  no  names  of 

artists  to  assist  in  their  classification ; 
but  it  may  be  concluded  that  Metro- 
doros  was  encouraged  in  this  work,  and 
Serapion,  in    lOO    B.C.,  really   distin- 
guished   himself    in     such    historical 
scenes.     The  artists  of  importance  in 
the  last  century  of  the  republic,  like 
Sopolis,  Dionysios,  and  their  pupil  An- 
'■     tiochus    Gabinius,   found    themselves 
;     forced  into  portraiture ;  the  specialty 
j     of  laia,  or   Laia,  of  Kyzicos   was  the 
;     painting   of  women    upon    ivory,  and 
;     Arellius    portrayed   his    mistresses   as 
;     goddesses.     But  in   the  beginning  of 
:     the    empire,  tablet-painting   seems   to 
i     have  been  entirely  abandoned,  being 
I    supplanted  by  a  new  decorative  ten- 
i     dency  which  again,  in  quite  an  unmon- 
^     umental   manner,  led   back   to    mural 
:     painting. 

It  is  clear  from  the  term  "  Pina- 
o  cotheca,"  applied  to  certain  halls  in 
f  the  city  palaces,  that  the  eagerness 
for  collecting  among  the  Roman  em- 
perors and  nobles  extended  as  well  to 
the  paintings  of  Greece  as  to  the  stat- 
ues. In  sculpture  copies  were  substi- 
tuted when  originals  were  wanting, 
but  this  seems  to  have  been  rarely  the 
case  with  panel  -  paintings.  As  the 
statues  were  employed  for  decoration, 
originality  in  these  was  not  so  important ;  but  with  paintings  pre- 
served in  cabinets,  genuineness  was  more  imperative.  Painting 
upon  panels,  however,  became  less  frequent  when  pictures  came  to 


WALL-PAINTING.  •  ^g^ 

be  imitated  upon  the  wall  itself  and  brought  into  harmony  with  the 
remainder  of  the  mural  ornamentation,  as,  according  to  Hclbig, 
was  customary,  particularly  in  Alexandria,  even  in  the  time  of  the 
Diadochi.  This  is  shown,  not  only  by  the  new  discoveries  among 
the  buildings  of  Tiberius  upon  the  Palatine,  but  also  in  the  frescos 
of  those  subterranean  baths  of  Titus  which  may  be  regarded  as  part 
of  the  ruins  of  the  Golden  House  of  Nero.  {Fig.yyS.)  Ornaments, 
garlands,  and  architectural  de- 
signs divide  the  walls  into 
many  spaces,  within  which 
groups  or  single  figures  {Fig. 
307),  often  dancing  or  float- 
ing, are  placed  directly  against 
a  ground  of  intense  color, 
sometimes  black — the  paint- 
ings of  Campania  showing  un- 
surpassed lightness  and  charm 
in  the  lines,     {Fig.  308.) 

Sometimes  they  are  orna- 
mented with  imitations  of 
framed  panel-pictures,  most- 
ly containing  mythological 
groups,  and  scenes  in  small 
genre.  To  these  was  gener- 
ally given  a  background  of 
landscape,  so  that  the  figures 
represented  were  little  more 
than  picturesque  accessories ; 
and  this  custom  seems  to  have 
led,  perhaps  even  in  the  Hel- 
lenistic period,  to  true  landscape  -  painting.  {Fig.  309.)  Accord- 
ing to  Pliny,  Ludius,  or  Studius,  introduced  this  style  in  the  time  of 
Augustus,  of  which,  besides  those  of  Campania,  the  frieze  decorations 
of  the  newly  discovered  house  of  Tiberius  upon  the  Palatine  give 
the  best  representations,  and  form  an  illustrated  commentary  upon 
the  descriptions  of  the  works  of  Ludius.  These  are  characterized 
as  showing  "  villas  and  halls,  artificial  gardens,  hedges,  woods,  hills. 


Fig.  307. — Ceres.     Pompeian  Wall-painting. 


468     '  ROME.— PAINTING. 

water-basins,  tombs,  rivers,  shores,  in  as  great  a  variety  as  could  be 
desired  ;"  besides  "  figures  sitting  at  ease,  mariners,  and  those  who, 
(riding  upon  donkeys  or  in  wagons,  look  after  their  farms;  fishermen, 
snarers  of  birds,  hunters,  and  vine-dressers ;  also  swampy  pas.sages 
before  beautiful  villas,  and  women  borne  by  men  who  stagger  under 
the  burden,  and  other  witty  things  of  this  nature ;  finally,  views  of 
seaports,  everything  charming  and  suitable  ;"  that  is  to  say,  of  a  cer- 
tain facility  and  shallowness.  The  aim  was  to  give  an  open  and 
cheerful  effect,  and  this  could  be  attained  without  correct  and  nat- 
uralistic method  or  unity  of  idea ;  on  the  contrary  a  fantastic  un- 


•   Kig.  308. — Wall-painting  from  Herculaneum. 

reality,  and  even  impossibility,  was  its  chief  charm,  like  the  painting 
upon  Japanese  lacquered  wares. 

The  case  was  similar  with  architectural  ornamentation,  another 
branch  of  Roman  decorative  painting,  generally  known  under  the 
name  of  the  Pompeian  style.  {Fig.  310.)  Even  in  the  time  of 
Augustus,  Vitruvius  complains  of  a  blind  seeking  after  scenic  effect, 
which,  in  disdain  of  all  constructive  laws,  and  in  a  manner  quite  im- 
possible, piled  heavy  gables  and  upper  stories  upon  reed-like  col- 
umns of  no  supporting  power.  His  blame,  however,  seems  unjus- 
tifiable. That  architectural  painting  which  aims  at  illusion  should 
be  condemned  as  worthless  ;  but  this  is  not  the  case  with  that  which, 


POMPEII.  469 

after  the  analogy  of  conventional  landscape-painting,  renounces  all 
-^cmblancc  of  reality  and  assiduously  avoids  all  illusion.  Spaces  may 
be  apparently  extended  by  an  architectural  painting  which,  not  de- 


Fig.  309. — Landscape-painring  from  Pompeii. 

ceptively,  but  poetically,  opens  the  narrow  walls  of  small  rooms,  and 
carries  the  eye  dreamily  through  a  wide  perspective.  Hence  the 
fresh  and  by  no  means  realistic  colors,  which,  tapestry-like,  are  not 
intended  to  deceive,  but  to  ornament  and  please.     They  bear  wit- 


470 


ROME.— PAINTING. 


ness  to  the  deep  feeling  for  polychromy,  inherited  from  Hellenic,  or 
at  least  Hellenistic,  predecessors,  which  was  characteristic  of  the  Ro- 
mans even  after  their  decline.  What  delight  must  there  have  been 
in  a  work  so  extended,  and  yet  free  from  all  slavish  copying !  Not 
only  AmuHus,  who,  by  compulsion,  painted  the  Golden  House  of 
Nero,  and  was  celebrated  by  Pliny  for  his  valuable  and  finely  colored 
pictures,  but   countless   other  artists   were   everywhere  busily  em- 


Fig.  310.— v^all-painting  of  Decorative  Architecture,  Pompeii, 
ployed  in  covering  the  walls  with  paintings  and  ornaments— a  work 
now  intrusted  to  common  decorators.  In  the  time  of  Nero  the 
activity  in  ornamental  painting,  judged  by  the  discoveries  among 
the  ruined  cities  of  Campania,  must  have  been  greater  than  has 
ever  been  known  at  any  other  period. 

In   the   consideration   of  Hellenic   painting,  mention   has  been 
made  of  the  origin  of  floor-decorations  in  mosaic  by  Sosos  at  the 


MUNAICS,  Ay  I 

royal  court  of  Pergamon.  By  this  is  only  meant  mosaic  painting 
with  illusory  effects,  as  practised  by  him  ;  imitations  of  tapestry 
patterns  and  merely  ornamental  mosaic-work  must  have  been  older. 
His  drinking-doves  in  the  "  unswept  hall"  appear  to  have  continued 
a  favorite  subject,  judging  from  three  well-known  imitations;  one 
of  which,  found  upon  the  Aventine,  now  in  the  Museum  of  the 
Lateran,  bears  the  inscription  of  the  artist  Heraclitos.  Though  the 
names  of  other  w^orkers  in  mosaic  are  known,  they  as  little  deserve 
mention  here  as  do  the  numerous  vase-painters,  their  mosaic  being 
almost  wholly  a  technical  process ;  its  very  laboriousness  rendered 
a  truly  artistic  activity  almost  impossible.  Unfortunately,  no  name 
is  attached  to  the  most  important  work  of  this  kind,  over  four 
meters  long  and  two  wide,  apparently  representing  an  Alexandrian 
battle-scene.  This  is  also  the  best-preserved  historical  painting  of 
antiquity,  but  it  is  related  rather  to  the  Grecian  types  than  to  rhe 
Roman  battle-pieces  above  mentioned.  The  greater  part  of  the 
well-known  mosaics,  being  from  Herculaneum  and  Pompeii,  may  be 
referred  to  the  time  of  Nero ;  but  those  of  Praeneste  with  the  Egyp- 
tianized  conventional  landscapes  may  date  back  to  the  time  of 
Sulla,  while  the  extensive  example  with  figures  of  athletes  from  the 
Baths  of  Caracalla — now  in  the  Lateran — belongs  to  the  time  of 
that  emperor.  Many  others,  however,  especially  those  discovered  in 
the  distant  provinces,  are  of  later  times.  Vigorous  as  are  some  of 
the  representations  of  landscapes  and  of  animals  among  them,  it  iS 
not  to  be  denied  that,  as  Semper  says,  mosaic  oversteps  its  boundary 
in  going  beyond  the  patterns  of  woven  tapestry,  and  trying  to  make 
us  forget  that  it  is  outstretched  like  a  level  floor  upon  which  we 
would  walk  without  hindrance. 

"  It  would  be  difficult,  connectedly,  to  pursue  the  history  of  an- 
cient painting  later  than  the  eruption  of  Vesuvius,  which,  in  the 
year  79  A.D.,  by  a  wonderful  fortune,  preserved  for  the  later  world 
the  artistic  treasures  of  three  cities  of  Campania — Herculaneum, 
Pompeii,  and  Stabiae — and,  at  the  same  time,  cost  the  life  of  Pliny, 
whom  we  have  to  thank  for  the  greatest  completeness  of  written 
description."  Thus  Brunn  rightly  concludes  his  "  History  of  the 
Grecian  Painters,"  for  the  works  of  succeeding  generations,  even 
when  names  of  artists  are  attached,  do  not  deserve  to  be  called  art. 


472  ROME.— PAINTING. 

being  nothing  more  than  hasty  and  crude  decorations  ;  such,  for 
example,  are  the  servants*  rooms  in  the  Vigna  Nussiner,  upon  the 
southern  slope  of  the  Palatine,  which,  in  recent  times,  have  acquired 
some  celebrity  by  the  careless  scratches  of  the  slaves  found  upon 
their  walls.  The  most  important  illustrations  that  have  been  pre- 
served of  the  shallowness  and  roughness  of  this  lingering  art  are  in 
the  tombs ;  and  with  these  in  painting,  with  the  basilica  in  architect- 
ure, and  the  sarcophagi  in  sculpture,  the  boundaries  of  the  antique 
and  of  the  Christian  era  flow  into  each  other,  and  are  scarcely  distin- 
guishable. When  Christianity  arose  from  the  sepulchre,  it  allied  it- 
self in  monumental  art  to  that  stage  of  debasement  which  painting 
had  reached  in  the  heathen  and  the  Christian  catacombs  of  the 
fourth  century ;  indeed,  art  continued  still  to  decline  through  ages, 
until  the  Northern  races  and  the  life  of  the  common  people  breathed 
into  it  the  spirit  of  a  new  life. 


GLOSSARY. 


It  has  been  the  translator's  endeavor  to  avoid  technical  terms  wherevet 
this  was  possible  without  detracting  from  exactness  of  expression.  Of  those 
which  it  has  proved  necessary  to  introduce  into  the  present  History,  it  is  in- 
tended in  this  glossary  to  define  neither  words  in  common  usage,  like  basili- 
ca, battlement,  column,  etc.,  nor  those  designations  of  infrequent  occurrence 
which  should  be  interpreted  whenever  employed,  like  the  Greek  and  Latin 
names  of  the  many  divisions  of  the  ancient  theatre,  bath,  and  gymnasion.  A 
few  of  the  former — as,  for  instance,  the  too  often  interchanged  channel, Jiute, 
and  rAr</— have,  however,  been  given  for  the  sake  of  discrimination.  In  these 
cases,  and  in  the  case  of  some  other  words  which  are  often  employed  in 
senses  too  widely  extended  to  allow  of  their  being  used  without  qualifica- 
tion in  careful  architectural  descriptions,  it  has  been  attempted  lo  make  some 
advance  towards  precision  of  usage. 


Ab'acns  (Gr.  al^l^  -okoc,  Lat  aiax  and 
aSa4iij,  a  slab.  Possibly  in  its  architectural 
signification  from  /Sairrdsw,  to  lift  up,  to  bear). 
The  plinth  which  forms  the  upper  part  of  the 
capital — supporting  the  entablature  by  bear- 
ing the  lower  surface  of  the  epistyle  beam. 
The  abacus  is  the  crowning  member  of  the 
capital,  as  the  capital  is  of  the  column.  In 
the  Doric  style  it  is  thick  and  of  square  plan, 
in  the  Corinthian  order  thin  and  curved  upon 
the  sides. 

Acrote'rion,  pi.  acroteria  (Gr.  from  ojcpoc, 
outermost).  The  ornaments,  such  as  statues 
or  anthemion  shields,  placed  upon  the  angles 
of  the  gable — whether  of  the  outer  corners  or 
of  the  apex.  The  term  is  also  applied  to  the 
pedestals  of  these  ornaments. 

Ag'onal,  adj.  (from  Gr.  dywv,  festive  gath- 
ering, especially  an  assembly  met  to  see  games; 
also  the  place  of  contest  itself).  Pertaining 
to  a  festive  destination.  The  word  ag07ies  is 
used  for  the  arena  itself  by  Grote.  (For  the 
hypothetical  distinction  between  agonal  tem- 
ples and  those  consecrated  alone  to  the  wor- 
ship of  a  deity,  introduced  by  Boetticher,  see 
p.  214.) 

Ag'ora  (Gr.  an  assemblage  of  the  people ; 
hence,  the  place  where  such  meetings  were 


commonly  held).  A  public  square  or  market- 
place. Synonymous  with  the  more  familiar 
Latin  _^rww, 

Aiiiphipro8ty'lo8)  adj.  amphip'rostyle 
(from  Gr.  «/i0i,  on  both  sides;  7rpr),in  front 
of;  and  oTvXof,  column).  A  term  applied  to 
a  temple  having  a  columned  portico  at  the 
rear  (epinaos),  as  well  as  at  the  front  (pro- 
naos),  but  without  lateral  columns. 

An'nalet  (Lat  annulus,  or,  according  to  the 
best  manuscripts,  a/»«/«j,  ring,  terminated  by 
Ital.  diminutive).  A  small  fillet  encircling 
the  base  of  the  Doric  echinos.  The  number 
of  annulets  is  commonly  three. 

An'ta^  pi.  antae  (Lat.).  Terminations  simi- 
lar to  pilasters  upon  the  ends  of  the  lateral 
walls  of  the  cella,  in  pronaos  and  epinaos. 
Though  a  corresponding  member,  the  anta  is 
in  form  but  little  allied  to  the  column,  because 
its  individual  function  is  so  different. 

An'teflx  (from  Lat.  atite,  before,  zndjixus, 
fixed).  An  upright  ornament  like  a  small 
shield,  placed  above  the  corona  when  the 
gutter  is  omitted,  to  hide  the  end  of  the  joint- 
ing tile  ridge. 

Anthe'mion  (Gr.  patterned  with  flowers, 
from  av9kM,  to  blossom).  The  so-called  pal- 
metto or  honeysuckle  ornament,  employed  on 


474 


GLOSSARY. 


acroteria  and  antefixes,  and  also  as  a  contin- 
uous decoration  on  bands,  gutters,  etc.,  and 
the  necking  of  some  Ionic  capitals. 

In  an'tis  (Lat.).  The  simplest  variety  of 
temple  plan,  so  called  by  Vitruvius  because 
the  pronaos  or  portico  is  formed  by  the  pro- 
jection of  the  side  walls,  terminated  by  antae, 
between  which  stand  columns. 

Apoph'yge  (Gr.  escape ;  from  aitd,  from, 
and  (pEvyat,  to  flee.  In  its  technical  employ- 
ment, of  the  same  significance  as  the  Fr.  con^e 
and  Ger.  AbUmf).  The  hollow,  or  scotia,  be- 
neath the  Doric  echinos,  the  juncture  between 
shaft  and  capital,  occurring  in  archaic  exam- 
ples of  the  style,  and  relinquished  with  its  ad- 
vance. 

Ar'ris  (Lat.  arista,  beard  of  an  ear  of  grain, 
bone  of  a  fish.  Old  Fr.  areste).  The  sharp 
edge  formed  by  two  surfaces  meeting  at  an 
exterior  angle.  Particularly  the  ridge  be- 
tween the  hollows  of  Doric  channellings. 

As'tragal  (Gr.  aarpdyaXaQ,  knuckle-bone, 
one  of  the  vertebrae  of  the  neck,  the  bone  of 
the  ankle-joint).  A  roundlet  moulding  carved 
into  the  form  of  beads  ;  employed  on  the 
Ionic  capital,  and  to  separate  the  projecting 
faces  of  the  epistyle  and  coffering  beams. 

At'laSjpl.  Atlan'tes  (Gr.the  fabled  upholder 
of  the  heavens).  Figures  of  male  human  be- 
ings, generally  of  colossal  size,  carved  either 
in  the  full  or  half  round,  and  employed  in  the 
place  of  columns  or  pilasters  to  support  an 
entablature. 

A'trium  (Lat;  from  Gr.  ai'0|Oia, open  sky?). 
The  chief  space  of  the  Roman  dwelling-house ; 
an  inner  court  usually  surrounded  by  col- 
umns. 

At'tica  (from  Gr.  arriKOQ,  pertaining  to 
Attica).  The  upright  portion  of  a  building 
above  the  main  cornice. 

Bar'biton  (Gr.).  An  ancient  Greek  musi- 
cal instrument  of  many  strings,  resembling  a 
lyre. 

Caryat'id,  pi.  caryat'ides  (Gr. pi. priestesses 
of  Artemis  at  Caryae  in  Laconia,the  connec- 
tion of  which  with  the  architectural  support 
has  not  as  yet  been  satisfactorily  explained). 
Figures  of  female  human  beings  employed  in 
the  place  of  columns  to  support  an  entabla- 
ture. 

Celia  (Lat. ;  from  cdare,  to  hide).  All  that 
portion  of  the  temple  structure  within  the 
walls.     The  term  cella  is  comprehensive,  in- 


cluding pronaos,  naos,  and,  if  such  there  be, 
opisthodomos  and  epinaos. 

Chaill'fer  (Fr.  chamfrein,  Old  Engl,  chan- 
fer).  A  slope  or  small  splay  formed  by  cut- 
ting off  the  edges  of  an  angle. 

C'han'uel  (a  modification  of  canal,  from 
Lat.  canna,  reed).  A  curved  furrow,  immedi- 
ately adjoining  its  repetition,  and  separated 
from  it  only  by  an  arris, as  in  the  Doric  column. 

Chorag'iC  (Gr. ^^opayncof  or  yo^jyyiKix;,  from 
Xopoi;,  chorus,  and  dyw,  to  lead).  Pertaining 
to,  or  in  honor  of,  a  choregos,  /'.  e.  one  who 
superintended  a  musical  or  theatrical  enter- 
tainment among  the  Greeks,  and  provided  a 
chorus  at  his  own  expense. 

Chryselephan'tine  (Gr.  xP^^^^'^^vrivoq, 

from  xpvabq,  gold,  and  tke^ag,  ivory).  A  kind 
of  sculpture  in  gold  and  ivory  overlaying  a 
wooden  kernel — the  drapery  and  ornaments 
being  of  the  former,  the  exposed  flesh  of  the 
latter,  material. 

Clere'-story  (Fr.  dair-etage,  claire-voie, 
from  dair,  light).  That  portion  of  a  central 
aisle  which  is  so  raised  above  the  surround- 
ing parts  of  the  building  as  to  permit  the 
illumination  of  the  interior  through  windows 
in  its  side  walls. 

Coilaiiaglyph'ic  (from  Gr.  xrotXoc,  hollow, 
and  yXvfri,  carving).  That  species  of  carving 
in  relief  in  which  no  part  of  the  figure  repre- 
sented projects  beyond  the  surrounding  plane, 
the  relief  being  effected  by  deeply  incising 
the  outlines. 

Cor'nice  (Gr.  Kopbtvig,  Lat.  coronis,  ter- 
minating curved  line ;  flourish  with  the  pen 
at  the  end  of  a  book).  The  uppermost  di- 
vision of  the  entablature — the  representative 
of  the  roof— consisting  of  projecting  mouldings 
and  blocks,  usually  divisible  into  bed-mould- 
ing, corona,  and  gutter.  Hence,  in  general 
usage,  any  moulded  projection  which  crowns 
and  terminates  the  part  upon  which  it  is  em- 
ployed. 

Coro'na  (Lat.  crown).  The  chief  member 
of  the  cornice,  directly  beneath  the  gutter,  by 
its  great  projection  and  rectilinear  faces  form- 
ing the  drip. 

Crepido'ma  (Gr.  from  Kptjnig  -iSog,  boot). 
The  entir?  foundation  of  the  temple,  includ- 
ing the  stereobate,  the  stylobate,  and  the  re- 
maining steps. 

Cy'ma  (Gr.  wave).  A  moulding  composed 
of  two  distinct  curves.  The  Doric  cyma  is 
commonly  called  the  beak-moulding,  the  Les- 
bian cyma  the  cyma  reversa. 


GLOSSARY. 


475 


1)60 'til  (I>at.  denticulus,  from  dens^  tifntis, 
tooth).  Small  rectangular  blocks  in  the  bed- 
moulding  ol  a  cornice,  originally  representing 
the  ends  of  the  slats  which  formed  the  ceiling. 

Diad'ochi  (Gr.  successors,  from  lialixofiai, 
to  receive  from  another),  a  term  applied  to  the 
successors  of  Alexander. 

IMiiiina'Uon.  In  architectural  usage,  the 
continued  contraction  of  the  diameter  of  the 
shaft  as  it  ascends. 

IHp't«ro8,  adj.  dip'teral  (from  Gr.  ^I'c.  dou- 
ble, and  wrtpoy,  wing).  That  variety  of  a  tem- 
ple plan  which  h.is  two  ranges  of  columns 
entirely  surrounding  the  cella. 

Uro'mos  (Gr.  course).  A  road  ;  particu- 
larly applied  to  the  entrance-passages  to  sub- 
terranean treasure-houses. 

Erhl'nM,  pl.  echi'ni  (Gr.  hedgehog,  so  call- 
ed from  the  resemblance  of  the  member  to 
the  shell  of  the  sea-urchin).  The  curved  and 
projecting  moulding  which  supports  the  aba- 
cus in  the  Doric  capital. 

£ir?-and-dart  moulding:*  Term  applied 
to  the  well-known  carving  of  the  roundel 
common  in  the  Ionic  style. 

ElupaiM'tic(Gr.  ifnraurriKi);  from  iv,  in, and 
waiut,  to  Stamp).  Stamped  and  embossed 
work  of  metal ;  also  sheets  of  metal  applied 
or  inlaid. 

Entabiatnre  (Lai.  intabulamentum  ;  from 
tabula,  board,  table).  In  the  Greek  styles  the 
whole  of  the  structure  above  the  columns,  ex- 
cepting the  gable.  The  entablature  consists 
of  three  members  :  the  epistyle,  or  architrave, 
joining  the  columns  and  taking  the  place  of 
the  wall ;  the  frieze,  standing  before,  and  in 
the  Doric  style  imitating,  the  ceiling  and  its 
beams  ;  and  the  terminal  cornice,  the  rep- 
resentative of  the  ends  of  the  roof  rafters. 

Ell'tasis(Gr. ;  from  evrcivbi.to  bend  a  bow). 
The  swelling  of  the  column  towards  its  mid- 
dle, the  object  of  which  is  to  counteract  an 
optical  delusion  causing  the  diminished  shaft, 
when  formed  with  absolutely  straight  lines,  to 
appear  hollowed  in  the  centre. 

Epina'OS  (formed  by  analogy  with  pro- 
naos  ;  from  Gr.  iiri,  after,  behind,  and  vaoQ, 
naos).  The  open  vestibule  behind  the 
naos. 

Ep'lstyle  (Gr.  iiriarvXiov  ;  from  tn-i,  after, 
upon,  and  <rrvXoc,  column).  The  lower  mem- 
ber of  the  entablature,  the  representative  of 
the  wall,  consisting,  as  the  name  imports,  of 
beams  laid  horizontally  upon  the  capitals  of 


the   columns.     The    epistyle    is    commonly 
spoken  of  by  its  Roman  name,  architrave. 

Yn&clnC:'  (LAt./nscina;  fromy^jrtj, bundle). 
A  bundle  of  long,  thin  sticks  employed  in 
military  engineering  for  filling  ditches,  rais- 
ing parapets,  etc. 

Hl'let  (Vx./iUt,  thread  ;  from  Ijit.  filum). 
A  ribbon  ;  a  narrow,  flat  band  used  in  the 
separation  of  one  moulding  from  another. 
Especially  the  ridge  between  the  flutes  of 
the  Ionic  shaft 

Flute.  In  architectural  usage,  a  curved 
and  usually  semicircular  furrow,  separated 
from  its  repetition  by  a  narrow  flllet,  as  in 
the  Ionic  column.  So  called  from  its  similar- 
ity to  the  musical  instrument. 

Frieze  (lia\. /reggio,  adorned  ?).  The  sec- 
ond member  of  the  entablature.  When  en- 
riched by  carvings  of  men  or  animals  in  relief, 
as  is  common  in  the  Ionic  style,  and  as  occurs 
upon  the  cella  wall  of  the  Doric  Parthenon, 
the  frieze  is  in  classic  architecture  called 
tophoros. 

Gar'goyle  (J^T.gargmiilU  ;  horn  gargouilUr, 
to  dabble,  to  paddle).  A  carved  waterspout 
projecting  from  the  gutter. 

Gjmna'sion  (Gr. ;  from  yvuvoq,  naked). 
Originally  an  open  space,  but  in  later  times 
extensive  courts  and  buildings,  devoted  to 
mental  as  well  ar.  bodily  instruction  and  ex- 
ercises. 
i 

!      He'lix,  pi.  hel'ices  (Gr.  anything  twisted  or 

I  spiral ;  from  iXitraw,  to  turn  around).  A  spiral, 
particularly  the  volutes  of  the  Ionic  capital 
and  the  corner  leaves  and  tendrils  of  the  Co- 

J  rinthian. 

'  Hexasty'los,  adj.  hex'astyle  (from  Gr.  IIK, 
six,  and  (ttvXoc,  column).  A  building,  particu- 
larly a  temple,  upon  the  front  of  which  are 
six  columns. 

Hip'podrome(Gr.i7r7ro5/9o/toc;  from iVTroc, 
horse,  and  Spofiog,  way).  A  course  prepared 
for  the  races  of  horses  and  chariots. 

Hypae'thron,  adj.  hypae'thral  ( Lat,  Aypa- 
thrus ;  from  Gr.  vtto,  under,  and  a{Qr\p,  clear 
sky).  Term  applied  to  a  temple  supposed 
by  some  writers  on  Greek  architecture  to 
have  been  lighted  from  above,  by  an  orifice 
through  roof  and  ceiling. 

Hyper'oon  (Gr.).  The  upper  stories  of  a 
house ;  particularly  the  galleries  above  the 
side-aisles  in  the  interior  of  the  Greek  temple. 


476 


GLOSSARY. 


Hyp'ostyle  (Gr.  viroffrvXov;  from  vvo,  un- 
der, and  (TTvXog,  column).  A  space,  with  or 
without  lateral  enclosure,  the  ceiling  of  which 
rests  upon  columns. 

Inci'sion.  In  architectural  usage,  the  deep 
groove  which  separates  the  necking  of  the 
column  from  the  upper  drum  of  the  shaft  be- 
neath. At  times  repeated  to  emphasize  this 
separation. 

Intercolnmnia'tion  (from  Lat.  inter,  be- 
tween, and  columna,  column).  The  open 
space  between  two  columns,  measured  at  the 
base.  The  measures  are  often  taken  from 
centre  to  centre  of  the  columns. 

LaCU'na,  pl.  lacuna  (Lat. ;  from  Gr.  Xqkoq, 
pit,  originally  anything  hollow).  A  sunken 
panel  in  the  under  surface  of  any  constructive 
feature,  particularly  of  a  horizontal  ceiling. 

Log'^ia  (Ital.  ;  from  Lat.  locus,  place).  A 
covered  space  enclosed  by  walls,  but  with 
one  or,  in  exceptional  instances,  two  sides 
entirely  open  to  the  air. 

Lychni'tes  (Gr.  \vxvirr)Q  XiOoQ  ;  from  Xvx- 
vof,  light).  A  variety  of  fine-grained  marble 
from  the  island  of  Paros,  probably  so  called 
because  quarried  by  torchlight. 

Met'ope  (Gr.;  from  fierd,  between,  and  omj, 
opening).  Originally  the  orifice  between  the 
beam-ends  of  the  Doric  ceiling ;  hence,  in 
later  times,  the  stones  which  were  employed 
to  close  these  openings.  The  nearly  square 
slabs  between  the  triglyphs. 

Monop'teros  (from  Gr.  fiovog,  alone,  single, 
and  irrepov,  wing).  A  circular  structure  of 
outstanding  columns,  commonly  without  a 
cella  enclosed  by  walls. 

Mu'tllle  (Lat.  nitdulus).  A  projection  upon 
the  soffit  of  the  Doric  corona,  which  originally 
marked  the  position  of  the  rafter-ends  be- 
neath the  sheathing. 

Na'OS  (Gr.).  The  innermost  chamber  of 
the  Greek  temple. 

Neck'ing.  In  architectural  usage,  the 
space,  if  such  be  separated,  between  the  top 
of  the  shaft  and  the  projecting  members  of  the 
capital.  In  the  Doric  style,  for  instance,  the 
continuation  of  the  channellings  above  the  in- 
cision or  incisions  to  the  annulets  of  the  echi- 
nos,  incl  uding  the  hy pophyge,  when  this  occurs. 

Octosty'loS;  adj.  oc'tostyle  (from  Gr.  ojcrw, 


eight,  and  orvXoq,  column).  A  building,  par- 
ticularly a  temple,  upon  the  front  of  which 
are  eight  columns. 

Odei'on(Gr.;  from  y^^,  song).  A  hall,  simi- 
lar to  a  modern  theatre,  devoted  to  the  pro- 
duction of  the  lyric  works  of  poets  and  mu- 
sicians. 

Ogive'  (Fr.).     The  pointed  arch. 

Opisthod'omos  (Gr.  from  oTTiaOi,  behind, 
and  Sofiog,  house).  An  enclosed  chamber  in 
a  temple,  entered  from  the  epinaos,  common- 
ly employed  to  contain  the  treasure  of  the 
temple  or  of  the  state. 

Palais'tra  (Gr. ;  from  TraXaiorZ/c,  wrestler). 
A  building  or  enclosure  devoted  to  wrestling, 
boxing,  and  kindred  gymnastic  exercises ; 
commonly,  also,  containing  baths. 

Perip'teros,adj.perip'teral  (Gr.;  fromTrepi, 
around,  and  TTTtpov,  wing).  A  temple  entire- 
ly surrounded  by  columns. 

Per'istylCj  noun  and  adj.  (from  Gr.  inpi, 
around,  and  trnXog,  column).  A  term  applied 
to  a  secular  building,  or  a  court,  which  is  en- 
tirely or  for  the  greater  part  surrounded  by 
a  colonnade. 

Pise  (Fr. ;  irompiser,  to  build  with  stamped 
clay).  A  species  of  tenacious  clayey  earth, 
employed  for  walls  and  pavement  by  being 
rammed  down. 

Plintll  (Lat.  plinthus,  from  Gr.  itXIivQoq, 
tile).  Any  rectangular  and  projecting  mem- 
ber of  considerable  size.  A  narrow  and  long 
plinth  is  a  fillet. 

Po'ros  (Gr.).  A  light,  coarse  tufa-limestone 
almost  exclusively  employed  during  the  earli- 
est ages  of  Greek  architecture. 

Prona'OS  (Gr. ;  from  trpo,  before,  and  vaoq). 
The  open  vestibule  before  the  naos. 

Propylae'on,  pl.propylae'a(Gr. ;  from  irpo, 
before,  and  tti^Xj;,  gate).  The  portal  structure 
before  the  entrance  to  a  Greek  temenos. 

Prosty'los,  adj.  pro'style  (from  Gr.  izpo,  be- 
fore, and  (STvXog,  column).  That  variety  of 
temple  plan  in  which  the  projecting  wall  and 
pilasters  of  the  temple  in  antis  have  been 
transformed  to  corner  columns,  thus  altering 
the  pronaos  from  a  loggia  to  an  open  portico. 

Pseudodip'teros  (pseudo  from  Gr.  xpevSrii;, 
false  ;  dipteros,  see  above).  A  temple  planned 
upon  the  dipteral  arrangement,  in  which  the 
inner  rank  of  columns  surrounding  the  cella 
is  wandng. 

Pseudoperip'teros  (pseudo  from  Gr.  xf/w- 
Si}Q,  false  ;  peripteros,  see  above).    A  temple 


GLOSSARY, 


477 


in  which  the  columns  surrounding  the  cella 
are  engaged  upon  a  continuous  enclosure 
wall,  as  HI  the  great  temple  of  Acragas  (Agri- 
gentum). 

Ptoro'ma  (Gr. ;  from  wrtpov,  wing).  The 
passage  surrounding  the  cella  of  a  peripteral 
temple. 

l*jion(Gr. ;  from  iri'-Xi;,  gate).  The  towers 
of  truncated  pyramidal  form  on  either  side  of 
the  gateways  of  Egyptian  temples. 

Qairk.  In  architectural  usage,  a  moulding 
formed  by  a  sharp  turn  in  a  continuous  line. 

Iteed.  In  architectural  tisage,  a  small 
convex  moulding  applied  to  a  regular  surface 
and  frequently  repeated.  The  term  is  com- 
monly employed  for  the  ornamentation  of  col- 
umns by  reversed  channels  or  flutes. 

Refr'nls  (Lat.  any  straight  piece  of  wood,  a 
ruler).  The  short  band,  corresponding  to  the 
triglyph,  beneath  the  taenia  moulding  which 
crowns  the  epistyle  ;  the  listel.  Originally  de- 
termined by  the  slat  of  wood  which  strength- 
ened the  wall-plate  at  the  point  of  its  perfora- 
tion by  the  trunnels. 

Reret'nieut)  vb.  to  revete  (Fr.  revetment, 
from  revftir,  to  clothe).  A  facing  of  metal, 
stone,  or  wood  encasing  a  kernel — usually  of 
some  less  firm  or  sightly  material. 

Ronnd'el,  dim.  roundlet  A  moulding  of 
semicircular  profile. 

Scamil'lns  (Lat  little  bench,  foot-stool).  A 
slight  projection,  cut  by  means  of  a  joggle, 
upon  a  constructive  feature  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  to  prevent  its  adjacent  edges  from 
touching  and  possibly  chipping  those  of  the 
next  block.  A  scamillus  thus  creates  the  in- 
cision between  the  upper  drum  of  the  shaft 
and  the  necking  of  the  Doric  capital, 
and  is  also  occasionally  inserted  between 
the  top  of  the  abacus  and  the  sofiit  of  the 
epistyle. 

Sco'tia  (Gr.  darkness).  A  hollow  curved 
moulding,  so  called  from  the  deep  line  of 
shadow  which  it  casts. 

Soc'Ie  (Lat.  socculus,  dim.  of  souus,  low 
shoe,  slipper).  The  low,  plain  foundation  of 
a  pedestal  or  building. 

Soffit  {\\.2t\.  sqffiita  :  from  Lat.  j«^^<fr^,  to 
fasten  beneath).  The  under  side  of  any  part 
of  a  building,  particularly  of  lintels,  epistyles, 
and  coronas. 

Sphjreraton  (Gr. ;  from  a^vpa,  hammer, 


\  and  »Xai'>»'(D,  to  drive).  Metal-work  beaten  to 
the  shape  of  a  carved  kernel  by  a  hammer. 

Spi'na  (Lat. ;  from  Gr.  amvoi:,  lean,  thin). 
The  barrier  dividing  the  race-course  longi- 
tudinally into  two  tracks. 

Nta'diou  (Gr. ;  from  artiSiog,  standing  firm). 
A  race-course  of  fixed  dimensions,  whence  a 
measure  of  length,  600  Greek  feet. 

Ste'Ie  (Gr.).  An  upright  stone  employed 
as  a  monument. 

Ste'reobate  (Gr.<rrtpfo/3arjjc;  from  anpioQ, 
firm,  solid,  and  /idffjf,  base).  The  substruct- 
ure of  rough  masonry  beneath  a  temple. 

Sto'a  (Gr.).  An  extended  colonnade,  usu- 
ally adjoining  a  public  place,  and  affording 
protection  against  the  heat  of  the  sun. 

Sty'Iobate  (Gr.  (rri)Xo/3ar»jc  ;  from  otvXoq, 
column,  and  ^aara^uj,  to  light  up,  support). 
The  uppermost  step  of  the  peripteros,  which 
forms  a  continuous  base  beneath   the  col- 


Tffi'llia  (Gr.  ribbon).  The  continuous  fil- 
let which  crowns  the  epistyle,  representative 
of  the  wall-plate  of  the  original  timbered  Doric 
construction. 

Ta'lus  (Lat.  ankle).  The  slope  or  angle  of 
inclination  of  the  sides  of  a  wall. 

Taraxip'pos  (Gr.  adj.  frightening  the 
horses).  An  altar  upon  the  turning-point  of 
the  Greek  race-course. 

Tel'amon  (Gr.  bearer).  In  architectural 
usage  of  the  same  significance  as  Atlas,  which 
see  above. 

Teili'eiios  (Gr. ;  from  rifivw,  to  cut,  to  draw 
a  line).  A  piece  of  land  marked  off  from  com- 
mon usages  and  dedicated  to  a  deity.  The 
sacred  enclosure  around  the  temple. 

Tetrasty'los,  adj.  tet'rastyle  (from  Gr. 
rirpa,  four,  and  aTvXoQ,  column).  A  build- 
ing, particularly  a  temple,  upon  the  front  of 
which  are  four  columns. 

Thal'amos  (Gr.).  Term  applied  by  Homer 
to  inner  rooms  or  chambers,  especially  those 
of  women.  In  the  usage  of  Xenophon  u 
store-room. 

Tho'los  (Gr.).  A  chamber  of  circular  plan, 
generally  subterranean,  approaching  in  inte- 
rior form  that  of  a  pointed  vault. 

Tore  (Lat.  /^us,  swelling,  protuberance). 
A  large  roundel  moulding. 

Trac'ery.  A  patterning  of  thin  bars, 
usually  of  stone,  in  a  window  or  other  open- 
ing. 

Tri'glyph  (Gr.  rpiyXv^og ;  from  rpi,  three, 


478 


GLOSSARY. 


and  y\v<j>r},  carving,  because  of  the  three  slats 
originally  chamfered).  The  most  prominent 
member  of  the  Doric  frieze,  originally  signifi- 
cant of  the  ends  of  the  ceiling  beams.  A 
rectangular  tablet  slightly  projecting  beyond 
the  face  of  the  metopes,  with  which  it  alter- 
nates, and  emphasized  by  vertical  grooves 
and  chamfers. 

Truil'nel  (allied  etymologically  to  tree-nail 
and  trunnion).  A  wooden  pin  or  peg.  Carv- 
ed in  stone  beneath  the  regulas  and  mutules 
of  the  Doric  entablature,  the  trunnels  mark 
the  position  of  these  primitive  constructive 
features.  In  form  they  are  commonly  the 
frustum  of  a  cone. 

Tym'paiion  (Gr.  drum).  The  triangular 
space  enclosed  by  the  inclined  mouldings  of 
the  gable  and  the  horizontal  cornice  of  the 
entablature  beneath. 


Vela'rinm  (Lat).  The  great  curtain,  oi 
awning,  extended  above  the  auditories 
of  the  Roman  theatre  and  amphitheatre 
to  protect  the  spectators  from  the  sun  and 
rain. 

Volute'  (Lat.  voluta  ;  from  volvere,  to  roll). 
A  spiral  scroll.  The  term  is  particularly  em- 
ployed for  such  features  in  the  Ionic  and 
Corinthian  capitals. 

Xo'anon^  pl.  xoana  (Gr. ;  from  S«w,  to  work 
in  wood  by  scraping).  A  rude  and  primitive 
image  carved  in  wood ;  particularly  antique 
statues  of  the  deities. 

Zoph'oros  (Gr. ;  from  Z,mov,  being,  figure, 
and  ^tpw,  to  bear).  A  continuous  frieze, 
sculptured  in  relief  with  the  forms  of  human 
beings  and  animals. 


INDEX. 


(The  names  of  places  are  in  common  print,  those  of  artists  in  italics.) 


Abou-Roash,  12. 

Abouserc,  3,  li. 

AboQ-Sharein,  50-52,  54. 

Ackermof,  28a 

Ackercuf,  50. 

Acragas,  219,  220,  222, 253. 

/Egina,  222,  224,  282,  293- 

296,  298,  303. 
^sernia,  414. 
AetioH,  384. 
Agasias,  36 1,  362. 
Agatkarchos,  370. 
AgelaJas,  299,  304. 
Agesandros,  351. 
Agtaophon',  368. 
Agoracritos,  3 1 6,  3 1 7. 
Agrae,  257. 

Aprigentuin.     See  Acragas. 
Aizanis,  26a 
Alabanda,  260. 
Alatrium  (Alatri),  414, 416. 
Albanum  (Albano),  390, 436, 

437- 
Alcamenes,  317-319. 
Alcantara,  439. 
Alexandria,    256,    261,   346, 

438- 
Alexaudros,  338. 
Algiers,  185. 
Alopeke,  322. 
Alsium,  399. 
Alxenor,  290. 
Alyzia,  343. 
Ambrakia,  281,  346. 
AmphicraUs,  297. 
Amphipolis,  375. 
Amphissa,  279. 
Amran-ibn-Ali,  57. 
Amrith,   133,    135-137,   141, 

149. 
Amulius,  470. 
Amyclae,  179, 184,  276,  277. 
Amyclaios,  299. 
Ancona,  439. 
Ancyra,  438. 
Aiidrostheiies,  318. 


Angelion,  286. 
Antaradus,  133. 
Antenor,  297,  298. 
AntigoHos,  347. 
Antioch,  261,  346. 
Antiochos,  363. 
Antiothos  Gabinius,  ^f>f>. 
Antiphillos,  166,  168. 
Antiphilos,  384,  386. 
Antium,  414. 
Aosta,  439. 
ApelUs,  379-382. 
Aphrodisias,  240,  257,  366, 

436- 
Apiolae,  414. 
Apollodoros,    sculptor,    360 ; 

painter,  370. 
Apollonios,  353,  362, 363. 
Aradus,  133. 
Arbola,  62. 
Ardea,4i4. 
Archias,  262. 
Archimedes,  262. 
Arellius,  466. 
Argos,    186,    276,    281,  282, 

298,  299,  303. 
Aricia,  291,  414. 
Aridikes,  367. 
Aristeas,  366. 
Aristiaos,  yj"]. 
Art  slides,  377. 
AristocUs,  287,  298,  299. 
Aristogeiton,  327. 
Aristolaos,  376. 
Aristomedon,  299. 
Aristomedos,  299. 
Ariitophon,  370. 
Arkesilaos,  366. 
Arpinum,  414. 
Arrhachion,  289. 
Asclepiodoros,  380,  384. 
Asoka,  132. 
Aspendos,  433. 
Assos,  216,  286,  288. 
Assur,  62. 
Athanadoros,  351. 


Athenis,  280,  281,  291,  365. 

Athens,  191,  221-227,  241- 
245,  248,  249,  253,  260, 
276,   289,  293,    298,    303, 

346.  377.  378. 
Aufidena,  414. 
Aurunca,  414. 

Babil,  58. 

Babylon,  50,  53, 58,  59, 81, 82. 

Bagdad,  57. 

Balaneia,  133. 

Baphio,  184. 

Bara,  439. 

Bassae,  227,   236,  241,  247,- 

249. 
Bathycles,  277. 
Benihassan,  14-18. 
Besan9on,  439. 
Beyrout,  133. 
Biban-el-Moluk,  22. 
Bi-Sueton,  128. 
Boghaz-kieni,  173. 
Boidas,  344. 
Bolymnos,  199. 
Bors-Nimrud,  57-59. 
Borsippa,  55-57- 
Boulac,  41. 
Boutades,  278. 
Boupalos,  281, 291, 365. 
Bovillae,  431. 
^;jajr/>,  251,333. 
Byblus,  133,  148. 
Byrsa,  162. 

Cadacchio,  216. 

Ca-dimirra,  53. 

Caere,  391,  392, 406, 409. 

Cairo,  4. 

Calah,  61,62. 

Calamis,  293, 299, 301,  318. 

Calates,  386. 

Callides,  386. 

Callimachos,  246,  322,  386. 

Calliphon,  370. 

Calliteles,  295. 


48o 

Callon,  286,  293,  299. 
Calydon,  191. 
Cattachos,  286,  298. 
Caparra,  439. 
Capua,  339,  359. 
Carnac,  24-28. 
Carnek,  133. 
Carpentras,  439. 
Carthage,  139,  159,  162. 
Casr,  57. 

Castel  d'  Asso,  394. 
'Caunos,  383. 
Cavaillon,  439. 
Cervetri,  392,  394. 
C^rtr^J,  344,  351. 
Chartnides,  304. 
Chersiphron,  238. 
Chionis,  299. 
Chios,  279-281. 
Chiusi,  390,  401,  403,  411. 
Circello,  416. 
Cirta,  253. 
Claros,  240. 
Cleanl/ies,  367. 
Clearckos,  282. 
Cleomenes,  363. 
Cleonae,  281,  367. 
Clitias,  277,  464. 
Clusium,  390,  408. 
Cnidos,  239,  248,  260,  334. 
Cochonie,  3. 
Colophon,  240. 
Colotes,  317. 
Constantina,  253,  436. 
Constantinople,  438. 
Coponius,  452. 
Cora,  414. 
Corfu,  216. 
Corinth,  218,  278,  289,  298, 

299. 
Corkyra.     See  Corfu. 
Corneto,  392,  398. 
Corsabad,  60,  66,  73,  76,  78, 

79,  280. 
Cos,  334. 
Cossuiius,  249. 
Coyundjic,  60,  61,  66,  68,  70, 

74-76,  78. 
Craton,  367. 
Crest  las,  321. 
Crete,  160,  170,  266. 
Critios,  297. 
Ctesiphon,  58,  131. 
Cures,  414. 
Cussi,  438,  439. 
Cyprus,   96,    139,    150,    159, 

162,267,321. 

Dactyla,  266. 
Daidalos,  267,  268. 
Damophilos,  449,  464. 
Damophon,  327. 
Daphnis,  238. 
Darabgerd,  118. 
Dashour,  3,  10,  11. 


INDEX. 

Deinocrates,  261,  344. 

Delos,  191, 193,  229, 260,  280. 

Detnetrios,  322. 

Dionysios,  299,  363,  370,  466. 

Diopos,6p\. 

Dipoinos,  281,  282,  298. 

Dium,  342. 

Diyllos,  299. 

Dodona,  192. 

Dontas,  282. 

Donycleidas,  282. 

Dur-Sargina,  60. 

Ecetrae,  414. 

Ecpharitos,  367. 

Elateia,  363. 

El-Cab,  30. 

El -Casr,  439. 

Eleusis,  228. 

Eleutherae,  299. 

Elis,  222,  254,  299. 

Eudoios,  297,  365. 

Enhydra,  133. 

Ephesos,  237,  256,  279,  361, 

371.375- 
Epidauros,  186,  260. 
Erbil,  62. 
Erech,  50. 
Ergotimos,  277,  464. 
Euboea,  193. 
Eucheir,  401. 
Eugrammos,  401. 
Euniaros,  367. 
Eupalamos,  267. 
Euphranor,  340,  377,  378. 
Eupompos,  375. 
Euthycrates,  344. 
Etitychides,  344. 
Eyuk,  173. 

Fabius  Pic  for,  464. 
Falerii,  388,  389. 
Fanuni,  442. 
Fayoum,  4,  34,  35. 
Ferentinum,  414. 
Firuz-Abad,  1 18,  131. 
Florence,  227. 

Gabr-Hiram,  133. 
Gineh,  141. 
Girsheh,  30. 
Gitiades,  299. 
Gizeh,  3, 4-6,  13,  17,  42. 
Glanum,  253. 
Glaucos,  279,  299. 
Glycon,  343,  362. 
Gorgasos,  449,  464. 
Goshen,  143. 
Gozo,  163. 

Halicarnassos,  250-252. 
Haram-el-Sherif,  147. 
Hegias,  297,  304. 
Hegylos,  282. 
Heraclea,  371. 


Heraclitos,  471. 
Herculaneum,  436,  471. 
Hermogenes,  240. 
Hierapolis,  256. 
Hillah,  57. 
Hit,  49. 
Hovara,  12. 
Huram,  148. 
Hypatodoros,  327. 

laia,  466. 
Icmalios,  269. 
Ictinos,  2.if^. 
Illahoun,  12. 
IllecUs,  238. 
Isogonos,  347. 
Istakr,  100. 
Ithaca,  177,  178,  184. 

Jebeil,  133,  136,  138. 
Jerusalem,  139,  147-157. 
Junijunia,  57. 

Kalwadha,  50. 
Kenchreae,  186. 
Kephisodotos:  the  elder,  329; 

the  younger,  338. 
Kileh-Shergat,  75. 
Kivion,  "^(yj. 
Kisr  -  Sargon.  57,  60,  62-66, 

73.  79,  152- 
Kiutahija,  171. 
Kypselos,  276. 
Kyrene,  185. 
Kythnos,  374. 
Kyzicos,  261. 

Lacedaemonia,  282. 

Laconia,  187. 

Laia,  466. 

Laodikeia,  260. 

Latium,  416. 

Laviniuni,4i4. 

Lemnos,  305,  3 1 7. 

Leochares,2^\,ll\,lll. 

Lessa,  187. 

Libon,  222. 

Lindos,  344. 

Lisht,  12. 

Ludius,  467. 

Luxor,  24,  25. 

Lykios,  320. 

Lysippos,  341,  345,  450,  453. 

Lysistratos,  342. 

Magnesia,  240,  272,  277. 
Malta,  163. 
Mantinea,  243,  260. 
Marathus,  133,  135. 
Marseilles.     See  Massalia. 
Mashnaka,  135, 141, 142,  150. 
Massalia,  449. 
Medinet-Abou,  25,  34. 
Medinet-el-Fayoum,  24, 
Medullia,  414. 


Megalopolis,  260. 

Megara,  287. 

MelitHlhios,  376,  38a 

Melas,  28a 

Melus,  260. 

Memphis.  3,  5,  12, 43. 

Mendc,  317. 

Metulaos,  364. 

Mcnidi,  179,  183. 

Merida,  439. 

Meroc,  12. 

Mesaene,  327,  357. 

Metagenes,  238. 

Metapontion,  216,  217. 

AfftroJoros,  465,  466. 

Meydoun,  10,  12. 

MickiiiJfs,  280. 

MUon,  368, 369. 

Miletos,  238,  247,  285,  288, 

298. 
MMuicUs,  226. 
Moeris,  la 
Muriah,  147. 
Mosul,  59, 60. 
Mt.  Barkal,  12. 
Ml  Ucha,  193,  194. 
Mudjelibch,  57,  58,  83. 
Mugheir,  50,  52,  54,  So. 
Murgab,  100, 119. 
Mykenae,  179-185,  188,  189, 

192,  198,  273-27*5,  280. 
Mylassa,  250. 
Myra,  165, 167,  260. 
Myron,  299,  301,  303,  320. 

Mys,  305. 

Naksh-i-Rustam,  120,  121. 
Naxos,  288,  290. 
Nebbi-Jonas,  61. 
Nemea,  211. 
NesioUs,  297. 
Nkomachos,  377. 
Nicomedia,  346. 
ATicophanes,  376. 
Nitopolis,  375. 
Niffer,  50. 
Nikias,  378. 
Nimrud,  57-60, 66, 67,  69, 71, 

75.77.78,85,87. 
Nineveh,  53,  59,  61,  62,  80, 

84,95.140. 
Nipur,  50,  53. 
Norba,  414,415. 
Norchia,  394-397. 
Norma,  4^ 
Navius  Plautius,  45a 
Nubia,  12,  40. 
Nus,  14. 

Olevano,  414,  416. 
Olympia,  209,  222,  223,  258, 

276, 278, 282, 307,  308, 317, 

319.335.336,386. 
Otiatas,  293,  295,  297. 
Orange,  433,  439. 


INDEX- 

Orchomenos,  179,  184,  287, 

288. 
Ortygia,  218,  221. 
Otncoli,  309. 
OrrMj,  451. 

Pacwius,  465. 

Paestum,  206,  223,  229,  255. 

Paionios,  architect,  238. 

Paiotiios,  sculptor,  317,  319. 

Palamaon,  268. 

Palestrina,  450. 

Pal  ma,  291. 

Paltus,  133. 

Pamfhilos,  375,  382. 

Panaittos,  368,  369. 

Paphos,  160. 

Papias,  366. 

Paros,  317. 

Parrhasios,  305, 371, 373, 374- 

Pasargadae,  100, 103,  i  is,  120, 

123- 
PasiuUs,\6^ 
Patara,  260. 
Pausias,  376. 
Pauson,  370. 
Peirtricos,  386. 
Pergamon,  261,  346-350, 353, 

356, 358, 362. 
Persepolis,  100-102, 107, 117, 

120, 122, 123. 
Perugia,  286, 400, 404. 
Pessinus,  240. 
Petra,  437,  438. 
Pharsalos,  179. 
Pheidias,  225,  299,  304-322. 
Phellos,  167. 
Pheneos,  185. 
Phigalia,  190,  227,  287,  321. 
PhilaE,30,47,  105,135. 
Phileas,  279. 
Philocles,  367. 
Phokis,  363. 
Phycomachos,  347. 
Piraios,  255. 
Plataia,  305,  368. 
Pola,  436. 
Politorium,  414. 
Polycleitos,  299,  323,  328. " 
Polydes,  363. 
Poly  dor  OS,  351. 
Polygnotos,  254, 368-370, 383. 
Pompeii,  436,  442,  444,  468, 

471. 
Praeneste,  414, 450, 471. 
Praxias,  318. 
Praxiteles,  300,  330, 332-336, 

338,  340. 
Priene,  238. 
Protogenes,  383, 384. 
Pythagoras,  299,  30 1. 
/^M/<7J-,  238,  251. 


Redesie,  30. 
Reggio,  436. 


481 

Reson,  62. 

Rhamnous,  228,  330. 

Rhegion,  282, 299,  301, 303. 

Rheims,  438. 

Rhodes,  267,  344,  351,  353, 

356,  358, 362, 363- 
Rhotcos,  279. 
Rimini,  439. 
Ruad,  133,  148. 

Saccara,  9. 

Saida,  133,  138,  141,  149. 
Saint- Remi,  253, 437, 439. 
Samos,  141, 190, 238, 260, 280. 
Sarbistan,  131, 171. 
Sardinia,  163. 
Sardis,  174. 
Satricum,  414. 
Satyros,  251. 
Sauiet-el-Meytin,  16. 
Saurias,  367. 
Scaptia,  414. 
5V^aj,  251, 330-333. 
Scythopolis,  148. 
Segesta,  211,  222, 259, 26a 
Segni,  414,  416. 
Seid-el-Ar,  172. 
Selamiyeh,  62. 
Seleucia,  58,  131,346. 
Selinous,  216,  218,  222,  283, 

288, 290,  327. 
Serapion,  466. 
Serpul-Zohab,  121. 
Side,  260. 
Sidon,  133, 138. 
Signia,4i4,4i5. 
Sikyon,   243,  276,  281,  282, 

298,    299,   303,   322,  340, 

375-378. 
Silanion,  340,  341. 
Siloam,  152. 
Silsilis,  30. 
Sipylos,  1 73,  272. 
Sivrihissar,  171. 
Skyllis,  251,  330-333- 
Smilis,  282. 
Smyrna,  173. 
Socrates,  299. 
Soleb,  27. 
Sopolis,  466. 
Sora,  414. 
Sosibios,  365. 
Sosos,  386,  470. 
Spalatro,  447. 
Sparta,  183,  255,  260,  282, 

287,  299. 
Stabiae,  471. 
Stephanos,  364. 
Stoura,  193. 
Stratonicos,  347, 
Studius,  467. 
Styppax,  321. 
Sunion,  228. 
Sur,  133,  138. 
Sura,  50. 


3> 


482 

Susa,  Italy,  439. 
Susa,  Persia,  100. 
Sutri,  436. 
Syracuse,  217,  260,  262. 

Tak-i-Gero,  132. 
Tarention,  242, 243,  249. 
Tauriscos,  353. 
Tauromenium,  260. 
Tectaios,  286. 
Telchince,  266. 
Telecles,  260, 279. 
Telenae,  414. 
Telephanes,  367. 
Telmissos,  260, 
Tel-Sifr,  50. 
Tenea,  267,  287,  288. 
Teos,  240. 
Thabarieh,  146. 
Thasos,  289, 368. 
Thebes,  Egypt,  22, 47. 
Thebes,    Greece,    191, 
299.  375.  377- 


INDEX. 

Theocles,  282. 

'Theodoras,  238,  260,  279,  280. 

Theon,  386. 

Thera,  287,  288. 

Thespeia,  368. 

Thessalonica,  255. 

Theveste,  439. 

Thoricos,  254. 

Tibur,  414. 

Timanthes,  374, 375. 

Timarchides,  363. 

Timarchos,  338. 

Timocles,  363. 

Timomachos,  385. 

Timotheos,  251,  333. 

Tiryns,  187,  188,  192. 

Todi,  408. 

Tortosa,  133. 

Tourah,  11. 

Tralles,  353. 

Treves,  436. 

Troezen,  199. 

Troy,  185, 191, 267,  268. 


Tusculum,  414, 433,  436. 
Tyndaris,  260. 
Tyre,  133,  138,  140. 

Um-el-Auamid,i33, 138, 145. 
Ur,  48,  50,  53, 80. 

Veii,  388, 391, 401, 448. 

Velabro,  416. 

Venice,  450. 

Verulae,  414. 

Viterbo,  394. 

Vole  a  ( Vulcaniiis),  401,  448. 

Volsinii,  405. 

Volterra,  408. 

Vulci,  390, 401, 406, 407. 

Warka,  50,  52, 54, 80. 

Xanthos,  167,  170,  252,  288, 

339- 
Xenaios,  261. 

Zeuxis,  371-374- 


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